Journal of Ethnographic & Qualitative Research

2017, Vol. 12, 18–28 ISSN: 1935-3308

Gender Bias in Canadian Military Leadership Training

LCdr Ian Matheson Ellyn Lyle
Canadian Armed Forces Yorkville University

Those responsible for ensuring military members are prepared to meet

rigorous leadership challenges must do so to the highest professional
standard. To that end, this present inquiry investigates possible gender
bias within military leadership training, associated curricula, methods of
instruction, and cultural infrastructures. Despite several well-intended
recruitment campaigns, the Canadian military has long struggled to
attract and retain women into its ranks. Women who join the armed ser-
vices have lower advancement and higher release percentages than their
male colleagues. This disproportionate representation is echoed in the
markedly fewer number of women holding senior leadership positions,
particularly in the operational environments of officer ranks. While this
issue might be, in part, the result of a male-dominated military culture,
there is evidence that military leadership training inhibits the rank suc-
cession of women. Understanding the Canadian Armed Forces (CAF) as
a unique organizational culture, we employ institutional ethnography to
investigate female underrepresentation in middle and senior leadership
positions in the CAF. Specifically, we explore: (a) how leadership training
is designed in the CAF, (b) if gender bias in leadership training is con-
nected to a lack of women in middle and senior leadership positions in
the military, and (c) what research has been done to identify, reduce, or
eliminate gender bias in military leadership training.

T he Canadian Armed Forces (CAF) has long

struggled with diversifying its ranks. This
struggle represents one of the most signifi-
cant and longstanding human resource issues
the CAF has confronted during the past de-
cade. Attempts have been made to address
military traditions, beliefs, norms, and practic-
es that impede gender equity, but traction has
been disappointing. The CAF has never met its
Ian Matheson, M.Ed., is Lieutenant Commander, Tran-
sition Team Project SR Officer at Canadian Armed Forces in
Ottawa, Canada.
Ellyn Lyle, Ph.D., is Dean, Faculty of Education at Yor-
kville University in Fredericton, New Brunswick, Canada.
Correspondence regarding this article should be sent
to elyle@yorkvilleu.ca.
percentage goals in identified targets and those
percentages drop drastically the higher one
looks up the rank structure. Not only is this a
critical failure from an equity perspective, but it
also negatively impacts recruitment and reten-
tion. Due to the scope of this inquiry, we lim-
ited our research to issues of gender bias with-
in CAF leadership training that might account
for so few women successfully progressing to
higher ranks.
Understanding the CAF as a unique organi-
zational culture, we employed institutional eth-
nography to review extant literature and current
practices with the aim of investigating female
underrepresentation in middle and senior lead-
ership positions in the CAF. We were specifi-
cally interested in exploring (a) how leadership
training is designed in the Canadian Armed
 Gender Bias in Military Leadership Training
Forces (CAF), (b) if gender bias in leadership
training is connected to a lack of women in mid-
dle and senior leadership positions in the mil-
itary, and (c) what research has been done to
identify, reduce, or eliminate gender bias in mil-
itary leadership training.
Method
In order to gain more fulsome information
regarding the scope of gender bias in Canadian
military leadership training and its effects, we
turned to institutional ethnography. Dorothy
Smith (1987) popularized institutional ethnog-
raphy (IE) in The Everyday World as Problemat-
ic. Its primary aim was to account for policies
and practices that affect people’s everyday lives
and to interrogate how these same people might
affect change. Rather than dwell in abstraction,
Smith identified her feminist roots, acknowl-
edged their influence in her conceptualization
of institutional ethnography, and specifically
employed IE to examine how the contribution
of women was obscured and devalued (Smith,
1987; 2005). With origins in phenomenology,
symbolic interactionism, ethnomethodology,
Marxism, as well as feminism, institutional eth-
nography seeks to expose “ideology-in/as-prac-
tice” (Taber, 2010, p. 11). Explained differently,
IE examines how institutional ideology is em-
ployed to reinforce social strata.
