A CRITICAL REVIEW OF THE PAN-AFRICAN CONGRESS

Author(s): EARL OFARI

Source: The Black Scholar, Vol. 5, No. 10, THE SIXTH PAN-AFRICAN CONGRESS (July-
August 1974), pp. 12-15
Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd.
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41066285
Accessed: 25-06-2018 12:13 UTC

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 A CRITICAL REVIEW OF
THE PAN-AFRICAN CONGRESS

by EARL OFARI

more than a year before the the Congress tone-setters. Toure's call cen-
first delegate was ever seated, the
tered on recognizing class allies outside the
'Pan-African
Sixth Pan-African Congress had already been world* such as Allende and Cas-
pronounced an "historic event" by itstro,
or-and class enemies inside it.
ganizers. The high hopes and expectations
Nyerere urged that the struggle for
human liberation not be seen in racial
were perhaps best summed up by the Tanza-
nian ambassador in China whom I met atterms:
the "We must respond positively to the
embassy during a visit to Peking lastcryyear:
of the oppressed anywhere in the world."
"the Congress will cement the unity of Afri-
His reminder that black liberation was only
can people everywhere." one part of the world revolutionary strug-
His optimism apparently was based on
glethe
appeared directly aimed at the narrow
nationalists
thought that the mere presence in one spot of in the hall.
the various national representatives assured
instant consensus on the problems and dif-
ferences of African and Afro-American peo-
ple. For the doubters there was the putdown
1 he momentum of the Congress seemed to
that "after all, Europeans could never come
be lost almost as soon as the speeches ended.
together on such a basis." First, a round of endless rhetoric with each
Looking out over Nkrumah Hall at the
delegation seemingly bent on trumpeting
University of Dar-es-Salaam the opening day
their government's or organization's alleged
of the Congress, one certainly had to be im-
contribution to the liberation struggles. Ac-
pressed with the range of the delegations
companying this was the inevitable rut of par-
present. The majority of African nations, the
liamentarianism which involved haggling
Caribbean, the liberation movements,
over minor points which could have been de-
Canada and the United States, not to men-
cided prior to the Congress.
tion the Cubans, were all accounted for.
Next came the organizational weaknesses.
The opening speeches of Presidents Nyer-
The agenda was the first to suffer when pro-
ere and Toure were supposedly regarded as
ceedings fell a day behind due mostly to the
overdrawn speeches. The lack of printed
Earl Ofari, who attended the Sixth Pan-African material outlining procedures made it dif-
Congress, has written widely on political ques- ficult if not impossible to follow points of dis-
tions facing the black movement. He is a frequentcussion from the floor regarding rules or
contributor to THE BLACK SCHOLAR, and to agenda items.
publications such as Black World, Monthly Review
and the Guardian. He is also author of The Myth
A similar problem arose when it came to
of Black Capitalism, published by Monthly Re- conducting committee business. The
view Press.
scheduled times, and more often than not,

