Lecture 13:

Demandas sociales

Explosiones sociales:
- “Huegla de la Chaucha”, 16-17 agosto 1949
- “Batalla de Santiago”, 2-3 abril de 1957

Activación de “tomas” de terreno:

- Lo Zañartu, Los Nogales, 1947
- La Victoria, 1957

Activación de huelgas:
- Huelga de campesinos en Mollina, 1953
- CUT, huelga general de 1955

1. he discussion revolves around various forms of social protests in Chile,

including the "huelga de la chaucha" and the 2019 protests.
2. There is a question about whether these protests are compatible with the
Chilean path to socialism, especially in terms of their impact on political
stability and the possibility of insurrectionary movements.
3. The "huelga de la chaucha" refers to protests triggered by an increase in
public transportation fares, symbolized by a 20-cent coin called "chaucha."
4. The protests are seen as spontaneous expressions of discontent, often lacking
clear objectives or leadership.
5. There is a debate about whether these protests are occasional, isolated events
or part of a cumulative and sustained wave of discontent.
6. Comparisons are made between different protests, such as the 49 and 57
movements, in terms of their scope and impact on democratic stability.
7. Questions arise about the identities of the protesters, whether they are
lumpen elements, radicalized groups, or politically motivated actors.
8. Some speculate on the possibility of hidden agendas or planning behind the
protests, particularly in the case of the 2019 demonstrations.

It seems like you've provided a passage discussing a clandestine publication titled

"Liberación del Cuadro Rojo" and some events related to political developments in
Chile. Here's a condensed version of the key points:

1. The passage mentions the discovery of a clandestine publication called

"Liberación del Cuadro Rojo" during a judicial raid.
2. This publication is associated with the Communist Party and dates back to
around April, coinciding with early announcements of a price increase.
 3. The passage suggests an element of anticipation in these activities, possibly in
response to a declaration of war or the impending dictatorship.
4. There's a mention of a significant year, 1949, as a decisive moment, possibly
indicating a strategic shift.
5. The passage notes the first bus strike in August 1949, which may suggest a
prepared leadership or group action.
6. The location and timing of various protests and actions are discussed,
highlighting the possibility of organized groups involved in different activities.
7. Political events in Chile, such as the 1956 FRAP and the 1969 UP, involved left-
wing political alliances like the Communist Party and the Socialist Party, along
with smaller groups.
8. The debate within these alliances centered on how to respond to political
changes and social unrest. Some favored a more confrontational approach,
while others advocated a more cautious strategy.
9. During certain periods, like the 1956 FRAP, there was a call for members to
stay home and wait for the political climate to stabilize, avoiding street
protests.
10. The debate within the left also led to divisions and factionalism. Some argued
for more radical actions, while others sought to maintain order and discipline
within the parties.
11. The discussion remained largely internal, with the Communist Party not
publicly debating the actions of its members involved in protests.
12. The passage mentions how the political climate in Latin America, including the
Cuban Revolution and guerrilla movements, influenced the left-wing
movements in Chile.

This passage discusses the history of land takeovers and housing demands by
residents in Chile during various periods. Here's a condensed version of the key
points:

1. Residents, often workers, started organizing to demand housing and a place

in society and the city. They sought to secure a site, as depicted in Mario
Garcés' book titled "Taking Site."
2. The demand for housing evolved over time. In the 1920s and 1930s, it focused
on preventing price increases. However, in the 1940s and 1950s, there was a
shift towards aspiring to property ownership.
3. The left-wing had difficulty accepting the demand for property ownership, as
it seemed contrary to Marxist orthodoxy. Nevertheless, some on the left
recognized it as a legitimate demand, especially given the social context.
 4. During the 1940s and 1950s, there was continuous social pressure to force the
state to recognize land occupations. These occupations sometimes involved
occupying private or even public lands.
5. Planned land occupations emerged with organized groups, where leaders
demanded recognition and the state's intervention. These planned
occupations had regular layouts, streets, and organized access to amenities
like water.
6. Notable land takeovers included the 1947 takeover of Zañartu and the
Nogales takeover, both organized and planned occupations.
7. The passage mentions the irregular layout of spontaneous land occupations,
where houses were built haphazardly without defined streets.
8. Cooperatives and individuals seeking land for housing often encountered
problems with "loteos brujos," deceptive land sales where the seller didn't
have proper ownership or the land wasn't suitable for development.
9. In the 1950s, residents who had fallen victim to "loteos brujos" began to
organize to address the legal issues and renegotiate their land purchases.