One of the guiding tenets of IE is to chal-
lenge the dominant discourse and provide a
framework through which individuals or groups
might examine institutional culture to uncover
“ordinary invisible determinations in relations
that generalize and are generalized” (Smith,
1987, p. 60). In addressing this purpose, insti-
tutional ethnography can use various methods,
but generally aims to support researchers in
three ways: to describe a context that requires
investigation; to identify institutional policies or
practices that inform the described context; and
to investigate those processes to describe how
they affect experience (Taber, 2010).
Despite the increasing occurrence of eth-
nography in organizational studies, leadership
studies remain heavily reliant on positivistic
methodologies. Although the specific approach-
es within this paradigm vary, the overwhelming
majority are conducted through the adminis-
tration of surveys populated with closed-end-
ed questions. As a result, the bulk of leader-
ship studies investigate leadership styles and
19
do so in ways that provide little-to-no mean-
ingful qualitative data because “emphasis is
placed on quantity over quality…[to]allow for
the development of more ‘representative’ find-
ings” (Sutherland, 2016, p. 3). Critics, however,
are increasingly asking representative of what?
Several scholars argue these quantitative ap-
proaches, in their over-generalization and over-
simplification, disregard context and neglect to
account for the subtleties of organizational be-
haviour (Ford, 2015; Sutherland, 2016).
Early in the 2000s, qualitative scholars re-
sponded to the call for deeper, more humanis-
tic approaches to leadership studies (e.g., Al-
vesson & Sveningsson, 2003; Brown & Gioia,
2002; Collinson, 2006). This movement was
primarily concerned with accessing leadership
data that was beyond the reach of quantitative
approaches (Bryman, 2004). Specifically, it ex-
plored organizational behaviour, relationality,
symbolism, and the role of story in organiza-
tional culture (Auvinen et al., 2012; Collinson,
2011; Sutherland et al., 2013). While the inten-
tion was to address what was previously ne-
glected in leadership studies, traction was limit-
ed by the overwhelming reliance on interviews.
Although interviews varied from heavily struc-
tured to more flexible dialogue, the common-
ality was that they relied on memory-based re-
counts of past leadership rather than exploring
a living and dynamic leadership in action (Al-
vesson & Deetz, 2000). This deficit gave rise
to a call for more meaningful studies, which,
in turn, created space for institutional ethnogra-
phy to emerge in the field of leadership studies.
Institutional ethnography encourages deep
comprehension of leadership as a living en-
tity. Through its attention to organizational
members, groups, and dynamics, it allows eth-
nographers to access values and assumptions
that undergird conduct and practices. In do-
ing so, leadership can be investigated through
both foreground (the tangible, overt, and inter-
personal) and background (the non-verbal and
the subjective). Despite both the acknowledged
gap and the ability of institutional ethnography
to address that gap, IE is still seldom applied to
explore issues pertaining to leadership (Suther-
land, 2016).
Drawing on Taber’s (2010) recommendation
to push methodological boundaries to address
areas requiring further attention, we employ
20 Matheson & Lyle
institutional ethnography to examine gender
bias in Canadian military leadership training.
In so proceeding, we draw from the literature to
create a critical historic perspective of military
leadership training while attempting to devel-
op an understanding of how this unique culture
works (Bell & Waters, 2014). Focusing specif-
ically on socio-cultural aspects of the military
training context, we aim to create a clear, con-
cise image of the possible biases that permeate
the military leadership training, associated cur-
ricula, methods of instruction, and cultural in-
frastructures. Further, we aim to uncover any
relationship between gender biases embedded
in military leadership training and the under-
representation of women in middle and senior
leadership positions in the military. We con-
clude our study with recommendations to sup-
port cultural transition.
Role of Researchers and Research Integrity
Aligned with Taber (2010), we sought to ac-
complish three things: to articulate the prob-
lematic context; to identify institutional policies
or practices that inform the described context;
and to investigate those processes and describe
how they affect experience. Thus, we reviewed
literature and investigated current practices to
create a comprehensive and cohesive report of
possible gender bias in Canadian military lead-
ership training and recommended strategies to
overcome any bias uncovered. In our review,
we sourced scholarly publications from EBSCO,
ProQuest, JSTOR, and Sage Education databas-
es using the search terms institutional ethnogra-
phy, Canadian Armed Forces, gender bias, and
women in leadership. We also accessed the Ca-
nadian Military Resources database. We limited
our search to articles published between 2000-
2016. As this inquiry is limited to literature
available in the public domain and will involve
no human subjects, formal ethics approval was
not required. We acknowledge our subjectivity
as researchers who have unique understandings
of military life combined with perspectives de-
veloped in critical qualitative research. Draw-
ing support from Taber (2010), we maintain that
these subjectivities augment our insight and are
relevant not only methodologically but also the-
oretically and practically.
