Asian American Journal of Psychology © 2012 American Psychological Association

2013, Vol. 4, No. 3, 155–165 1948-1985/13/$12.00 DOI: 10.1037/a0030634

South Asian Americans:

Perceived Discrimination, Stress, and Well-Being
Anju Kaduvettoor-Davidson and Arpana G. Inman
Lehigh University

This study examined the potential mediating role of racism-related stress and the potential moderating
role of generational status in the experience of discrimination for 210 South Asians in the United States.
Participants completed a demographic questionnaire, the General Ethnic Discrimination Scale (H.
Landrine, E. A. Klonoff, I. Corral, S. Fernandez, and S. Roesch, 2006, Conceptualizing and measuring
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.

ethnic discrimination in health research, Journal of Behavioral Medicine, Vol. 29, pp. 79 –94), the
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.

Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale (M. Rosenberg, 1965, Society and Adolescent Self-Image, Princeton, NJ:
Princeton University Press), and the Satisfaction with Life Scale (SWLS; E. Diener, R. A. Emmons, R. J.
Larsen, & S. Griffin, 1985, The satisfaction with life scale, Journal of Personality Assessment, Vol. 49,
pp. 71–75). The hypothesized structural equation model fit well for first- and second-generation South
Asians, yet mediation and moderation were not supported. Perceived discrimination significantly related
to perceived stress for both groups of South Asians. Implications for theory, research, and practice are
discussed.

Keywords: South Asians, discrimination, stress, well-being

Although South Asians (e.g., people originating from India,
Pakistan, Nepal, Sri Lanka, and Bangladesh) have historically
experienced discrimination, their successes in multiple areas (e.g.,
educational and economic) have overshadowed their experiences
as a discriminated minority in the United States (Inman, 2006).
Despite the limited attention given to the discrimination experi-
ences of this group, the recent economic and political climates
(i.e., outsourcing to India, immigration issues) and increasing
number of South Asians in the United States have brought race-
related stress to the forefront for South Asian communities (Inman,
2006; Inman, Yeh, Madan-Bahel, & Nath, 2007). For instance,
Inman, Yeh, et al. (2007) and Tummala-Narra, Inman, and Ettigi
(2011) note increased prejudicial experiences for South Asians
after September 11, 2001, potentially increasing this group’s vul-
nerability to the negative effects of discrimination. More recent
events like the mass shooting at a Sikh Temple in Wisconsin
(Wisconsin Sikh Temple Shooting, n.d.) demonstrate that this is a
This article was published Online First December 17, 2012.
Anju Kaduvettoor-Davidson and Arpana G. Inman, Counseling Psychol-
ogy, Lehigh University.
Anju Kaduvettoor-Davidson is now at the Center for the Study of Race
and Race Relations at the University of Florida Levin College of Law.
This article is based on a doctoral dissertation conducted by the first
author. We thank dissertation committee members Grace I. L. Caskie,
Elizabeth J. Jacob, and Nicholas Ladany for their feedback and support.
We would also like to thank Matthew A. Malouf, Lavanya Devdas, and the
dissertation support group at Lehigh University for their assistance with
this research project.
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Anju
Kaduvettoor-Davidson, CSRRR, University of Florida, Levin College of
Law, P.O. Box 117625, Gainesville, FL 32611-7625. E-mail: davidson@
law.ufl.edu
continuing area of concern for South Asians. Researchers report
that these types of discriminatory experiences and the stress that
results from these experiences can be harmful for individuals (e.g.,
Utsey, Ponterotto, Reynolds, & Cancelli, 2000). The psychological
impact of discrimination and stress on minority groups (Utsey,
Payne, Jackson, & Jones, 2002) can lead to depression and anxiety
(Cassidy, O’Connor, Howe, & Warden, 2005), and can also create
negative consequences for one’s sense of well-being (Lee, 2003)
and physical health (Utsey et al., 2000).
In effect, stress from discriminatory experiences can signifi-
cantly influence one’s self-esteem and satisfaction with one’s life
(Lee, 2003). Thus, it becomes important to explore how stress
mediates the relationship between perceived discrimination and
psychological well-being. Although perceived stress may be an
important mediator, literature (e.g., Harrell, 2000) suggests that
stress related to discrimination may be differentially experienced
or moderated by personal indicators such as generational status.
This may be particularly true for South Asians in the United States
(Inman, 2006; Tummala-Narra et al., 2011). Although South
Asians experience discrimination with potentially harmful psycho-
logical costs, little research focuses on the experiences of discrim-
ination for this group. This study examined the mediating role of
stress in the relationships between perceived discrimination and
psychological well-being as well as the moderating role of gener-
ational status (i.e., first- and second-generation South Asians)
within these relationships.
Experience of Discrimination for South Asians
Landrine, Klonoff, Corral, Fernandez, and Roesch (2006) con-
ceptualize discrimination as unfair and inequitable treatment of
people by multiple sources (e.g., employer, peers, public) at sev-
eral levels (e.g., individual and institutional). Discriminatory
events are “inherently demeaning, degrading, and highly personal;