1. There is less political activism in certain areas, primarily because these

neighborhoods are the result of state housing policies. Residents in such areas
often come from different communities and may not have established political
structures or organizations.
2. State-planned neighborhoods tend to have lower political visibility. For
example, during the social protests of the 1980s, these neighborhoods were
less active in terms of activism and demonstrations.
3. Examples like José María Caro and San Gregorio illustrate varying levels of
political engagement. San Gregorio experienced more violence, possibly due
to different historical circumstances and a different social context.
4. Some neighborhoods have faced challenges related to drug trafficking, which
can affect their political engagement. These areas may have distinct origins
and experiences, leading to differences in political activism.

This passage discusses the presence of narcotráfico (drug trafficking) during the
Pinochet government and the transition to a more tolerant political climate during
the Concertación era. It also touches upon crime statistics and the naming of streets
in certain neighborhoods. Here's a condensed version of the key points:

1. There was a noticeable presence of narcotráfico during the authoritarian and

violent Pinochet government.
2. The shift towards a more tolerant political climate, particularly during the
Concertación era, contributed to the escalation of narcotráfico and organized
crime in the 1990s.
 3. The extent of the narcotráfico issue is not entirely clear, but it became more
publicly visible during this period, along with other types of organized crime.
4. Crime statistics, particularly homicide rates, remained relatively stable for a
long time, with a consistent ratio of male to female victims (3 to 1). This
stability contradicts claims that violence against women was significantly
increasing.
5. The discussion also mentions the construction and development of
neighborhoods like José María Caro, which was inaugurated in stages, and its
significant population size, making it one of the largest in the region.
6. Some neighborhoods, despite potential political differences, often reflected
their history in street names, with many streets named after prominent
communist figures.

This passage discusses various topics related to political and social movements in
Chile, including protests, urban development, and the role of the Church. Here's a
condensed version of the key points:

1. Some areas experienced protests that led to varying levels of politicization.

While some sectors became more political over time, others remained less
politically active.
2. The origins of certain neighborhoods were influenced by their location,
proximity to railway lines, and potential connections to political figures.
3. Neighborhoods like Santa Adriana and María Caro had political histories that
may have contributed to their protection and development.
4. Street names often reflected the political history of neighborhoods, with many
named after communist figures.
5. The author mentions a film titled "Las Callampas," which recreates the
occupation of the "Toma de la Victoria" and highlights the role of the Church
in supporting the occupants.
6. The passage briefly discusses a rural movement of peasants influenced by the
Catholic Church, which played a significant role in the 1953 strike. This
movement had varying levels of radicalization and engagement with leftist
ideologies.
7. Lorenzini, a prominent figure in the 1953 strike, is mentioned as someone who
moved towards a more radical stance, while the Church attempted to maintain
a conciliatory approach.

In summary, the passage covers the development of neighborhoods, the influence of

the Church in political and social movements, and the shifting dynamics of various
movements in Chilean history.
El pasaje menciona un programa asociado con la CUT (Central Unitaria de
Trabajadores, una organización sindical en Chile) y cómo se percibe en un contexto
de radicalización. El programa parece incluir un lenguaje confrontativo influenciado
por la composición política de sus líderes y el contexto de la Guerra Fría. Se enfatizan
ideas marxistas, la lucha de clases y la confrontación, y también puede denunciar el
colapso del capitalismo.

En resumen, el pasaje discute un programa vinculado a una organización que adopta

un lenguaje radical y confrontativo, probablemente influenciado por la ideología
marxista y el contexto de la Guerra Fría. Este programa también podría expresar
críticas hacia las supuestas deficiencias o el colapso del capitalismo.