Results
The Canadian military continues to strug-
gle to attract and retain women into its ranks.
Women who do join the armed services have
lower advancement and higher release percent-
ages than their male colleagues. This dispro-
portionate representation is echoed in the mark-
edly fewer number of women holding senior
leadership positions, particularly in the opera-
tional environments of officer ranks. While this
issue might be, in part, the result of a male-
dominated military culture, there is evidence
that military leadership training inhibits the
rank succession of women. Understanding the
Canadian Armed Forces as a unique organiza-
tional culture, we employed institutional eth-
nography to investigate female underrepresen-
tation in middle and senior leadership positions
in the CAF. We specifically investigated (a)
how leadership training is designed in the Ca-
nadian Armed Forces, (b) if gender bias in lead-
ership training is connected to a lack of women
in middle and senior leadership positions in the
military, and (c) what research has been done
to identify, reduce, or eliminate gender bias in
military leadership training.
Evidence of Gender Bias in Canadian
Military Leadership Training
A review of existing literature and current
practices suggests that gender bias has become
so embedded in the CAF that it is not always
obvious, even to those who are experiencing it.
In some instances, though, misconduct regard-
ing gender is flagrant. In 2015, Supreme Court
Justice Marie Deschamps concluded her year-
long probe into military sexual harassment and
assaults. In her report, she describes a sexually
hostile context that includes conduct unbecom-
ing ranging from sexual innuendo to dubious
relationships between low-ranking women and
high-ranking men. Her commentary also indi-
cates that women were reticent to report viola-
tions for fear of alienation or retaliation. While
many military members indicate that there has
been noticeable improvement to explicit dis-
plays of sexism, the External Review Authority
(ERA) found that many men continue to hold
negative attitudes about female military mem-
bers. A broad and recurring recommendation
involves improving the integration of women,
 Gender Bias in Military Leadership Training
including in positions of senior leadership, as a
necessity to CAF cultural reform.
The hostile environment toward women
found to permeate military culture is suggestive
of a gap in leadership training. Moreover, there
are concrete examples of blatant bias. In 2000,
Lt.-Col. Dan MacLean, who was the Western
Area Training Centre’s commanding officer, lo-
cated in Wainwright, AB, was accused of coach-
ing military instructors to arbitrarily fail female
recruits to keep them out of combat. Despite
Lt.-Col. MacLean’s denial, the CAF launched an
investigation. While the findings of that inves-
tigation were not made public, it ought to be
noted that at the time of the incident, an advi-
sory board appointed by the Minister of Nation-
al Defence found that the pass rate of Regular
Force men in all three battle schools averaged
57%, while the pass rate of Regular Force wom-
en averaged only 27% (RMC, 2001). It was
also noted that, despite increasing attention be-
ing given to bias reduction, both conscious and
subconscious bias continue to influence assess-
ments of female leaders.
Gender Bias in Military Leadership
Training that Inhibits Rank Succession
of Women
A review of the literature and investiga-
tion of practices suggest that the structure of
achievement and advancement in leadership
roles tend to favour men. Specifically, there
are prevalent concerns that, while legal gender
discrimination has ended, there remains a pat-
tern of systemic disadvantage preventing wom-
en from advancement. Institutional views need
to change to address continuing discrimination
and this shift will come more readily with social
and political pressure. These changes would
also be greatly aided through consistent broad
and deep training. Until such training programs
are implemented, there will continue to be sys-
temic and cultural barriers that prevent wom-
en from organizational advancement into lead-
ership positions.
