Asian American Journal of Psychology © 2011 American Psychological Association

2011, Vol. 2, No. 3, 205–218 1948-1985/11/$12.00 DOI: 10.1037/a0025555

Asian Indians’ Responses to Discrimination: A Mixed-Method

Examination of Identity, Coping, and Self-Esteem

Pratyusha Tummala-Narra Arpana G. Inman and Sarini P. Ettigi

Boston College Lehigh University

The focus on racial injustice in ethnic minority psychology recognizes a need to

understand the effects of racism experienced by Asian Indians in the U.S. Utilizing a
mixed-method approach with 102 first and second generation Asian Indians, we
examined (a) when and why race and ethnicity are salient for Asian Indians, (b) the
mediating roles of racial identity and ethnic identity, and (c) the moderating roles of
generational status and racial socialization on the relationship between racism related
stress, self-esteem and coping. Qualitative analyses revealed distinct and overlapping
themes related to race and ethnicity highlighting the relevance of both constructs to
participants. Quantitative analyses revealed racial identity to be a significant mediator
in the relationship between racism related stress, self-esteem, and coping. Neither
generational status nor racial socialization experiences moderated this relationship.
Implications of these findings for research and clinical intervention with Asian Indians
are discussed.

Keywords: Asian Indians, South Asians, racism, racial identity, ethnicity

Studies on South Asian mental health con-
ducted outside the U.S. (e.g., Malaysia, Trini-
dad, U.K.), have revealed a strong association
between racial/ethnic discrimination and clini-
cal symptomology (e.g., depression; Bhui,
Stansfeld, McKenzie, Karlsen, Nazroo, &
Weich, 2005). Similarly, research on South
Asians’ in the U.S. post 9/11, revealed that
prejudicial racial attitudes experienced during
this period complicated this group’s bereave-
ment and coping with the loss of loved ones
(Inman, Yeh, Maden-Bhel, & Nath, 2007). Al-
though this research provides some insights into
South Asian (e.g., Asian Indian, Pakistani) ex-
periences in general, we know little about how
daily racial transgressions and related stress im-
pact the identity, wellbeing, and coping among
U.S.-based Asian Indians.
The ways in which Asian Indians internalize
race and ethnicity into their identities have im-
portant implications for understanding the ex-
perience of and coping with racism related
stress. While we recognize the diversity (e.g.,
immigration history, language) among Asian
Indians in the U.S., we were interested in the
shared experiences of race, ethnicity, and rac-
ism related stress for this group. Using a mixed-
method approach, we examined the ways in
which race and ethnicity are experienced by first
and second generation Asian Indians, and
whether racism related stress contributes to self-
esteem and coping.