155
 156 KADUVETTOOR-DAVIDSON AND INMAN
they are attacks upon or negative responses to something essential
about the self that cannot be changed” (Landrine & Klonoff, 1996,
p. 147). South Asians are not immune to discrimination (Bhatia,
2007). For example, discrimination against South Asians in the
United States existed as early as 1907, when Indians were unof-
ficially denied entry into the United States (Sheth, 1995). Sheth
(1995) notes that White workers, the media, and politicians pres-
sured the federal and state governments to pass Indian exclusion-
ary laws. Pursuant to this, the Barred Zone Act in 1917 and the
Asian Exclusion Act of 1924 prohibited South Asians from immi-
grating to the United States (Sheth, 1995). Additionally, South
Asians faced land ownership, marriage, and voting restrictions
before 1965. The post-1965 immigration of South Asians produced
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more experiences of institutional and personal discrimination (e.g.,
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vandalism, verbal and physical abuse), including employment dis-
crimination based on accents or “Dot Buster” incidents in New
Jersey, where South Asians were harassed (Sheth, 1995; Tewari,
Inman, & Sandhu, 2003).
More recently, the attacks on September 11, 2001, have height-
ened the experience of race and racism for South Asians in the
United States (Tummala-Narra et al., 2011). For example, in 2003,
the New York City Commission on Human Rights published a
survey assessing anti-Arab, Muslim, and South Asian discrimina-
tion since September 11th (New York City Commission on Human
Rights, 2003). Sixty-nine percent of survey respondents (N ⫽ 659
individuals) reported one or more incidents of perceived discrim-
ination or bias-related harassment. These experiences included
employment discrimination, physical harassment, and ethnic and
religious insults in a wide variety of settings. Similarly, Inman,
Yeh, et al. (2007) found that nearly half of their South Asian
participants faced prejudicial experiences (e.g., stereotyping, ver-
bal insults) after losing a loved one on September 11th. These
studies and reports suggest that South Asians may be at risk for
continued discrimination.
Other factors that compound the South Asian discriminatory
experience and render this group susceptible to prejudice include
model minority perceptions, concentrations of South Asians in
geographical regions, foreign accents, cultural differences, reli-
gious diversity, and perpetual foreigner perceptions (Liang, Li, &
Kim, 2004; Sheth, 1995). For instance, researchers (e.g., Devos &
Banaji, 2005; Wang & Kleiner, 2001) note that South Asian
Americans are perceived as foreign, despite identification as
Americans (Cheryan & Monin, 2005) and growing up in the
United States. Despite having lived in the United States for de-
cades, foreign accents, as well as cultural and religious differences,
may add to the perception of South Asians as “others” (Cheryan &
Monin, 2005; Liang et al., 2004; Sheth, 1995). Along with per-
petual foreign perceptions, the idea of South Asians being “model
minorities” tends to deny the negative experiences (e.g., discrim-
ination or poverty) this group faces (Das Gupta, 2006). For exam-
ple, although the model minority stereotype emphasizes success of
the group, it minimizes problems (Alvarez, Juang, & Liang, 2006)
such as racial profiling, ethnic harassment, and religious discrim-
ination (e.g., employment discharge based on wearing a hijab or
turban) that have been faced by this community. These factors and
perceptions influence the vulnerability of South Asians to discrim-
ination.
The multiple factors that influence potential discrimination for
South Asians leave this group susceptible to effects on their
psychological well-being (Lee, 2003; Liang et al., 2004). For
example, Lee (2003) found that South Asians’ experiences of
perceived discrimination related to psychological distress. Further-
more, subsequent to experiences of discrimination, South Asians
may be at risk for being diagnosed with mental disorders included
in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (4th
ed., text rev.; DSM–IV–TR; American Psychiatric Association,
2000), such as depressive and anxiety disorders (Gee, Spencer,
Chen, Yip, & Takeuchi, 2007). In essence, discrimination experi-
enced by this group in multiple contexts (Kawahara & Van Kirk,
2004) may negatively affect their psychological well-being. How-
ever, few studies have examined the impact of discrimination on
South Asian Americans’ well-being (Lee, 2003). Thus, it becomes
important to examine the relationships between perceived discrim-
ination and psychological well-being for South Asians in the
United States.
Perceived Discrimination and Psychological
Well-Being
Psychological well-being is often conceptualized as including
global self-esteem (Moradi & Risco, 2006) and life satisfaction
(Yoo & Lee, 2005). Rosenberg (1965) defines self-esteem as a
favorable or unfavorable attitude toward one’s self, and research-
ers (i.e., Diener & Suh, 2000) describe life satisfaction as a
cognitive appraisal of how satisfied one is with his or her life.
These factors may be especially relevant to one’s well-being, as
they tap into critical aspects of how individuals feel about them-
selves and their lives in a global sense.
Literature related to several minority groups has revealed that
discrimination influences several aspects of psychological well-
being (e.g., self-esteem and life satisfaction) (Carter, 2007). For
example, perceived discrimination negatively relates to self-
esteem for both Latina/o Americans (Moradi & Risco, 2006) and
African Americans (Carter, 2007). In relation to Asians and South
Asians, Cassidy, O’Connor, Howe, and Warden (2004) found that
perceived discrimination related to lower levels of self-esteem for
Chinese, Asian Indian, and Pakistani individuals in Scotland.
Moreover, for Asian Indian, Korean, and Arab Americans, a
negative relationship between perceived discrimination and self-
esteem exists (Lee, 2003, 2005; Moradi & Hasan, 2004). These
studies suggest that perceived discrimination may relate to very
personal aspects of an individual’s identity, including their self-
esteem.
Similarly, research (e.g., Utsey et al., 2002) regarding life sat-
isfaction and discrimination experiences among minority groups
highlights the importance of studying life satisfaction. For exam-
ple, Broman (1997) found an inverse relationship between discrim-
ination and life satisfaction for African Americans and suggested
that discriminatory experiences detract from how favorably one
views their life. Similarly, for Asian American college students,
Yoo and Lee (2005) found that perceived personal racial discrim-
ination was negatively related to life satisfaction. Additionally,
Utsey et al. (2000) discovered that African Americans who re-