Research to Identify, Reduce, or
Eliminate Gender Bias in Military
Leadership Training
The military has been reticent to accept,
identify, reduce, or eliminate gender bias in
21
military leadership training. Despite having
recently implemented Gender Bias Awareness
Plus (GBA+) training, there seems to be little
evidence connecting this intervention to cultur-
al change in the Canadian military or its lead-
ership training. Many studies discuss the effect
of gender bias on women’s promotability. Spe-
cifically, the findings suggest that women are
hindered by cognitive dissonance, socialization,
training, opportunities, and cultural barriers.
The overwhelming evidence of gender bias
in military leadership training and the stagger-
ing lack of positive change suggests that the
CAF has been apathetic in its pursuit of equi-
ty. It seems as well that little has been done
to identify overt and covert gender biases in its
leadership training and any interventions have
been cursory. Part of the challenge is that the
CAF does not currently reflect gender diversi-
ty and, in so privileging maleness, equates gen-
der equity with a threat against the current
empowered group. If, however, women were
more equitably represented at higher positions
of leadership, the result would be an increased
female presence at decision-making tables,
which would surely support changing the cul-
ture of the organization. In the next section, we
turn our attention specifically to a discussion
of the CAF as a cultural entity and then look
more closely at gender-based barriers specific
to women and how barriers are manifest in the
CAF’s leadership training model.
Discussion
Canadian Armed Forces as a
Cultural Entity
Institutional culture emerges from normal-
ized assumptions, practices, and principles of
conduct acquired by a group through the pro-
cesses of external adaptation and internal inte-
gration (Brown et al., 2015; Cain, 2011; Korabik,
2006; Murphy, 2006). The ultimate output of
military acculturation is the development of a
collective identity, and this occurs through de-
liberately dismantling individual civilians so
that collective military members can be con-
structed (Taber, 2011). A critical examination of
military culture exposes disquieting indicators
that many subtle and subversive cultural issues
have not been seriously addressed from a gen-
der perspective (Brown et al., 2015; Febbraro,
22 Matheson & Lyle
2007). In a lengthy inquiry into Canadian mili-
tary culture, Brown et al. (2015) identify seven
cultural characteristics in the CAF specifically
related to gender integration: male dominated
culture; sexual harassment and gender discrim-
ination; imposed isolation; work-life balance;
visibility; negative attitudes toward integra-
tion; and lack of leadership support. These
themes also emerge in the inquiries of several
other scholars.
Male-Dominated Culture. Qualities con-
nected with hypermasculinity form the yard-
stick against which soldiers are measured.
They are expected to be tough, physically fit,
and competitive; they are coached to embrace
command and control approaches and encour-
aged to identify with service before self. The
fostered fraternity is connected to an inter-
nalized sense of duty and honour and, often-
times, family (Taber, 2011, 2015). While many
of these qualities are admirable attributes indi-
vidually, collectively, they can undergird a cul-
ture of masculine hegemony. Masculine hege-
mony, for the purpose of this study, favours the
traditionally masculine traits of power, author-
ity, and domination and is often rife with sex-
ism, hostility, and resentment toward women
(Brown et al., 2015; Korabik, 2006). The ex-
tent to which military women can be successful
in such an environment often depends on their
ability to adopt traditionally non-feminine be-
haviours and still retain their identities as wom-
en (Silva, 2008). A daunting and often impossi-
ble task, many women cope by either adopting
the culture and participating in the denigration
of other women, or by leaving their careers.
Both coping mechanisms seem to reinforce the
belief that women are not naturally fit for ca-
reers in armed forces, the former group for its
perceived gender inappropriate behaviour, and
the latter group as not tough enough to make it
long term (Brown et al., 2015; Taber, 2015).
Sexual Harassment and Gender Discrimina-
tion. Sexual harassment is defined by Brown
et al. (2015) as unsolicited and unreciprocated
sexual attention. Most frequently found in cul-
tures with disproportionate gender representa-
tions, sexual harassment is exacerbated when
peers do not contest the culture of harassment
and leadership fails to accept accountability for
it. Sexual discrimination is defined as allowing
unfair disadvantage in the workplace because
of gender rather than ability (Brown, Adams,
Filardo, & Richards, 2015; Settles, Cortina, Bu-
chanan, & Miner, 2012). While reports of ha-
rassment and discrimination have declined in
recent years, studies are inconclusive as to the
genesis of this decline: some report that the less
frequent charges are due to increased aware-
ness and better enforcement of policies, while
others indicate the lower numbers are the result
of underreporting because women fear further
alienation (Brown et al., 2015).