Salience of Race and Ethnicity Among

Pratyusha Tummala-Narra, Department of Counseling,
Developmental, and Educational Psychology, Boston Col-
lege; Arpana G. Inman and Sarini P. Ettigi, Counseling
Psychology, Department of Education and Human Services,
Lehigh University.
We thank Narayan Gold, Sachi Jhaveri-Mehta, Nagia
Mahmood, and Rebekah Hansen who helped with the anal-
ysis of the qualitative data, and Dr. Kerry Moustakas for her
support of this research through the Integrative Research
Grant at the Michigan School of Professional Psychology.
Correspondence concerning this article should be ad-
dressed to 319 Campion Hall, 140 Commonwealth Avenue,
Chestnut Hill, MA 02467. E-mail: tummalan@bc.edu
205
Asian Indians in the U.S
Studies of racial attitudes in the U.S. clearly
indicate that Asian Indians are perceived as
racially distinct from the White population (In-
man, 2006). Yet violence perpetrated by a
White street gang (i.e., Dotbusters) in New Jer-
sey, against Asian Indians in the mid
1980s⫺1990s and experiences related to the
9/11 tragedy (Inman, Yeh et al., 2007) are cir-
cumscribed to a particular region of the U.S. In
206 TUMMALA-NARRA, INMAN, AND ETTIGI
a sense, the complex nature of the Asian Indian
racial experience has been an invisible one. The
study of ethnicity has dominated studies on
U.S.-based Asian Indians, with ethnic traditions
and an ethnic self-image playing a prominent
role in their acculturative and socialization ex-
periences (Inman, Howard, Beaumont, &
Walker, 2007). Although the literature (Helms,
1995; Kwan & Sodowsky, 1997) highlights the
construct of race to be distinct from ethnicity,
little is known as to when and why Asian Indi-
ans perceive race and ethnicity as salient. Thus,
in our first research question, using a qualitative
approach, we sought to understand the phenom-
ena of race and ethnicity by qualitatively ex-
ploring the particular circumstances (when) and
reasons (why) race and ethnicity become sa-
lient, and quantitatively examining the relation-
ship between the circumstances and reasons.
Racism Related Stress, Self-Esteem, and
Coping: Mediating Role of Racial and
Ethnic Identity
Beyond exploring the meaning of race and
ethnicity among Asian Indians, we were inter-
ested in the role that racial identity and ethnic
identity play in relation to racism related stress,
self-esteem, and coping. Racial identity refers to
the quality of one’s identification with one’s
racial group based in the internalized effects of
racial oppression (Helms, 1995). Ethnic identity
refers to a person’s sense of belonging with
other members of an ethnic group, based on
shared cultural characteristics (Ibrahim, Ohni-
shi, & Sandhu, 1997).
Recent studies on effects of racism among
ethnic groups (Takeuchi et al., 2007) indicate
that racism related stress impacts racial identity,
sense of self (e.g., self-esteem), and ability to
cope with such stress. Similarly, ethnic identity
research suggests that stronger ethnic belonging
(internal ethnic identity) and ethnic involve-
ment (external ethnic identity) facilitates stronger
ego identity, and greater self-esteem, allowing for
better coping with lower levels of cultural-racial
conflict and psychological distress (Inman, 2006;
Rhee, Chang, & Rhee, 2003).
Although ethnic identity models have cap-
tured Asian Indian experiences (e.g., Kwan &
Sodowsky, 1997) within the context of an in-
ternal and external representation of ethnic
identity (Inman, 2006), racial identity models
addressing Asian Indians have yet to be formu-
lated. Alternatively Helms’ (1995) people of
color model has been studied in the context of
South Asian American racial identity (Inman,
2006) providing some insights into self-
definitions and perceived racism. Further, Bha-
tia’s (2007) ethnographic study on middle to
upper-middle class suburban, first generation
Asian Indian immigrants from 1960s⫺70s sug-
gested that this group experienced a push and
pull to own their racial identity. While on one
hand, they strongly identified with the White
middle class value of individualism and univer-
sality and seemed reluctant to identify as “peo-
ple of color,” at other times they defined the self
along racial lines.
Our second question examined the mediating
role of racial identity and ethnic identity in the
relationship between racism related stress and
self-esteem and between racism related stress
and coping. Considering previous research
which suggests a relationship between experi-
ences of racism and racial identity, particularly
Dissonance and Immersion-Emersion schemas
(Alvarez, Juang, & Liang, 2006; Inman, 2006),
and a relationship between racial identity and
self-esteem (Takeuchi et al., 2007), we hypoth-
esized that these particular racial identity sche-
mas may account for the relationship between
racism related stress and self-esteem, and be-
tween racism related stress and coping. Further,
consistent with previous research that suggests a
relationship between ethnic identity and self-
esteem and between ethnic identity and coping
(Inman, 2006; Rhee et al., 2003), we hypothe-
sized that stronger identification with one’s in-
ternal and external ethnic identity would facili-
tate higher self-esteem and increased use of
collectivistic coping strategies (e.g., seeking
help from family or from friends who have had
similar experiences) when faced with racism
related stress. In this study, we used a traditional
definition of self-esteem, a construct involving
feelings of self-worth (Rosenberg, 1965), which
has been used in numerous studies with ethnic
minority populations (Rhee et al., 2003).
Racism Related Stress, Self-Esteem, and
Coping: Moderating Role of Generational
Status and Racial Socialization
A third research question focused on whether
racial socialization varies across generations,
 ASIAN INDIANS’ RESPONSES TO DISCRIMINATION
and whether generational status and racial so-
cialization moderate the relationship between
racism related stress and self-esteem, and the
relationship between racism related stress and
coping. We adopted Harrell’s (2000) definition
of racial socialization, which refers to the de-
gree to which Asian Indians are exposed to
White racial and cultural contexts and the extent
to which family socialization includes discus-
sions of Indian cultural values and racism. Con-
sistent with recent literature (Inman, 2006;
Nayar & Sandhu, 2006), we defined first gen-
eration as those born and raised in India and
migrated to the U.S. after age 18, and second
generation as those either born and raised in the
U.S., or migrated to the U.S. by age 18. Our