ported more discrimination reported lower levels of both life
satisfaction and self-esteem compared with those who described
fewer incidents of discrimination. Interestingly, Barnes and Light-
sey (2005) did not find a significant relationship between discrim-
ination and life satisfaction for African Americans. However, they
 SOUTH ASIAN EXPERIENCES OF DISCRIMINATION
noted a significant negative relationship between perceived stress
and life satisfaction. These studies suggest that facing prejudice
and appraising it as stressful can lower one’s level of life satisfac-
tion.
Although many studies indicate that discrimination negatively
affects an individual’s well-being (i.e., global self-esteem and life
satisfaction), researchers highlight that this relationship may be
explained by the extent to which these experiences are perceived
as stressful. Thus, as an intermediary construct, perceived stress
may mediate the relationship between discrimination and psycho-
logical well-being (Carter, 2007). In light of this, it becomes
important to study the role of mediating variables to more com-
prehensively understand this relationship.
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Mediating Role of Stress
For the purposes of this study, perceived stress refers to one’s
appraisal of discrimination and bias (Landrine & Klonoff, 1996;
Utsey & Ponterotto, 1996) and more specifically, how bothered
one is when experiencing discrimination. Researchers have theo-
rized that individuals who perceive discrimination as more stress-
ful, experience more negative outcomes (e.g., decreased quality of
life) than others do (Carter, 2007; Clark, Anderson, Clark, &
Williams, 1999). These researchers and others (e.g., Franklin,
Boyd-Franklin, & Kelly, 2006; Harrell, 2000) posit that perceived
stress mediates, or explains, the relationship between discrimina-
tion and physical, psychological, social, functional and spiritual
outcomes.
The notion of stress acting as a mediator between discrimination
and outcome variables has some empirical support. For example,
Utsey et al. (2002) found that, for an elderly group of African
Americans, stress that was related to institutional racism was
inversely related to psychological health (i.e., vitality, social func-
tioning, emotional well-being, and mental health). Additionally,
King (2005) found that cognitive appraisals mediated the relation-
ship between discrimination and affective reactions for African
American female college students. Although no study directly
tested stress as a mediator between discrimination and psycholog-
ical well-being for Asian Americans, separate studies found sig-
nificant relationships for elements of the meditational model. For
example, Lee (2003) found that discrimination negatively corre-
lates with psychological well-being; Liang et al. (2004) suggest
that discrimination is positively correlated with racism related
stress; and Liang and Fassinger (2008) discovered that racism
related stress is negatively related to self-esteem. Thus, both the
theoretical and empirical literature suggest that perceived stress
may have a mediating role in the relationship between discrimi-
nation and psychological well-being for minority groups. Because
of the lack of attention to these variables in the South Asian
community, one purpose of this study was to explore how per-
ceived stress mediated the relationship of discrimination to psy-
chological well-being in this population.
Although perceived stress may mediate the impact of discrim-
ination, Harrell (2000) notes that antecedent variables such as
person factors (e.g., gender, generational status) may influence
psychological outcomes related to discrimination and stress. Given
that generational status has revealed some differences in the South
Asian community (Inman, 2006), it becomes important to inves-
157
tigate the moderating role of generational status in the hypothe-
sized meditational relationships.
Role of Generational Status
First-generation South Asians are defined as those who immi-
grated to the United States as adults, whereas second-generation
South Asians are those who are either born in the United States or
immigrated prior to age 18 years (Inman, 2006; Inman, Ladany,
Constantine, & Morano, 2001). Inman and colleagues (2001) have
noted that generational status plays a differential role in the expe-
riences of South Asians in the United States; for example, second-
generation South Asians may experience more cultural value con-
flicts than their first-generation counterparts.
First-generation South Asians who immigrate to the United
States may be less familiar with the dynamics of the majority–
minority context of the United States (Goto, Gee, & Takeuchi,
2002). For example, Bhatia (2007) found that some first-
generation South Asian participants did not perceive unfair treat-
ment to be related to discrimination. Inman, Howard, Beaumont,
and Walker (2007) noted that Asian Indian immigrants in the
United States struggled with having the language to teach their
second-generation children about navigating racist environments.
Furthermore, the first-generation participants in Inman’s (2006)
study selectively acculturated to the American host culture and
maintained national, linguistic, and sociocultural connections to
their homelands, potentially protecting them from some of the
race-related stress that is experienced when living in the United
States. These generation-specific factors influence how discrimi-
nation is perceived and may impact the effects of prejudice on
psychological well-being for first-generation South Asians.
Goto et al. (2002) suggest that South Asians living in the United
States longer may be more cognizant or aware of the subtleties of
discrimination and racism. Within groups of South Asians, second-
generation South Asians may be more “racially socialized” than
South Asians who identify as immigrants (Inman, 2006), as they
grow up in a majority–minority context where race is salient
(Helms, 1995). Inman (2006) found that these individuals identi-
fied as Americans, utilized racial political terms in defining their
identities, and experienced more dissonance when negotiating
Western and South Asian values than their first-generation coun-
terparts’ experience. Because second-generation South Asians
grow up in a society where race is emphasized, they may be more
racially conscious and likely to find and perceive discrimination as
being more stressful than first-generation South Asians. Thus,
another purpose of this study was to examine the influence of
generational status as a moderator of the relationship between
perceived discrimination and psychological well-being for South
Asian Americans.
Rationale for the Study
Perceived discrimination—the belief that one is being treated
unfairly because of race and ethnicity— has been found to nega-
tively relate to psychological well-being for many minority groups