Imposed Isolation. Imposed isolation refers
either to culturally imposed or self-imposed iso-
lation, both of which are generally the result of
so few female colleagues. It also includes de-
liberate exclusion from unit bonding activities.
Feelings of isolation, regardless of their origins,
are exacerbated by lack of female leaders and
are directly linked to negatively affecting job
satisfaction and retention (Brown et al., 2015;
Hewlett et al., 2008).
Work-Life Balance. Work-life balance is
also noted as a cultural characteristic that in-
hibits gender integration. Because women con-
tinue to have a disproportionate burden of do-
mestic responsibility, most do not have support
equal to male counterparts to maintain con-
stituency at home. Further, because this dis-
proportionate burden is normalized socially,
women often receive criticism for leaving their
children for lengthy training exercises or de-
ployment. Although soldiers are expected to
put service before self, female military members
are also beholden to service to family in a way
that men are excused. These ideological codes
conspire to disadvantage women in military ca-
reers (Brown et al., 2015; Taber, 2011).
Visibility. Speiser-Blanchet (2007) insists
that the greatest challenge of being a woman
in the military is adjusting to the male culture
and simultaneously enduring the ubiquitous
spotlight that follows women everywhere they
go. The problem of amplified visibility is made
more complicated by the media’s fascination
with women in arms and the CAF’s misguided
attempt to model gender equity through public-
ity that puts women under the microscope. It
has created resentment in both male and female
military members as more and more Fact Sheets
celebrate the successes of women soldiers spe-
cifically. For men, it reinforces a cynicism that
women are present as political tokens and, for
 Gender Bias in Military Leadership Training 23

women, that their successes must always be Lack of Leadership Support. A primary rea-
contextualized by being women first, and sol- son for these continued cultural characteristics
diers second (Brown et al., 2015; Taber, 2011). is leadership’s inherent and pervasive discom-
Negative Attitudes toward Integration. fort with the integration of women and its re-
There are several themes within negative atti- sulting failure to drive change. While it is im-
tudes toward integration. First, the dominant portant to acknowledge that the challenges are
narrative of the CAF remains that the presence greater in the CAF, and the risks associated with
of women diminishes group cohesion and task failure more dire, the hypermasculine culture
focus. Whether it is the requirement to accom- must be examined for the ways it creates gen-
modate women through separate facilities or the der-based barriers. This is the focus of discus-
perceived increase in sexual tension, the intro- sion in our next section.
duction of a woman into a unit is often regarded
as an unnecessary nuisance. Although research Gender-Based Barriers
shows that actual integration is the most effec-
Gouliquer (2011) states that “if the nature
tive way to mitigate this prejudice, traction re-
of women’s marginalisation was better under-
mains challenging (Menke, 2013).
stood, the failure to achieve the integration of
Second, women are regarded as less phys-
women into the CF might also be better under-
ically able than their male counterparts. This
stood” (p. 4). Drawing on the work of Diehl
assumption endures despite increased research
(2014), Lyle and MacLeod (2016) indicate that
indicating that women can develop physical ca-
women leaders face gender-based barriers at in-
pacity comparable to men and is worsened by
dividual, organizational, and societal levels.
the observation that men of smaller or weak-
Individually, women struggle with work-
er stature do not receive the same criticism as
life balance and communication style. The con-
women, nor do they face the same argument
flict regarding work-life balance, in large part,
to keep them out of combat. While these ar-
resides in women bearing a disproportionate
guments have been used in the past to exclude
domestic responsibility. While this trend is still
women, they are no longer officially accepted
common in many sectors, it is exacerbated by
as valid. Unofficially, though, these attitudes
the uniquely challenging requirements of being
continue their influence (Diehl & Dzubinski,
a soldier. Grueling physical and psychological
2016; Taber, 2011).