delineation between first and second genera-
tions is based on literature which suggests a
differing relationship between length of stay in
the U.S. and identification with the mainstream
culture or culture of origin (Deaux, 2004). Spe-
cifically, second generation Asian Indians, are
socialized within a racialized society that is
vastly different from the Indian society. Con-
versely, first generation Asian Indians may in-
ternalize experiences related to the caste system
and/or colonization, and thus have differing per-
ceptions of race and ethnicity, and racism (Ibra-
him et al., 1997).
Research on generational differences among
South Asians has revealed that because of var-
ied socialization experiences, they tend to inter-
nalize race and ethnicity differently (Inman,
2006). It is then possible that racism related
stress and related self-esteem and coping may
be differentially experienced or moderated by
generational status. We hypothesized that in
comparison to first generation, for second gen-
eration Asian Indians, higher levels of racism
related stress would contribute to lower levels
of self-esteem and greater use of collectivistic
coping strategies. Relatedly, we were interested
in the racial socialization process and how these
approaches may vary across generations. Based
on previous research (Bynum, Burton, & Best,
2007), we hypothesized that increased exposure
to White, European American cultural context
would contribute to increased use of collectiv-
istic coping, and lower self-esteem, and that a
greater degree of discussions about cultural tra-
ditions and racism would contribute to in-
creased use of collectivistic coping and higher
self-esteem in the face of racism related stress.
207
We chose a mixed-method approach to this
study because of our interest in (a) Asian Indi-
ans’ own descriptions of when and why race
and ethnicity are salient in their lives, (b)
whether racism related stress is associated with
self-esteem and coping across two generations
of Asian Indians, and (c) whether racial identity,
ethnic identity, racial socialization and genera-
tional status play a role in the relationship be-
tween racism related stress and self-esteem, and
the relationship between racism related stress
and coping. The analysis of qualitative data
allowed us to gain a more in-depth understand-
ing of the multiple meanings to questions about
race and ethnicity whereas quantitative analyses
allowed us to examine the specific relationships
between the different variables (Gay, Mills, &
Airasian, 2009; Ladany & Lehrman-Waterman,
1999).
Method
Participants and Procedure
Recruited through Internet mailing lists and
Asian Indian social, political, religious, and pro-
fessional organizations across the U.S., partici-
pants completed an online survey (i.e., Survey
Monkey) that addressed the experience of race
and ethnicity in the Asian Indian community in
the U.S. A total of 102 participants (75%
women and 25% men; 42% first generation and
58% second generation) completed all of the
measures online. The mean age of the partici-
pants was 37.01, ranging from 20 to 71 years
and the range of years of residence in the U.S.
was 1–35 years. Ninety-eight percent partici-
pants completed a bachelor’s degree and 78%
completed a graduate degree. Seventy-seven
percent participants reported being somewhat
religious, with a majority of participants be-
ing of Hindu background (72%), although
participants identifying as Christian, Muslim,
Sikh, and Jain also completed the survey.
When asked about their cultural identifica-
tions, 28% identified as more Asian Indian
than American, 54% identified as bicultural,
and 11% identified as more American than
Asian Indian, and the rest of the participants
identified as either very Asian Indian (6%) or
very American (1%).
208 TUMMALA-NARRA, INMAN, AND ETTIGI
Measures
Demographic form. This form was used
to assess information about participants’ age,
gender, generational status, education level, oc-
cupation, religious affiliation, and length of res-
idence in the United States if born outside of the
US. Participants were also asked about their
identification with religion and their Asian In-
dian and American backgrounds.
Identity Salience Measure (IDM). Devel-
oped for this study, the IDM assessed situations
when race and ethnicity are salient, and why
race and ethnicity are salient in these particular
circumstances. Using a thought-listing tech-
nique (Cacioppo & Petty, 1981), participants
were asked to identify at least two examples of
circumstances when race and ethnicity were
salient and two reasons for why the two con-
structs were salient. Definitions for race or eth-
nicity were not provided as we hoped to get
participants’ perspectives without bias.
Through a thematic analysis, responses were
coded into categories using the Discovery Ori-
ented Approach (Mahrer, 1988). This involves
reading statements and developing preliminary
themes present in the dataset. The data are then
organized and reorganized into a categorical
system of general themes until all data are sub-
sumed within a particular category. Two raters,
independently, went through a portion of the
data, and coded participant responses (when
race/ethnicity was salient and why it was sa-
lient) into potential categories. This preliminary
categorization was then assessed against a por-
tion of the data. After several revisions the team
came to a consensus on the final list of catego-
ries for race and for ethnicity and coded the data
(Table 3). Interrater reliability ranged from
.89⫺.99 (when race was salient: .93; why race
was salient: .89; when ethnicity was salient: .99;
why ethnicity was salient: .94). Any disagree-
ments were discussed with a third rater involve-
ment and resolved through consensus.
Racial and Life Experiences Scale
(RALES). The RALES (Harrell, Merchant,
& Young, 1997) includes subscales aimed to
measure multiple dimensions of individual per-
ceptions of racial socialization and racism. For
our study, we used the socialization subscale of
the RALES, which included 24 items that assess
three general areas of socialization, Exposure to
European American cultural environment (␣ ⫽
.77), Exposure to White American racial envi-
ronment (␣ ⫽ .79), and Discussions on cultural
traditions and racism (␣ ⫽ .77). Studies with
Asian American samples have revealed reliabil-
ity coefficients of .77 for exposure to racial and
cultural environments, and .70 for discussions
on cultural traditions and racism (Harrell, Mer-
chant, & Young, 1997). The RALES scales
have been significantly correlated with collec-