(Carter, 2007). Like these groups, South Asians have historically
suffered from widespread prejudice (Sheth, 1995) and continue to
face discrimination today (Inman, Yeh et al., 2007). Though re-
search documents the mental health effects of discrimination
 158 KADUVETTOOR-DAVIDSON AND INMAN
among other communities, it has not comprehensively examined
the effects of discrimination on South Asians’ well-being. Further-
more, although some research (e.g., Utsey et al., 2000) shows that
discrimination is related to lower levels of personal self-esteem
and life satisfaction, few studies investigate the factors that explain
the relationship of discrimination and psychological well-being.
More specifically, research has not empirically examined the po-
tential mediating role of stress or the moderating role of genera-
tional status for South Asians. Hence, this study explored how
perceived stress may function as a mediator in the relationships
between discrimination and psychological well-being for South
Asians. Additionally, because first- and second-generation South
Asians may appraise discrimination differently in terms of stress
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(Harrell, 2000), this study explored the relationships between
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
perceived discrimination, stress, and well-being as well as moder-
ating effects of generational status on potential mediational rela-
tionships.
Purpose
The purpose of the current study was threefold: (a) to examine
the fit of the discrimination, stress, and well-being model for first-
and second-generation South Asians, (b) to examine whether stress
mediated the relationship between perceived discrimination and
psychological well-being, and (c) to examine if the previously
hypothesized mediation was moderated by generational status.
Method
Participants
A national sample of 257 participants accessed the online survey
and 210 South Asians completed the survey in full, thus meeting
Martens’s (2005) sample size recommendations for structural
equation modeling. Participants were recruited through a conve-
nience sampling method and included 101 first-generation and 109
second-generation South Asians. Participants (94 female, 116
male) ranged in age from 18 to 83 years (M ⫽ 31.36, SD ⫽ 8.889).
Additional demographic information for participants is presented
in Table 1.
Procedure
The participants were recruited through a snowball sampling
method (Hessler, 1992). Participants known to the investigator
were contacted as a starting point and then were asked to pass on
the study to other qualified participants who met criteria for
participation (i.e., first- and second-generation South Asians, 18
years and older). Further, academic, professional, and social net-
works (e.g., South Asian student associations) as well as Internet
listservs, including the South Asian Psychological Networking
Association and the Asian American Psychological Association,
were utilized to recruit participants. Researchers asked listserv
members to forward the study to eligible participants as well.
Online participants received an Internet contact letter that directed
them to the survey on Survey Monkey, which included the mea-
sures already mentioned and informed consent information. A
separate Web link for a raffle was included at the end of the survey
to provide incentive for participation. Four $25 gift cards were
raffled; winners were contacted through e-mail. Follow-up remind-
ers were sent to increase the response rate.
Measures
Demographic questionnaire. A demographic questionnaire
was primarily used to collect descriptive data. Information was
obtained regarding area of residence (e.g., Northeast), ethnicity,
sexual identity, gender, age, current religious affiliation, religios-
ity, and nationality. Country of birth, age of immigration, and
citizenship was used to identify participants as first- or second-
generation South Asians. Relationship status, level of education,
and occupation was included on the demographic measure as well.
Self-perception of ethnic identity was assessed on a continuum, as
in previous studies with South Asians (Inman et al., 2001; Inman,
2006). For example, participants identified themselves on a scale
from very South Asian to very American.
General Ethnic Discrimination Scale (Landrine et al., 2006).
This instrument, based on Landrine and Klonoff’s (1996)
Schedule of Racist Events measure, includes 18 items measured
on a 6-point Likert-type scale used to assess general discrimi-
nation. All but one of the items has three components that make
up the three subscales of the measure (i.e., 18-item Lifetime
Discrimination, 18-item Recent Discrimination, and 17-item
Appraised Discrimination). For example, an item such as “How
often have you been made fun of, picked on, pushed, shoved,
hit, or threatened with harm because of your race/ethnic
group?” consists of subquestions, including (a) frequency in the
past year (1 ⫽ never; 6 ⫽ almost all of the time), (b) frequency
in entire life time (1 ⫽ never; 6 ⫽ almost all of the time), and
(c) level of stress or impact (1 ⫽ not at all stressful; 6 ⫽
extremely stressful). The items from each of the subscales were
summed to produce total subscale scores. Higher scores on the
Lifetime and Recent Discrimination subscales indicate more
experiences of discrimination, and higher scores on the Ap-
praised Discrimination subscale indicate more stress due to the
experiences of discrimination. For this study, the Lifetime and
Recent Discrimination subscales were used to measure per-
ceived discrimination, whereas the Appraised Discrimination
subscale was used to measure perceived stress. According to
Landrine et al. (2006), the Cronbach’s alpha for each of the
subscales is .94 (Lifetime Discrimination), .94 (Recent Dis-
crimination), and .95 (Appraised Discrimination). For Asian
Americans, Landrine et al. (2006) found Cronbach’s alphas
ranging from .91 to .94. The alpha levels for this sample were
.938 (Lifetime Discrimination), .938 (Recent Discrimination),
and .948 (Appraised Discrimination).
Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale (RSES;Rosenberg, 1965).
The RSES is a 10-item measure that assesses a person’s overall
evaluation of his or her worthiness as a human being. Items are
measured on a 4-point scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to
4 (strongly agree). The scale includes five positively worded items
and five negatively worded, reverse-scored items on the measure.
Adequate internal reliability scores have been found for Asian
samples. For example, Singelis, Bond, Sharkey, and Lai (1999)
found alpha values of .82 for Asian Americans in Hawaii and .83
for Chinese individuals in Hong Kong. Cronbach’s alphas of .88
and .89 have been reported for samples that include South Asians
 SOUTH ASIAN EXPERIENCES OF DISCRIMINATION 159