conditions make it exceedingly difficult to main-
Third, the potential of pregnancy emerges
tain domestic equilibrium (Poduval & Poduval,
here. Specifically, some male members argue
2009; Violanti & Jurczak, 2011). Communica-
that women who might become pregnant ought
tion styles are also noted as an individual hur-
not to train with combat units because their po-
tle specific to women (Diehl, 2014; Diehl & Dzu-
tential requirement for leave will disrupt the
binski, 2016; Lyle & MacLeod, 2016). It appears
unit, particularly if the unit is deployable. This
profoundly evident that, in the military particu-
attitude persists despite research showing that
the incidence of absenteeism in male soldiers is larly, men are viewed as embodying direct com-
mand, power, and decisiveness. Arnold and
higher (mostly due to sports injury) than that
Loughlin (2013) argue that “because women
of women.
are expected to be participative as part of the
Fourth, and related, some male members
feminine stereotype, they may not get credit for
argue that workplace logistics and unique de-
enacting problem solving behaviours that en-
mands preclude full integration of women. The
gage others” (p. 78). The interpersonal com-
arguments here range from unique hygiene
munication approaches that women bring are
requirements and separate living accommo-
often viewed as feminine and inferior. Any at-
dations to safety in areas that are traditional-
tempt to attack communication from a more au-
ly inhospitable to women. Finally, sexual ten-
thoritarian position ironically leads to accusa-
sion affects attitudes toward integration. While
tions of gender inappropriate behaviour. Cook
the complications resulting from potential frat-
and Glass (2014) conclude that “although any of
ernization is understandable, placing this re-
these barriers may hinder individual women’s
sistance on the shoulders of female soldiers
advancement and success in leadership, tak-
not only excuses men from accountability, it
en together, gender-based leadership barriers
assumes heterosexuality.
24 Matheson & Lyle
contribute to the glass ceiling” (p. 54). It is the
construct of this cultural glass ceiling that exac-
erbates the progression of women into middle
and senior leadership positions in the military.
It also can lead to women exiting the military
early based on perception of this glass ceiling.
Organizationally, women face exclusion
from informal networks, lack of mentorship op-
portunities, lack of sponsorship, gender discrim-
ination, and workplace harassment (Broughton
& Miller, 2009; Diehl, 2013; Diehl & Dzubins-
ki, 2016; Hewlett, Peraino, Sherbin, & Sumberg,
2010). In addition to toxic attitudes and exclu-
sion that limit female leadership advancement,
there is evidence that the physical classroom
space has been manipulated to create gender
bias. Hutchison (2013) indicates that, other
than a few token photographs of females, “very
little of the selected training material address-
es issues of leadership and gender. This situ-
ation is troublesome given the increasing pres-
ence and contributions of women in all military
services and contexts” (p. 33). When the few
females who do make it to leadership training
institutions are presented with this overwhelm-
ingly male dominated environment, it follows
that the female military member might feel mar-
ginalized. This marginalization typically leads
women in one of two directions—underachieve-
ment or overcompensation—both of which
have been seen to negatively impact the female
member’s chance of successful advancement.
Socially, women are hindered by the par-
allel between perceptions of successful leader-
ship and masculinity (Diehl & Dzubinski, 2016;
Lyle & MacLeod, 2016; Taber, 2010). Despite re-
search indicating that the traditional feminine
qualities of cooperation, mentoring, and collab-
oration are important factors in effective lead-
ership, the same research points to evidence
that the military culture is more closely aligned
to the male gender (McGee, 2013; Taber, 2010).
Further, this research suggests that, to succeed,
women must assume a masculine role down-
playing any feminine traits that they might out-
wardly exhibit. This androgenisation is a hur-
dle which only women face, so it is not a reach
to suggest that it adversely affects them as they
pursue military leadership training. Arnold and
Loughlin (2013) expand on this notion and con-
clude that the gender stereotypes associated
with leader behaviours influence how leaders
are perceived and evaluated. Similarly, Mat-
thews, Ender, Laurence, and Rohall (2009) sug-
gest that these stereotypes result in “biased se-
lection, devaluation of effectiveness, and lower
performance appraisal…in roles high in author-
ity, responsibility, and prestige” (p. 243). Inter-
estingly, even early studies by Shimanoff and
Jenkins (1991) evidence that men and wom-
en have proven equal regarding performance in
leadership roles despite leadership behaviours
being viewed less favourably when displayed
by a woman. This bias often leads to men be-
ing more likely to be groomed for leadership
than women (McGee, 2013).