tive self-esteem, cultural mistrust, and salience
of racial identity (Harrell et al., 1997).
People of Color Racial Identity Attitudes
Scale (PCRIAS). The PCRIAS (Helms,
1995) assesses four different schemas (i.e.,
Conformity, Dissonance, Immersion-Emersion,
and Internalization) that people of color use in
responding to racial information. The 50 attitu-
dinal statements of the PCRIAS are structured
along a 5-point Likert scale and divided across
four scales, reflecting the different schemas.
Studies with Asian American samples (Ko-
hatsu, 1992) have reported that the schemas
measured by the PCRIAS were significantly
related to awareness of racism. Studies includ-
ing South Asians suggest that the PCRIAS is a
reliable and valid instrument for these commu-
nities (Alvarez & Helms, 2001; Inman, 2006)
with reliability coefficients ranging from .67 to
.85 for the different scales, and PCRIAS being
predictive of perceptions of racism. For the cur-
rent study, alpha coefficients were .79 (confor-
mity), .73 (dissonance), .77 (immersion-
emersion), and .76 (internalization).
Internal and External Ethnic Identity
Scale. (I-EEDS; Kwan & Sodowsky, 1997).
The I-EEDS, normed with Asian Indians, is a
35-item, 2-subscale self-report measure de-
signed to assess the extent to which individuals
retain an internal ethnic identity (e.g., pride and
attachment to one’s ethnic group), and an ex-
ternal ethnic identity (e.g., ethnic behaviors and
practices). Validity for the internal ethnic iden-
tity subscale has been established through pos-
itive correlations with the Salience of Ethnicity
Index (Kwan & Sodowsky, 1997), and validity
for the external ethnic identity scale has been
established through positive correlations with
the Acculturative Distress subscale of the Cul-
tural Adjustment Difficulties Checklist (Sod-
owsky & Lal, 1997). Reliability coefficients
have been reported in the range of .88⫺.90
(Kwan & Sodowsky, 1997; Inman, 2006) for
the full measure and .72 (INT), and .86 (EXT).
 ASIAN INDIANS’ RESPONSES TO DISCRIMINATION
Alphas for the current study were .88 (full
scale), .83 (INT), and .89 (EXT).
Asian American Racism-Related Stress In-
ventory (AARRSI). The 29-item AARRSI
(Liang et al., 2004) was developed to measure
Asian Americans’ racism-related stress. Di-
vided into three subscales (i.e., historical and
institutional racism, stereotypes of Asian Amer-
icans, and being perceived as foreigner), partic-
ipants rate their level of stress related to each
type of racial experience using a 5-point Likert
scale. Validity for the AARRSI was established
through positive correlations with the Minority
Status Stress Scale (Smedley, Myers, & Harrell,
1993), and the Perceived Racism Scale (Mc-
Neilly et al., 1996). Liang et al. (2004) reported
reliability coefficients ranging from .90 to .95
for the overall scale. For our study, in consul-
tation with the measure’s author, through dis-
cussions with other South Asian research team
members, and a pilot study with six Asian In-
dians, the AARRSI was modified to better cap-
ture race related experiences specific to the In-
dian American context. For example, Asian or
Asian American was changed to Asian Indian in
all items. Items such as “Someone asks you if
you can teach him/her karate” were deleted as
they reflect East Asian cultural stereotypes.
Overall, seven items were deleted from the orig-
inal measure, and 10 new content-based items
were added to better reflect culturally specific
experiences of Asian Indians (e.g., “Someone
asks if you did or will have an arranged mar-
riage,” “Someone asks you if you pray to lots of
different gods”). The revised version of the
AARRSI included 32 items. Because, factor
analysis using a principal-component extraction
method did not yield sufficient evidence to sup-
port separate subscales, the total score of the
new AARSI was used as a measure of racism
related stress (␣ ⫽ .93).
Collectivistic Coping Scale (CCS). The
CCS is a 35-item, 7 factor (i.e., Respect for
Authority, Forbearance, Social Activity, In-
tracultural Coping, Relational Universality, Fa-
talism, and Family Support, scored separately)
measure used to assess coping strategies from a
collectivistic cultural orientation (Yeh, Chang,
Arora, Kim, & Xin, 2003). Participants are
asked to rate the extent to which they utilize
different coping strategies on a Likert scale
ranging from 1 to 7 (not used to used a great
deal), after identifying a stressful situation or
209
experience. For our study, participants were
asked to identify a stressful situation involving
racial and/or ethnic discrimination. Validity and
reliability data for the CCS were collected from
a diverse sample (N ⫽ 967), including the fol-
lowing racial/ethnic groups: 50.4% White;
23.6% Asian American; 9.6% African Ameri-
can; and 9.4% Latino; 5.9% “mixed race.” Yeh
et al., (2003) reported alpha coefficients for
each of the 7 factors: .93, .89, .90, .94, .91, .80,
and .88, respectively, and intercorrelations
among the 7 factors as ranging from .18 to .50.
Alphas for the current study were .96, .90, .92,
.91, .93, .83, and .90, respectively.
Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale. Rated on a
4-point (strongly agree to strongly disagree)
scale, this 10-item self-report measure assesses
global self-esteem related to overall feelings of
self-worth or self-acceptance. The scale dem-
onstrates good reliability and validity across
groups (Greenberger, Chen, Dmitrieva, &
Farruggia, 2003). Construct validity was es-
tablished through significant associations
with self-reports and peer ratings of depres-
sion and physiological indicators of anxiety
(Rosenberg, 1965). Test-retest correlations
have been reported in the range of .82 to .88,
and Cronbach’s alpha has ranged from .77 to
.88 (Blascovich & Tomaka, 1993). Alpha for
the current study was .86.
Results
Preliminary Analyses
Table 1 presents means and standard devia-
tions for racial socialization, racism related
stress, self-esteem, and coping variables. To
assess for potential confounds, Pearson pro-
duct–moment correlations (two-tailed) were
conducted between the predictor and outcome
variables (see Table 1). At N ⫽ 102, power ⫽
.80 to detect as significant at two-tailed p ⬍ .80
correlations greater than ⫾ .27. ANOVAs were
conducted to compare first and second genera-
tion on the variables of interest (see Table 2).
Power was set at .80 to detect a standardized
mean difference d ⱖ. 60 at 2-tailed p ⬍ .05.
Because of a predominant female participant
pool, we were unable to examine potential gen-
der differences.
210 TUMMALA-NARRA, INMAN, AND ETTIGI