Table 1
Demographics for First-Generation (N ⫽ 101) and Second- First genera- Second genera-
tion tion
Generation (N ⫽ 109) South Asians
Variable N % N %
First Second
generation generation Ethnic identity
Very South Asian 20 19.8 7 6.4
Variable N % N % More South Asian than
American 35 34.7 10 9.2
Gender Bicultural 38 37.6 56 51.4
Male 72 71.3 44 40.4 More American than
Female 29 28.7 65 59.6 South Asian 7 6.9 31 28.4
Marital status Very American 1 1.0 5 4.6
Single 36 35.6 58 53.2
Married/Partnered 59 58.4 41 37.6
Separated 0 0 1 .9
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Divorced 3 3.0 2 1.8 (Greenberger, Chen, Dmitrieva, & Farruggia, 2003; Iyer & Has-
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.

Cohabiting 1 1.0 7 6.4

Widowed 2 2.0 0 0
lam, 2003). Cronbach’s alpha for this sample was .872.
Nationality Satisfaction With Life Scale (SWLS; Diener, Emmons,
Indian 81 80.2 50 45.9 Larsen, & Griffin, 1985). The SWLS is a five-item measure in
Pakistani 0 0 3 2.8 which respondents indicate the extent to which they are generally
Nepalese 1 1.0 1 .9 satisfied with life. The items are assessed on a 7-point Likert scale
Sri Lankan 1 1.0 3 2.8
Bangladeshi 0 0 1 .9 ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 7 (strongly agree). Higher
South Asian American 8 7.9 35 32.1 scores on the measure reflect greater life satisfaction. Vohra and
Asian American 4 4.0 6 5.5 Adair (2000) reported internal consistency of .77 with an Asian
Other 6 5.9 10 9.2 Indian immigrant sample. Additionally, Cronbach’s alpha for the
Birth country
United States 0 0 68 62.4
study’s sample was .892.
India 92 91.1 26 23.9
Nepal 1 1.0 0 0 Results
Pakistan 0 0 2 1.8
Sri Lanka 1 1.0 3 2.8
Other 7 6.9 10 9.2 Preliminary Analyses
U.S. residence
Northeast 40 39.6 66 60.6 In order to assess whether nine salient demographic variables
South 13 12.9 8 7.3 (i.e., gender, generational status, nationality, current religion, birth
West 19 18.8 23 21.1 country, sexual orientation, religiosity, ethnic identity, and age)
Midwest 24 23.8 8 7.3
Other 5 5.0 4 3.7
were significantly influencing the variables of interest in the study,
Citizenship multiple MANOVAs were conducted at a conservative level of p
South Asian 79 78.2 5 4.6 ⬍ .01, with follow-up univariate analyses. The multivariate test of
United States 15 14.9 100 91.7 differences between groups using the Wilks’ lambda criteria was
Other 3 3.0 3 2.8 statistically significant, F(6, 203) ⫽ 5.165, p ⬍ .01, for gender.
Current religion
Christian 6 5.9 33 30.3 Follow-up comparisons showed that the women had significantly
Hindu 74 73.3 39 35.8 higher means on appraised racist events (B ⫽ 9.160). Additionally,
Muslim 5 5.0 11 10.1 the multivariate test of differences between groups using the
Sikh 2 2.0 6 5.5 Wilks’ lambda criteria was statistically significant, F(6, 203) ⫽
Jain 0 0 1 .9
Buddhists 0 0 4 3.7
11.769, p ⬍ .01, for generational status. Parameter estimates
Other 14 13.9 15 13.8 showed that first-generation individuals reported significantly
Religiosity lower levels of perceived stress (i.e., appraised racist events) than
Very religious 11 10.9 22 20.2 second-generation individuals (B ⫽ ⫺7.901).
Somewhat religious 58 57.4 62 56.9 Multivariate analyses (i.e., MANOVAs for categorical vari-
Not at all religious 32 31.7 25 22.9
Education level ables, multiple regression for continuous variables) showed group
High school 1 1.0 1 .9 differences for nationality and current religion; however, follow up
Some college 1 1.0 6 5.5 between-subjects analyses did not indicate significant differences
Bachelor’s degree 14 13.9 34 31.2 between groups (p ⬍ .01). No significant differences in the de-
Some graduate work 4 4.0 11 10.1
Master’s degree 59 58.4 40 36.7
pendent variables were found for demographic variables, including
PhD/MD 21 20.8 13 11.9 birth country, sexual orientation, religiosity, ethnic identity, and
Other 1 1.0 4 3.7 age.
Sexual orientation
Heterosexual 97 96.0 100 91.7
Bisexual 0 0 2 1.8 Covariance Matrix and Normality
Homosexual 0 0 4 3.7
Queer 0 0 3 2.8 The covariance matrix for the full data is shown in Table 2, and
Other 1 1 1 1 separate covariance matrices are also shown for first- and second-
generation groups (Tables 3 and 4), along with the means and
 160 KADUVETTOOR-DAVIDSON AND INMAN