Research indicates that gender-based bi-
ases in the Canadian Armed Forces are the re-
sult of conscious and unconscious assumptions
that individuals hold about women and women
leaders (Arnold & Loughlin, 2013; Diehl, 2014;
Diehl & Dzubinski, 2016; Evaluation Division
of the Ministry of Defence, New Zealand, 2014;
Lyle & MacLeod, 2016; McGee, 2013). To over-
come this trend, the CAF must undergo a cul-
tural realignment. Research tells us that change
in institutional culture must be driven by lead-
ership (Brown et al., 2015; Taber, 2011; 2015).
Thus, we turn our attention to considering the
current model of CAF leadership training
Leadership Training Model in the CAF
Leadership training in the military is not
limited to the classroom nor does it occur dur-
ing finite periods of time. Developing leader-
ship is a career long combination of experien-
tial and formal learning. Mentors, role models,
and formal classroom instructors all play inte-
gral roles in developing, nurturing, and inspir-
ing future military leaders. As with any type
of military training, there are rules, regulations,
and formats to follow. These guidelines form
the foundation upon which military members
build their leadership skills and develop the ca-
pacity to be successful military leaders.
The organization that oversees the formal
CAF leadership training is the Military Person-
nel Generation (MILPERSGEN), which is de-
scribed as follows:
MILPERSGEN generates, organizes,
and develops CAF members while en-
suring that the leadership, character,
attributes, and expertise are the main
points of effort. MILPERSGEN’s focus
 Gender Bias in Military Leadership Training
is the people; it generates the leaders of
today and tomorrow who are prepared
to deliver institutional and operational
excellence. MILPERSGEN is responsi-
ble for the personnel generation activ-
ities of the CAF, including the Canadi-
an Defence Academy (CDA). CDA is
the CAF’s education group composed
of the Royal Military College of Cana-
da (RMCC), Royal College Saint-Jean
(RMC Saint-Jean), and the Canadi-
an Forces College. (Military Personnel
Generation [MILPERSGEN], 2016)
CDA, in turn, oversees the Professional Con-
cepts and Leader Development (PCLD) pro-
gram. The PCLD strengthens the foundations
of CAF leadership by capitalizing on the wealth
of experience of its Officers and Non-Commis-
sioned Members (NCMs) and then articulating
these enduring military principles through re-
search, review, analysis, development, synthe-
sis, and evaluation of leadership and profes-
sionalism (MILPERSGEN, 2016). Until recently,
the PCLD paid only cursory attention to pos-
sible gender biases within military leadership
training. However, in the last year, there has
been a renewed commitment to ridding the CAF
of gender discrimination. There has also been
a realization that, if there were more female
leaders in the CAF, this issue might not be as
rampant. The research, however, suggests that
not much emphasis has been put on examining
leadership training, particularly regarding poor
female representation.
In order to investigate this lack, we turned
to the Canadian Forces Professional Develop-
ment System (CFPDS), the body responsible
for military leadership training. The CFPDS is
a career long, comprehensive, integrated, and
sequential development process of education,
training, self-development, and experience. It
provides a continuous learning environment to
develop and enhance the capabilities and lead-
ership of CAF members (MILPERSGEN, 2016).
For career-long training and self-develop-
ment to be effective for both men and women,
more emphasis needs to be placed on traits and
tendencies that women bring to leadership. Un-
fortunately, advancement is still contingent on
demonstrating attitudes deemed necessary for
rank responsibilities and sound judgment (MIL-
PERSGEN, 2016). The literature suggests that
25
these attitudes and sound judgment are based
on a patriarchal, masculine-based training sys-
tem that views leadership traits of women with
less value than those associated with men (Da-
vis & McKee, 2006).