PACE 12 THE BLACK SCHOLAR JULY, 1974-AUGUST, 1Í74

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the location for committee sessions were al- ignored by the Congress prompted represen-
most uniformly ignored. Many delegates be- tatives from SWAPO as well as PAC to offer
came disinterested in attending the meetings to hold meetings independent of the Con-
which probably resulted in more than one gress with those interested to talk about the
significant resolution idea or proposal being problems.
lost. In the same spirit, leaflets were circulated
Far more damaging though to long range during plenary sessions: one attacking
efforts to achieve ideological unity and prog- Mobutu "as a stooge of American monopoly,"
ress was the failure of the Congress to criti- and another protesting the exclusion of non-
cally examine and discuss the real governmental representatives from Carib-
political/economic differences that divide Af- bean delegations. Many agreed that promi-
rican nations. Papering them over with a nent Pan-Africanist C. L. R. James* decision
facade of unity only postpones further the in- not to attend the Congress was motivated by
evitable. Strip away the anti-imperialist, his principled protest against this exclusion.
anti-capitalist (and even pro-socialist) chorus A related attempt by some North Americans
which sounded from every delegation, and to protest the presence of Grenada's Prime
you face countries with repressive military Minister, whom they contended had recently
rule, who are politically weak internationally, taken repressive measures against militant
and whose economies are totally controlled opposition in Grenada, fizzled before it
by foreign capital. reached the Congress floor. The exclusion
Fortunately, cracks did occur here and issue came to symbolize to some delegates
there in the Congress's tranquil scenario. the Congress's lack of a democratic spirit.
Addressing the plenary session on the "Re- In closing remarks before the Congress,
volutionary Uses of Culture," Imanu Baraka Courtland Cox who served as General Sec-
noted: "Pan-Africanism is meaningless with-retary was forced to acknowledge the prob-
out it being conceived as a means of heigh- lem of exclusion: "The Congress should have
tening the struggle for world socialism."been more inclusive of popular groups not
Baraka then took a swipe at those he called necessarily governments." However, he de-
the "neo-colonial agents present" who "quote nied charges that the Congress had followed
Mao" to mask their collaboration policies a deliberate policy of exclusion. Not all were
with imperialism. This brought only reserved so easily convinced. I. B. Tabata of the Unity
applause from the floor and the chair. Movement of South Africa whose own deleg-
Away from the hall, though, many dele- ation had been excluded from opening Con-
gates, particularly those from the liberation gress deliberations feared "that the Congress
movements voiced full agreement with the would be turned into an adjunct of the OAU,
speech. SWAPO representative, Andreas rather than serve as a forum for mass public
Shippange exemplified the sentiment:sentiment."
"There is a lot of nonsense going on in Africa
which needs to be exposed."
Shippange pointed to the OAU Liberation
Committee as an example, noting that de- A. strong guace of the Congress's effec-
spite its militant rhetoric and public image, it tiveness, I felt, was the extent of practical
contributed only 5,000 pounds to the libera-support it would give directly to the libera-
tion forces in Namibia last year. He went ontion movements. The anti-colonial battles
to cite the bitter experience of having to raging almost on the doorsteps of the Con-
sleep overnight in the airport in Nairobi even gress required more than just strong resolu-
though the government knew of his presence tions, blood banks, or a few collection boxes
in the country. This while white South Afri- scattered around (which most ignored).
cans were allowed to sleep in the city's One of the best methods that the Congress
hotels. could have employed to serve as a conduit for
The fact that issues like these were beingtechnical and material assistance to the liber-

THE 1LACK SCHOLAR JULY, 1974- AUGUST, 1974 PAGE 13

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ation organizations, would have been to build
into the agenda structured seminars con-
ducted by the movement representatives.
The time easily could have been arranged by
eliminating about ninety percent of the
speeches. The failure of the Congress to act
here was brought, painfully home when it was
revealed that the Iraqui government gave
nearly a half million shillings to Zimbabwe
liberation groups (ZANU) and (ZAPU) while
the Congress met. The donation was made
completely apart from the Congress since
Iraq wasn't represented.
The final resolutions calling for such things
as the liberation of women, end to capitalist
and imperialist exploitation, workers control
of the means of production, and class solidar-
ity with the world's workers, while in the
main progressive, were in essence not much
different than those passed at dozens of simi-
lar conferences including some sponsored by
the United Nations. Moreover, in the ab-
sence of serious socialist strategies and plans,
IVJLeanwhile, the biggest headache for the
Congress was the shabby performance of the
North American "delegation." If ideological
coherency and functional unity are stan-
dards, the group resembled anything but a
delegation.
The first problem was its size. Nearly half
the 200-odd persons that made the trip from
the U.S. were delegates. The Tanzanians
who hosted the Congress had no more than
forty, while the norm for most of the other
delegations was six. At best, the North
Americans represented little more than the
intellectual black petty-bourgeoisie. The fact
that the main asset of this strata is ideas (not
community base) makes it about the weakest
class sector in black America.
This in itself is not necessarily a negative
thing if the ideas are geared toward construc-
tive social transformation. But as the many
debates within the group proved most were
presented in a confused and alienated man-
ner.