Table 2
Covariance Matrix, Means, and Standard Deviations (N ⫽ 210)

Variable 1 2 3 4 5 6

1. Recent racist events 179.207

2. Recent racist events transformed 4.850 .138
3. Lifetime racist events 153.602 4.151 185.915
4. Appraised racist events 185.799 5.142 226.669 390.012
5. Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale ⫺12.288 ⫺.393 ⫺11.452 ⫺16.921 22.308
6. Satisfaction With Life Scale ⫺22.391 ⫺.635 ⫺19.955 ⫺26.864 15.287 50.155
Mean 31.9381 3.3904 37.5286 41.6952 33.9143 23.7167
SD 13.38681 .37165 13.63508 19.74872 4.72318 7.08202
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standard deviations for all of the variables. Skewness, kurtosis, and Model 3 estimation and fit. Both estimated relationships in
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bivariate scatterplots were examined to assess univariate and bi-
variate normality. With regard to skewness, all of the data were
within normal limits. The kurtosis statistics indicated kurtosis
problems for one variable, recent racist events; thus, a log trans-
formation was applied to this variable (Rummel, 1970) in order to
satisfy normality assumptions. The transformed recent racist
events data were utilized in the analyses. The scatterplots showed
fairly elliptical plots, thus meeting normality assumptions.
Mediation Analyses
Model 1 estimation and fit. When this model was estimated,
the expected relationship was confirmed. The path from perceived
discrimination to well-being was significant at the .01 level (p ⫽
.001) and was in the expected direction (␤ ⫽ ⫺.346). The results
of the target model analyses, however, suggest poor fit. The
chi-square test results, ␹2(5, N ⫽ 210) ⫽ 258.733, p ⫽ .000, and
the results of other fit indices (GFI ⫽ .779; TLI ⫽ .071; CFI ⫽
.536; RMSEA ⫽ .493) suggest that the model does not meet Hu
and Bentler’s (1995) recommendations for fit criteria. The results
suggest that the model fit the data at an inadequate level.
Model 2 estimation and fit. When this model was estimated,
one of the expected relationships was confirmed. The path from
perceived discrimination to perceived stress (Path a) was signifi-
cant at the .001 level (p ⬍ .001) and was in the expected direction
(␤ ⫽ .851). Although in the expected direction (␤ ⫽ ⫺.088), the
relationship between perceived stress and well-being (Path b) was
not significant at the .01 level; thus, the requirements for mediation
were not met at this step. Path c was reduced to ⫺.219 when
compared with Model 1. The results of the full-model analyses
suggest good fit, ␹2(3, N ⫽ 210) ⫽ 5.05, p ⫽ .168, GFI ⫽ .991,
TLI ⫽ .987, CFI ⫽ .996, RMSEA ⫽ .057.
this model were significant and in the expected direction at the .01
level. The path from perceived discrimination to perceived stress
(Path a) was significant (p ⫽ .000, ␤ ⫽ .848) and the path from
Perceived stress to well-being was significant (p ⫽ .008, ␤ ⫽
⫺.276). The results of the model analyses suggest good fit. The
chi-square test, ␹2(4, N ⫽ 210) ⫽ 6.683, p ⫽ .154, GFI (.988), TLI
(.988), CFI (.995), and RMSEA (.057) results indicate that the data
fit this model well.
Model comparison. A chi-square difference test, ⌬␹2 (1) ⫽
1.632, was not significant (p ⫽ .201) when comparing the fit of
Model 3 with Model 2. This indicated that the fit of Model 3 was
not significantly different from the fit of the full model, Model 2.
Moderation Analyses
Figures 1 and 2 show relationships between the variables for
each of the generational groups. In terms of differences between
the groups, the test of moderation for the path from perceived
discrimination to perceived stress was not significant, ⌬␹2(1) ⫽
1.914; p ⫽ .167, indicating that there are no significant differences
between first- and second-generation South Asians for this rela-
tionship. The test of moderation for the path from perceived stress
to well-being was not significant, ⌬␹2(1) ⫽ .846, p ⫽ .358, and the
test of moderation for the path from perceived discrimination to
well-being was not significant, ⌬␹2(1) ⫽ .041, p ⫽ .840. Chi-
square difference tests for all three paths showed that there were no
significant differences between the unconstrained model and the
constrained model, in which groups were set to be equal; thus,
there were no significant differences shown between the two South
Asian groups on any of the three relationships (i.e., a, b, or c).

Table 3
Covariance Matrix, Means, and Standard Deviations for First-Generation Group (N ⫽ 101)

Variable 1 2 3 4 5 6

1. Recent racist events 242.372

2. Recent racist events transformed 6.296 .172
3. Lifetime racist events 221.051 5.650 237.539
4. Appraised racist events 271.334 6.924 275.372 395.884
5. Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale ⫺25.122 ⫺.723 ⫺20.987 ⫺30.683 19.294
6. Satisfaction With Life Scale ⫺39.218 ⫺1.061 ⫺36.929 ⫺52.176 16.793 52.882
Mean 33.6436 3.4253 35.6139 37.5941 34.1881 23.1436
SD 15.56829 .41495 15.41231 19.89682 4.39252 7.27198
 SOUTH ASIAN EXPERIENCES OF DISCRIMINATION 161