Table 1
Bivariate Correlations Among Racism Related Stress (RRS), Self-Esteem (SE), Collectivistic Coping (C),
Racial Socialization Exposure to White Context (RSI), Exposure to European American Context (RS2),
and Discussions of Indian Culture and Racism (RS3)
Variable M SD 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12
1. RRS 2.46 .74 —
2. C1 14.39 7.84 .48ⴱⴱ —
3. C2 14.54 6.75 .49ⴱⴱ .85ⴱⴱ —
4. C3 13.43 7.36 .45ⴱⴱ .90ⴱⴱ .83ⴱⴱ —
5. C4 11.77 5.81 .42ⴱⴱ .83ⴱⴱ .79ⴱⴱ .81ⴱⴱ —
6. C5 13.45 6.21 .40ⴱⴱ .74ⴱⴱ .75ⴱⴱ .74ⴱⴱ .69ⴱⴱ —
7. C6 14.29 6.79 .55ⴱⴱ .78ⴱⴱ .81ⴱⴱ .80ⴱⴱ .73ⴱⴱ .80ⴱⴱ —
8. C7 14.35 6.83 .55ⴱⴱ .80ⴱⴱ .80ⴱⴱ .82ⴱⴱ .80ⴱⴱ .84ⴱⴱ .81ⴱ —
9. SE 16.72 4.50 .23ⴱ ⫺.00 .11 .02 .06 .10 .14 .13 —
10. RS1 36.11 8.43 .46ⴱⴱ .39ⴱⴱ .35ⴱⴱ .38ⴱⴱ .43ⴱⴱ .35ⴱⴱ .40ⴱⴱ .35ⴱⴱ .03 —
11. RS2 36.85 8.05 .41ⴱⴱ .34ⴱⴱ .27ⴱⴱ .33ⴱⴱ .35ⴱⴱ .27ⴱⴱ .30ⴱⴱ .25ⴱ ⫺.03 .93ⴱⴱ —
12. RS3 9.97 3.25 .31ⴱⴱ .27ⴱⴱ .24ⴱⴱ .29ⴱⴱ .28ⴱⴱ .31ⴱⴱ .26ⴱⴱ .23ⴱ .10 .22ⴱ .23ⴱ —
Note. C1 ⫽ Respect for Authority, C2 ⫽ Forbearance, C3 ⫽ Social Activity; C4 ⫽ Intracultural Coping; C5 ⫽ Relational
Universality; C6 ⫽ Fatalism; C7 ⫽ Family Support.
ⴱ
p ⬍ .05. ⴱⴱ p ⬍ .01.