the proposals have no chance of life beyond Matching this, was a leadership wh
the paper. political inexperience at times bordere
If past practice is any criteria for judging ineptitude. Even the most simple arran
actions, it is assured that not one of the Afri- ments like travel, meeting schedules, p
can countries seated is either able or willing ned agendas, etc. were botched. It cam
to break the stranglehold the multi-national no surprise, then, that the "delegation" co
corporations exercise over their internal not decide on a minimum set of proposa
economies. This includes the "radicals" submit as a position paper.
among the governments as well. There also seemed to be no great rush
In a lengthy private interview on the either
oil the Tanzanian officials or leaders
question, the head of the Lybian delegation,
other delegations to regard the "delegat
for example, admitted that "the Lybianas gov-
a serious force. Typifying this was the
ernment had no plans to further nationalize
ure to allow the chairman of the "delegati
the holdings of the major oil companies." toHe address the general body until the f
said that "they were perfectly satisfied" with
day. And then, only after five other A
the 51% (government) 49% (oil companies) Americans, including a magazine histor
arrangement negotiated with the companies.and a minister who had come independent
Suspicions were further raised over had the spoken.
sincerity behind the resolutions when the The group's political confusion stuck out
point was stressed that "studies shouldevery
be turn. The predictable debate over
conducted into seeking means to democ-
vs. race approach saw each faction scurr
ratize institutions like the World Bank and to line up in their prospective camps.
the International Monetary Fund." This was, this was not to be a repeat of the princ
to say the least, a glaring contradiction to the and productive ideological debate w
Congress's assumed anti-imperialist princi- erupted at an anti-imperialist conferen
ples. Do you destroy capitalist institutions, Howard University a couple of weeks earli
or integrate into them? One more addition to The traditional issues which nationali
the list of Congress dilemmas. stress such as development of black organi

PACE U THE BLACK SCHOLAR JULY, 1974-AUGUST, 1974

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tions, African unity, separate political and multi-national corporations without this in-
economic power, and racist repression were formation. Imperialism can never be totally
only fragmentarily approached. Instead the destroyed without domestic revolution in
goal seemed to be one of ridding the move- America which is the center. It was the ob-
ment of the "scourge of Marxism." One per- ligation of both the Congress delegations and
son even quipped that discussing Marx at the the North Americans to realize this.
Congress was "like coming to a black power With this said, was the Congress worth the
rally and discussing white power. " Appar- time, energy, and money that the Tanzanian
ently someone was asleep during the government shelled out? All things consi-
speeches of Nyerere and Toure. dered, NO! While this is not to minimize the
The nonsense behind such thinking importance of the contacts made, or the in-
reached ludicrous proportions when a group valuable attention which the Congress gave
of "nationalists" gathered in front of the main to lesser known independence movements
hall to cheer anti-socialist, anti-white re- like the New Hebrides, Comoro Islands and
marks made by veteran Pan-Africanist, Ras "French" Somiland, the Congress accomp-
Makonnen. On the floor, their only moment lished none of its stated goals, which were:
came during an abortive protest against a re- • The establishment of an African Sci-
solution declaring white workers the natural
ence and Technology Center; a skills
ally of black liberation. Since nationalists no bank;
longer find it fashionable to attack socialism • The formation of an All- African Soc-
directly, many of them attempt to raise the
iety of Scientists and Technologists;
issue of "reactionary white workers " as a red • The establishment of an African In-
herring to cover their attack on Marxist formation Center and Culture Center.
ideas. To their credit, Congress delegates ig-
Even if these goals had been approved on
nored this "challenge" and accepted the re- paper, there would've been no structure to
solution. This closed the final door on the
implement them. The Congress at no point
"black only" political line.
showed any inclination to elevate the politi-
cally weak and ineffectual "Temporary Sec-
retariat" to the status of permanent body. Al-
though, this supposedly was another Con-
A hose who fought for a pro-Marxist posi-
gress goal.
tion, mainly elements around the African Given the failures, the Sixth Pan-African
Liberation Support Committee, while better
Congress did make history. The kind, unfor-
organized and more politically advanced, also
tunately, that comes with being remembered
had their problems. They presented nomore for what could have been than from
generalized perspective of working-class op-
what was.
pression and struggles; showed a limited un-
derstanding of trade union strengths; ignored
the analysis of class differences among blacks;
provoked no discussion of methods of van-
guard party building; tended to conciliate for
"unity's sake" (e.g. acceptance of the errone-
ous and unscientific "we're all an African
people" line).
The crucial need among the North Ameri-
cans was for a smaller group, of a united front
character, capable of giving the Congress an
insiders summary view of the internal
dynamics of American capitalism. No
strategy can ever be effectively devised and
implemented to defeat the power of the

THE BLACK SCHOLAR JULY, 1974- AUGUST, 1974 PAGE 15

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