Table 4
Covariance Matrix, Means, and Standard Deviations for Second-Generation Group (N ⫽ 109)

Variable 1 2 3 4 5 6

1. Recent racist events 117.139

2. Recent racist events transformed 3.449 .106
3. Lifetime racist events 98.455 2.923 133.232
4. Appraised racist events 120.923 3.798 169.525 357.882
5. Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale ⫺1.359 ⫺.108 ⫺1.785 ⫺2.312 25.171
6. Satisfaction with Life Scale ⫺5.256 ⫺.210 ⫺6.400 ⫺7.911 14.316 47.503
Mean 30.3578 3.3580 39.3028 45.4954 33.6606 24.2477
SD 10.82309 .32506 11.54260 18.91777 5.01705 6.89223
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Discussion
The current study sought to examine potential mediating and
moderating variables in the experience of discrimination for South
Asians living in the United States. In general, the results suggest
that the proposed model fits the data well and that all of the
variables related to each other in the hypothesized direction. How-
ever, mediation and moderation were not found for the variables
and the groups that were examined.
Model Fit
Although specific mediation and moderation were not found in
this study, the results suggest an indirect effect in the perceived
discrimination and well-being relationship and a good-fitting
model. More specifically, model-fit tests indicate that the esti-
mated relationships in the full model (i.e., hypothesized model) are
comparable with the observed relationships (i.e., actual data).
Thus, the discrimination, stress, and well-being model that was
determined by underlying theory is confirmed by the data from the
study. Additionally, the interplay of the variables within the model
is confirmed in two groups.
These findings are consistent with other research (e.g., Carter &
Forsyth, 2010) that report that racism is related to higher levels of
emotional stress and has negative effects on psychological well-
being. South Asians in the United States seem to experience
negative effects of perceived discrimination, and this study sup-
ports the consistency of findings related to the negative impact of
perceived discrimination and racism. For example, Tummala-
Narra, Alegria, and Chen (2012) found a positive relationship
between perceived discrimination and depression for South
Asians. They highlight the invisibility of South Asian experiences
of discrimination and how these experiences are often masked
within the perception of South Asians as “model minorities.” As
South Asians continue to experience racism and discrimination in
the United States (e.g., Wisconsin Sikh Temple Shooting, n.d.), it
is important to give voice and visibility to this group.
Mediation
Although mediation was not found in this study, some of the
steps of mediation were met and have implications for South
Asians in the United States. For example, Model 1 showed that
perceived discrimination is significantly correlated with well-

v1

1.00 SRE Appraised

SRE Lifetime e3
e1 Perceived Racist Events
Racist Events
.97 Stress (B)
.92
Perceived
Discrimination (A) -.33
-.18
.91
.73 SWLS e4
SRE Recent
e2 Racist Events
Well Being (C)

.72

Rosenberg
e5
Self Esteem
v2

Figure 1. First-generation unconstrained model.