Relationship Between Content of and of race and salience of ethnicity. Responses

Reasons for Salience of Race are reflective of both first and second gener-
ation participants. Because of our interest in
Tables 3 and 4 present the final categories examining the relationship between content
and examples for each category for salience of and reasons for salience of race and eth-

Table 2
Analyses of Variance: First and Second Generation
First Generation Second Generation
Measure M SD M SD F(1, 101)
Racial Socialization 28.41 5.90 41.56 5.28 141.31ⴱⴱ
(Racial Composition)
Racial Socialization 29.59 6.01 41.88 5.31 120.59ⴱⴱ
(Ethnic Composition)
Racial Socialization 3.32 1.18 4.25 .82 22.59ⴱⴱ
(Discussions on culture/ethnicity)
Racial Socialization 5.72 2.67 6.41 2.70 1.61
(Discussions on racism)
Racial Identity Conformity 27.37 6.77 24.51 5.67 5.38ⴱ
Racial Identity Dissonance 33.44 7.15 36.27 6.24 4.52ⴱ
Racial Identity Immersion 31.84 6.31 34.73 6.63 4.92ⴱ
Racial Identity Internalization 43.09 4.30 44.86 3.81 4.82ⴱ
Internal Ethnic Identity 50.21 11.57 51.25 9.71 .25
External Ethnic Identity 57.74 15.53 68.76 12.47 15.77ⴱⴱ
Racism Related Stress 2.00 .57 2.80 .68 37.26ⴱⴱ
Self-Esteem 16.32 4.46 17.00 4.54 .56
Coping Respect for Authority 11.16 6.40 16.75 8.00 14.28ⴱⴱ
Coping Forbearance 11.77 6.10 16.56 6.52 14.18ⴱⴱ
Coping Social Activity 10.40 5.81 15.64 7.62 14.31ⴱⴱ
Coping Intracultural 9.40 5.16 13.51 5.68 14.09ⴱⴱ
Coping Relational Universality 6.26 15.00 5.75 9.42ⴱⴱ 11.33
Coping Fatalism 11.05 6.24 16.66 6.21 20.22ⴱⴱ
Coping Family Support 12.02 6.49 16.05 6.62 9.37ⴱⴱ
ⴱ ⴱⴱ
p ⬍ .05. p ⬍ .01.
 ASIAN INDIANS’ RESPONSES TO DISCRIMINATION
Table 3
Situations and Reasons for Salience of Race: Categories and Examples
Category
Situations when race was salient
Discriminatory incidents
When identifying as a racial minority
Intimate relationships (with family, friends, partners)
Workplace or educational setting
Immersion within the Indian community
Not in awareness
Reasons why race is salient
Feeling threatened
Feelings of alienation
Feelings of humiliation
Heightened awareness and/or anxiety related to
surroundings
Heightened awareness of difference in physical features
Desire to combat racism
Desire for connection with Indian heritage
Not significant in one’s life
nicity, after each response was designated
into identified categories, we assigned numer-
ical codes to each category (Gay et al., 2008).
A goodness-of-fit chi-square analysis was
then conducted for each content category for
race and ethnicity. An alpha of .01 was uti-
lized for each of the tests to control for Type
I error. A cell chi-square analysis with ap-
proximately 1 degree of freedom, for each of
the content categories with a significant over-
all chi-square was conducted to determine
which content and reasons were related. Chi-
square values above the 95th percentile
(ⱖ 3.84) and the 99th percentile (ⱖ 6.63)
were considered meaningful and hence re-
ported (Heiberger & Holland, 2004).
211
Example
“When I am asked ‘where are you from’”
“When traveling, if I or another person of my race is
singled out to be searched”
“Moving to a small town where there were no people of
color”
“When I go to a public place in my ethnic clothing”
“Getting married” “Discussing politics with peers and/or
my family”
“When I interviewed for jobs”
“Interactions with co-workers, clients, social gatherings”
“Going to temples, attending marriages, attending certain
community meetings” “Social gatherings at my home,
functions”
“Never thought about it” “Not significant”
“The way that man approached was scary. I don’t think
he should have disturbed us to know our origin. What
if we were Arabic, does not mean Al queda. It is
uncomfortable to say the least.”
“Feeling isolated, no one understood me. Felt that other
kids were always looking at me and my parents.”
“In dating, often times I find that white men are hesitant
about considering me a potential mate. It makes me
often feel inferior.”
“Being able to comprehend and respond to American
humor.”
“Hard to find products for me and for hair dressers to
understand I don’t need more volume.
“I want my daughter to be exposed to different types of
people.”
“Made me more determined to retaliate against racists.”
“Makes me seek my culture and race more than ever.”
“Not aware” “It does not matter.”
Results revealed when participants’ experi-
enced discriminatory incidents, [␹1 (6, N ⫽
73) ⫽ 54.06, p ⬍ .01], race became salient for
two reasons, feeling of alienation [␹1 (1, N ⫽
73) ⫽ 17.78 p ⬍ .01] and when there was a
threat to participants’ sense of safety and per-
sonal rights [␹1 (1, N ⫽ 73) ⫽ 17.78, p ⬍ .05].
Race was also salient when participants’ iden-
tified as a racial minority [␹1 (8, N ⫽ 97) ⫽
167.34, p ⬍ .01], and in workplace and educa-
tional settings [␹1 (5, N ⫽ 53) ⫽ 46.51, p ⬍
.01], as a function of the participants’ experi-
encing feeling of alienation in both situations
[␹1 (1, N ⫽ 97) ⫽ 128.13 p ⬍ .01; ␹1 (1, N ⫽
53) ⫽ 33.62, respectively]. Participants also
perceived race as salient when they experienced
212 TUMMALA-NARRA, INMAN, AND ETTIGI
Table 4
Situations and Reasons for Salience of Ethnicity: Categories and Examples
Category
Situations when ethnicity is salient
Religious, cultural, social events in the Indian
community
Negative (prejudicial/discriminatory) interactions
within Indian community
Negative (prejudicial/discriminatory) interactions
with non-Indians
Situations when individual feels as though he/she
stands out
Intimate relationships (family, friends, partners)
Work or educational setting
Not in awareness
Same as race
Reasons for why ethnicity is salient
Experience of being stereotyped within the
Indian community
Experience of being stereotyped by non-Indians
Feelings of otherness (as being different or as
foreigner)
Awareness of differences in food
Feelings of pride, appreciation, and belonging to
one’s ethnic group
Connection to one’s religion/religious holidays
Connectedness to one’s family and the desire to
perpetuate family and cultural values
Experience of communicating about one’s
cultural background to others
Not significant in one’s life
Same as race
an immersion within the Indian community
[␹1 ⫽ (5, N ⫽ 78) ⫽ 47.00, p ⬍ .01] because of
a desire to connect with their Indian heritage [␹1
(1, N ⫽ 68) ⫽ 37.64, p ⬍ .05]. Interestingly,
several participants also noted that race was not
in their awareness because it was not significant
in their lives [␹1 ⫽ (3, N ⫽ 36) ⫽ 72.00, p ⬍
.01].
Generational differences revealed that for
first generation, race was salient in situations
involving discriminatory incidents [␹1 (5, N ⫽
45) ⫽ 18.40, p ⬍ .05], and the experience of
immersion within the Indian community [␹1
(11, N ⫽ 55) ⫽ 9.90, p ⬍ .05], whereas for
second generation, race was salient in situations
Example
“When I’m attending a function of my cultural background.”
“When my relatives in India assume I know nothing of India.”