A report commissioned by the Evaluation
Division of the Ministry of Defence, New Zea-
land (2014), states, “While the provisions of the
policies can appear gender neutral, a lack of
training in avoiding unconscious bias or a struc-
tured monitoring of policy outcomes for gender
differences means this neutrality cannot be as-
sumed” (p. 28). The New Zealand report draws
from works by Loughlin and Arnold (2007) who
reviewed literature on US and Canadian Armed
Forces and concluded gender stereotypes con-
tinue to influence perceptions of competence, a
practice which is adversely affecting promotion
of women. These findings are consistent with a
more recent cross-sector analysis conducted by
Diehl and Dzubinski (2016).
Limitations and Future Research
The recruitment posters point to a welcom-
ing career choice for women in the Canadian
Armed Forces. However, a review of literature
and an investigation of current practices point
to a military community that continues to nor-
malize, if not sanction, gender bias. This find-
ing has been substantiated by the scathing re-
port conducted by Justice Deschamps (2015).
To rectify this, the CAF has recently instituted
a diversity program aimed at making the mili-
tary a more hospitable and positive workplace
for women. Why, then, have more women not
joined and remained in the CAF?
The CAF prides itself on adaptability yet it
remains steadfastly focused on masculine lead-
ership traits. Pahlavi and Ouellet (2012) state
that “institutional theory poses that any sub-
stantive organizational change in a given in-
stitutional milieu only occurs when pressures
from either the external or internal environment
are strong enough to seriously endanger the so-
cial legitimacy of the institution” (p. 33). De-
spite growing internal and external pressure,
cultural change in the CAF remains elusive.
Drawing on a robust review of academic
and defence literature and current CAF prac-
tices, we propose the following recommenda-
tions for future research. First, change must be-
gin with recruitment practices, basic training,
and basic officers’ training. CAF must be more
26 Matheson & Lyle
inclusive in its recruitment efforts by focusing
on a wider, more diverse candidate pool and
then offer training that is equitably represen-
tative of the desired diversity. The CAF ought
also to advocate inclusiveness through a consis-
tent communications strategy to alleviate any
misinformation and lessen the chances of creat-
ing a versus scenario. Documentation of these
efforts and any traction can only assist in sup-
porting the necessary cultural change.
Second, CAF training systems, PD peri-
ods, and instructor cadres ought to be formal-
ly and officially reviewed for gender bias and
how such bias contributes to the creation of or-
ganisational training and advancement barri-
ers. This ought to include gender and diversi-
ty competencies within the CAF PD curriculum
framework. Similarly, senior CAF leaders re-
quire training to recognize overt and covert gen-
der biases so they are prepared to readily and
willingly combat gender biases in leadership
training, operational units, and merit and pro-
motion boards. By implementing the compe-
tencies under the leadership development crite-
ria, the CAF will enable the social acceptance,
openness to change, and capacity building re-
quired to achieve a culture shift away from a hy-
per-masculinized military.
Third, the CAF ought to continue with its
program of compulsory Gender Bias Analysis
Plus (GBA+) online training, which is designed
to encourage inclusiveness at all ranks. It ought
also to extend GBA+ knowledge skills and atti-
tudes through inclusion in CAF leadership train-
ing. Related, the CAF should assign appropriate
resources necessary to assess traction and effi-
cacy of this training initiative.
Fourth, and drawing from Justice Des-
champs’ (2015) report, change begins with “ad-
dressing breaches of conduct and implicit bias
amongst senior leaders, appointing women to
positions of power, developing support net-
works for women, and reviewing policies for
gender inclusiveness” (p. 24). Such initiatives
would foster a more inclusive environment for
female members. The CAF must continue with
its efforts to stamp out all forms of harassment
and sexual misconduct and create a safe work-
ing environment free from discrimination and
retribution. It must also create and expand ex-
isting systems to increase women’s retention
and advancement into leadership roles in the
CAF. This would be assisted by investing in
studies of gender inequity and making findings
public. Finally, it is recommended that fur-
ther studies be conducted using qualitative and
quantitative data collection methods to create a
more robust picture of gender bias in CAF lead-
ership training.
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