 162 KADUVETTOOR-DAVIDSON AND INMAN
SRE Lifetime
e1
Racist Events
.99
.79
Perceived
Discrimination (A)
-.09
.79
SRE Recent
e2 Racist Events
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This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
Figure 2. Second-generation unconstrained model.
being in a negative direction. Consistent with other research
(Carter, 2007), both groups of South Asians in this study experi-
enced negative effects on their psychological well-being when
perceiving greater discrimination. Additionally, the relationship
between perceived discrimination and psychological well-being
was reduced when other variables (i.e., perceived stress) were
controlled for and included in subsequent models. This suggests
that perceived stress may play a different role in the relationship
between discrimination and well-being. Thus, rather than a medi-
ator, it may be important to examine perceived stress as a moder-
ator in future studies.
Moderation
Although previous researchers (e.g., Yoo & Lee, 2008) have
found differences in generational status within the Asian popula-
tion in studies related to discrimination, moderation was not found
in this study. This study did not find support for moderation for a
number of potential reasons or limitations of the study. First, there
may be no group differences because discrimination has detrimen-
tal effects regardless of group membership. Researchers have
found that discrimination negatively relates to numerous mental
and physical health outcomes across different generational-status
groups (e.g., Williams, Neighbors, & Jackson, 2003; Yip, Gee, &
Takeuchi, 2008). For example, Yip et al. (2008) found that both
first- and second-generation Asians living in the United States
experienced psychological distress related to discrimination. Sim-
ilarly, with regard to discrimination experiences, Tummala-Narra
et al. (2011) found no significant differences between first- and
second-generation South Asians on relationships between racism-
related stress, coping, and self-esteem. Thus, regardless of gener-
ational status, multiple South Asian groups may experience similar
negative effects of discrimination. Additionally, potential variabil-
ity within each generational group (e.g., with regard to factors such
as racial or ethnic identity and/or level of acculturation; Tummala-
v1
1.00 SRE Appraised
e3
Perceived Racist Events
Stress (B)
.01
1.02 SWLS e4
Well Being (C)
.41
Rosenberg
e5
Self Esteem
v2
Narra et al., 2011) might have made it difficult to find statistically
significant differences among groups.
Limitations
There are a few limitations to this study. One limitation of the
study is the convenience sampling method. People that were
known to the researchers and Asian psychological listservs were
utilized as a start point for recruiting and this may limit the
generalizability of the data. Another limitation is that although
model-fit results indicate confirmation of this model, the full
model cannot be completely established or validated because there
may be other variables and models that fit the data. A third
limitation of this study relates to methodological issues, more
specifically, the number of indicators used for constructs. The
psychological well-being variable had two indicators (i.e., self-
esteem and life satisfaction); however, researchers recommend
three to four indicators per construct. A fourth limitation of the
study is that only one demographic variable, generational status,
was examined as a moderator. Preliminary analyses indicated that
there might be other potential moderating variables (e.g., gender)
that influence the experience of discrimination. Additional analy-
ses of gender were not conducted in this study due to inadequate
sample sizes. Other researchers (e.g., Liang, Nathwani, Ahmad, &
Prince, 2010) have focused on gender and generational differences
in studies related to experiences of discrimination. Future studies
should also investigate potential confounding variables or control
for them. Other study limitations include the use of self-report
measures, the shared method variance related to single participants
reporting on all variables, and concurrent design for a test of
mediation. Lastly, the study is a nonexperimental design; there-
fore, the results do not suggest causality. Despite these limitations,
the findings have important theoretical, empirical, and practical
implications.
 SOUTH ASIAN EXPERIENCES OF DISCRIMINATION
Theoretical Implications
This study’s good-fitting model results confirm that perceived
discrimination, stress, and well-being are related to each other in
the proposed manner and provides empirical support for research-
ers’ theoretical models of race-related stress (e.g., Carter, 2007;
Clark et al., 1999). More specifically, these researchers hypothe-
sized that perceived discrimination, perceived stress, and psycho-
logical well-being variables are related and should be taken into
consideration as a group.
The model-fit results are influenced by the loadings of the
indicators on the latent variables as well as the relationships
between the latent variables. Future theoretical inquiries might aim
to strengthen the measurement and conceptualization of
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discrimination-related stress by including more specific emic
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stress indicators (e.g., psychosomatic stress in addition to general
perceived stress). This addition would address the limitation of
having one indicator for the variable perceived stress. Addition-
ally, this supplement to the theoretical literature would inform and
strengthen future empirical research with additional indicators of
perceived stress (e.g., cognitive, psychosomatic) that are relevant
for the South Asian group (Liang et al., 2004; Tummala-Narra et
al., 2011). Although Liang et al. (2004) developed a race-related
stress measure for Asian Americans, a more specific conceptual-
ization of race-related stress for South Asians would be beneficial
for future scholars and researchers.
Although moderation was not found in this study, other studies
of discrimination have found differences between demographic
groups (Carter, 2007), suggesting that moderating variables (e.g.,
gender) may be important to consider in theoretical and research
conceptualizations. For example, Yoshihama, Bybee, and
Blazevski (2010) acknowledge that day-to-day discrimination is
related to negative well-being for both men and women; however,
they found that it was only significantly related to “general health
status” for men. Additionally, Thomas, Witherspoon, and Spei-
ght’s (2008) preliminary analysis of gendered racism in the lives of
African American women suggest that women appraised discrim-
ination as more stressful than men. Inman, Altman, Kaduvettoor-
Davidson, Carr, & Walker (2011) found that Asian Indian/White
interracial couples also described experiences of discrimination. In
terms of theory, additional demographic variables (e.g., gender,
class, sexual orientation) that potentially play a significant role in
the experience of discrimination and stress should be considered.
Research Implications
The full model in this study was replicated and confirmed for
both first- and second-generation South Asians. In terms of re-
search implications, this study provides support for the indirect
role of stress in the relationship between discrimination and psy-
chological well-being (Holmbeck, 1997). This study can be ex-
tended and replicated with varied outcome variables (e.g., anxiety,
depression) and groups (e.g., men and women) in order to inves-
tigate the role of stress in other relationships and with other
populations. Future research should further investigate this rela-
tionship and should examine factors (e.g., cognitive appraisal,
perceptions of shame) that may potentially buffer or exacerbate the
relationship between perceived discrimination and stress. For ex-
ample, factors such as ethnic/racial identity may serve as protec-
tive factors in the relationship between discrimination and well-
163
being, and should be empirically investigated (Tummala-Narra et
al., 2011; Yip et al., 2008). This study focused on individual
constructs of psychological well-being (e.g., self-esteem and life
satisfaction). Future researchers can investigate constructs such as
collective self-esteem, which may be relevant to South Asian
participants.
Future research with this population might also include mea-
sures that are specifically designed for South Asians and discrim-
ination. For example, an inventory that assesses specific types of
discrimination for South Asian Americans (e.g., related to out-
sourcing, cultural markers) might unveil the nuances of the dis-
crimination experience for this group. Including an emic measure
of discrimination in the model might have enhanced the model fit,
as multiple indicators of perceived discrimination would have
contributed to the perceived discrimination construct.
Practical Implications
Research in the area of discrimination may influence psycho-
logical practice, and practicing professionals may integrate the
findings of this study into their work with South Asian clients and
others for whom this research may be relevant. This study dem-
onstrates that South Asian Americans may experience stress and
negative outcomes related to psychological well-being related to
perceived discrimination. Practitioners can be mindful about this
and inquire about these types of experiences with clients. In terms
of assessment, professionals can assess the level of discrimination-
related stress an individual experiences and explore relationships
between discrimination and psychological well-being. Addition-
ally, practitioners can focus on ways to reduce perceived stress
(i.e., coping methods, advocacy) in order to alleviate some of the
negative consequences of discrimination. Professionals can pro-
vide resources and support for South Asian groups that might be
impacted by discrimination in their communities.
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Received June 4, 2010
Revision received September 20, 2012
Accepted September 20, 2012 䡲