“Asked to join various committees or social occasions at
work”; “When a local family is going to travel to India they
want tips on how ‘to survive’ there.”
“The way we pronounce certain words in the English
vocabulary.”
“My parents being Gujarati wanted me to marry someone from
the same part of India due to the language and customs.”
“When people at work are curious about my ethnicity.”
“I never felt compelled to think of my ethnicity.”
“The same as the answer for race.”
“Parents . . . assume that because I am South Asian, and wear
Indian clothes to work, I will naturally support their values
regarding their children’s social network.”
“People are seeing us as “low cost” Indians being paid U.S.
wages.”
“I feel like an outsider, since they can’t even bother getting
my name correct.”
“Differences in values and behaviors, differences in food
items.”
“Being surrounded by people of my own ethnic group.”
“I realize that I have a strong regional and religious affiliation
that has been diminished by communities who have been
outside India for a few generations.”
“I appreciate the many values and traditions of our heritage,
and I would like them to be carried on by my children.”
“I hate being asked these questions because it’s generalizing
and simplifying who I am and what my culture is about.”
“Not important to me” “Insignificant”
“Same as that of race”
when they identified as a racial minority [␹1 (8,
N ⫽ 52) ⫽ 10.67, p ⬍ .05], and in workplace or
educational settings [␹1 (3, N ⫽ 54) ⫽ 18.38,
p ⬍ .05]. However, reasons for this salience
were the same: when a sense of safety and
security of one’s personal rights were threat-
ened and when desiring connection with their
Indian heritage.
Relationship Between the Content of and
Reasons for Salience of Ethnicity
Chi-square analyses revealed significance for
three circumstances when ethnicity was salient
for the overall sample. First, ethnicity was sa-
 ASIAN INDIANS’ RESPONSES TO DISCRIMINATION
lient when involved in religious, cultural, and
social events in an Indian community [␹1 (8,
N ⫽ 49) ⫽ 19.510, p ⬍ .05], because of par-
ticipants’ feelings of pride, appreciation, and
belonging to one’s own ethnic group [␹1 (1,
N ⫽ 49) ⫽ 26.40, p ⬍ .05]. A second circum-
stance was when a participant felt that he or she
stood out [␹1 (10, N ⫽ 50) ⫽ 42.840, p ⬍ .001].
This occurred because of feeling of otherness
(e.g., perceived as foreigner, [␹1 (1, N ⫽
50) ⫽ 29.39, p ⬍ .05]. Finally, ethnicity was
salient when participants perceived ethnicity-
related incidents to be similar to race-related
incidents, [␹1 (3, N ⫽ 60) ⫽ 33.467, p ⬍ .001].
The reason for this was related to feelings of
pride, appreciation, and belonging to one’s own
ethnic group [␹1 (1, N ⫽ 30) ⫽ 15.63, p ⬍ .05].
In examining generational differences, we
found several similarities. For both first- and
second-generation Asian Indians, ethnicity was
salient when they were involved in religious,
cultural, and social events in an Indian commu-
nity, [first: ␹1 (7, N ⫽ 32) ⫽ 39.63, p ⬍ .05;
second: ␹1 (7, N ⫽ 36) ⫽ 24.23, p ⬍ .05] and
when individuals felt as though he or she stood
out [first: ␹1 (10, N ⫽ 31) ⫽ 42.6, p ⬍ .001;
second: ␹1 (12, N ⫽ 32) ⫽ 43.15, p ⬍ .001].
Despite these similarities, the one difference
was with regard to the reasons for this salience.
Specifically, both groups felt they stood out
because of feelings of otherness (e.g., seen as a
foreigner) [first: ␹1 (10, N ⫽ 42) ⫽ 21.14, p ⬍
.05; second: ␹1 (3, N ⫽ 48) ⫽ 18.38, p ⬍ .05].
Conversely, involvement in religious, cultural
and social events made ethnicity salient for first
generation because it induced feelings of pride,
Figure 1. Path analysis examining racial identity as a mediator of the effects of racism related
stress on self-esteem and collectivistic coping. Model chi square (3 df) ⫽ 4.14, p ⫽ .25.
213
appreciation, and belonging to one’s own ethnic
group [␹1 (10, N ⫽ 52) ⫽ 11.14, p ⬍ .05].
However, for second generation, involvement
in these events made ethnicity salient because it
made them feel a connection to their religion
and religious holidays [␹1 (4, N ⫽ 25) ⫽ 19.25,
p ⬍ .05].
Tests of Mediation
Analyses were conducted to determine whether
racial identity and ethnic identity mediated or ex-
plain the relationship between racism related
stress and self-esteem and the relationship be-
tween racism related stress and collectivistic cop-
ing. Path analysis was used to test for mediation.
For this analysis, power exceeded .80 at p ⬍ .05 to
detect an effect accounting for 6% or more of the
variance in one of the dependent variables, given
that at least 10% of the variance was accounted for
by the other two covariates in the model.
The final path model (shown in Figure 1)
showed optimal fit to the data, ␹2(3) ⫽ 4.14,
p ⫽ .25. The racial identity schema of disso-
nance completely mediated the relationship be-
tween racism related stress and self-esteem
(standardized indirect B ⫽ .11, p ⬍ .05), after
accounting for this intervening effect of disso-
nance. The direct relationship between racism
related stress and self-esteem was not signifi-
cant. The racial identity schema of immersion
was a partial mediator of the relationship be-
tween racism related stress and coping through
social activity (standardized indirect B ⫽ .10,
p ⬍ .05), after accounting for the intervening
effect of immersion. A significant direct rela-
214 TUMMALA-NARRA, INMAN, AND ETTIGI
tionship between racism related stress and so-
cial activity coping remained (standardized di-
rect B ⫽ .35, p ⬍ .001). Ethnic identity did not
mediate the relationships between racism-
related stress and either self-esteem or collec-
tivistic coping.
Tests of Moderation
Additional analyses examined possible mod-
erators of the relationships between racism re-
lated stress, self-esteem, and collectivistic cop-
ing. Two possible moderators were identified:
generational status (first vs. second) and racial
socialization (degree of exposure to White ra-
cial context, degree of exposure to European
American cultural context, and discussions
about cultural traditions and racism with impor-
tant adults). Multiple regression analyses were
used, after centering independent and moderator
variables, dummy coding, and computing an
interaction variable, to test the moderating role
of generation status and racial socialization in
the relationship between racism related stress
and self-esteem, and the relationship between
racism related stress and collectivistic coping.
To be detected as significant at p ⬍ .05 with
power ⱖ .80, the interaction would have needed
to account for an additional 6% of the variance
in the dependent variable, given that at least
10% of the variance was accounted for by the
additive effects of the independent and moder-
ator variables. These variables (generation sta-
tus and racial socialization) were not found to
moderate these relationships.
The regression model indicated significant
main effects for several of the independent vari-
ables. Specifically, increased exposure to White
racial contexts (␤ ⫽ .59, p ⫽ .02) and discus-
sions about cultural traditions and racism with
important adults (102 ⫽ .23, p ⫽ .01) predicted
higher levels of racism related stress. Increased
exposure to White racial contexts also signifi-
cantly predicted increased use of collectivistic
coping strategies, including Respect for Author-
ity (␤ ⫽ .53, p ⫽ .04), Forbearance (␤ ⫽ .74,
p ⫽ .00), Social Activity (␤ ⫽ .60, p ⫽ .02),
Intracultural Coping (␤ ⫽ .74, p ⫽ .00), Rela-
tional Universality (␤ ⫽ .76, p ⫽ .00), Fatalism
(␤ ⫽ .94, p ⫽ .00), and Family Support (␤ ⫽
.82, p ⫽ .00). The greater extent of discussion
about cultural traditions and racism with impor-
tant adults was also a significant predictor of
increased use of various collectivistic strategies,
including Respect for Authority (␤ ⫽ .19, p ⫽
.04), Social Activity (␤ ⫽ .23, p ⫽ .02), In-
tracultural Coping (␤ ⫽ .20, p ⫽ .03), Rela-
tional Universality (␤ ⫽ .25, p ⫽ .01), and
Fatalism (␤ ⫽ .20, p ⫽ .03).
Discussion
Three research questions guided our study:
(a) When and why are race and ethnicity salient
to Asian Indians in the U.S.; (b) Do racial
identity and ethnic identity mediate the relation-
ship between racism related stress and self-
esteem and racism related stress and coping;
and (c) Do generational status and racial social-
ization moderate these relationships. Our study
extends the literature on the impact of racism on
Asian Indians in the U.S. and holds important
implications for research and clinical practice
with this community.
Conceptualizations of Race and Ethnicity
Although there were several similarities
across groups, qualitative responses regarding
the salience of race yielded interesting differ-
ences within each generational group. For first
generation, experiencing discriminatory inci-
dents seemed to make race prominent. For sec-
ond generation, race was relevant in workplace/
educational settings and when one identifies as
a racial minority. How one anchors one’s iden-
tity may be key to how experiences are negoti-
ated. It is possible that second generation Asian
Indians, raised in the US, may have a stronger
internal sense of self as “American.” Being seen
as the “other” may heighten their internalized
minority identity within a racialized society.
Conversely, first generation Asian Indians’ ex-
posure to postcolonial India, the racial politics
of American society, as well as their identifica-
tion as ethnic immigrants may be reflected in
their expectations and perceptions of discrimi-
nation from mainstream society.
Similarly, while there were some similarities
in the salience of ethnicity between first and
second generation participants, consistent with
previous research (Inman et al., 1999), partici-
pants differed in their reasons for why involve-
ment in religious, cultural and social events in
the Indian community were salient, including
feelings of pride, appreciation, belonging to their
 ASIAN INDIANS’ RESPONSES TO DISCRIMINATION
ethnic group (first generation), and a feeling of
connection to their religion (second generation).
Interestingly, several participants, although not the
majority, also seemed to conceptualize race as
similar to ethnicity, suggesting an overlap in
how race and ethnicity were perceived by this
group. This is consistent with Bhatia’s (2007)
study, which highlighted a general reluctance to
separate constructions of race from those of
ethnicity. Our findings call attention to, as with
other immigrant communities in the U.S., the
heterogeneous nature of the Asian Indians’ ex-
periences. Consistent with previous studies
(e.g., Inman, Yeh, et al., 2007), the major
themes reflected in the open-ended responses
suggest that racial discrimination and identifi-
cation with a minority status contributed to ac-
culturative stress for this community.
Role of Racial Identity in Racism Related
Stress, Self-Esteem and Coping
Our results indicated the importance of ra-
cial identity as a mediating variable in the
relationship between racism related stress and
self-esteem, and racism related stress and col-
lectivistic coping. In our study, individuals
who identified with the Dissonance schema
coped with racism related stress in ways that
preserved self-esteem. The Dissonance stage
can be conceptualized as a period of ambiv-
alence about race and racism, which raises
questions about feelings of belonging and ac-
ceptance. These findings are consistent with
research on racial identity that indicate that a
growing awareness of racism and racial mes-
sages about one’s identification as an Asian
American may be critical to the development of
self-esteem (e.g., Alvarez et al., 2006). Individ-
uals who identified with the Immersion-
Emersion schema, characterized by an idealiza-
tion of one’s own race and hypervigilance about
racism, appeared to utilize collectivistic coping
strategies, particularly social activity, in the face
of racism related stress. These findings are con-
sistent with previous research (Alvarez et al.,
2006) and call for further attention to these two
racial identity schemas in racism-related stress
among Asian communities in the U.S.
The direct association between racism related
stress and use of collectivistic coping strategies
suggests that Asian Indians cope through both
active interactions with others within and out-
215
side their families and ethnic community (re-
spect for authority, intracultural coping, social
activity, relational universality, family support)
and through a sense of forbearance and fatalism.
Our findings extend existing understanding of
coping as multiply defined, reflecting both the
collectivistic and heterogeneous nature of the
Asian Indian experience.
Role of Ethnic Identity in Racism Related
Stress, Self-Esteem, and Coping
Our finding that ethnic identity did not me-
diate the relationships between racism related
stress and self-esteem, and racism related stress
and collectivistic coping contrasts with studies
that have found that a stronger ethnic identity
plays a protective role in the relationship be-
tween discrimination and psychological distress
(e.g., Mossakowski, 2003). However, a major-
ity of these studies have not involved the dis-
tinct roles of racial identity and ethnic identity.
Participants in our study were asked to respond
to the Collectivistic Coping Scale based on a
single experience of racial and/or ethnic dis-
crimination. This may be distinct from other
types of stressful situations (e.g., family or peer
conflict, loss) in which ethnic identity may play
a more relevant role. We speculate that ethnic
identity is more closely related to acculturation
processes which lie outside the purview of this
study, whereas racial identity is connected di-
rectly with a minority status and experiences of
racism, as shown by the qualitative and quanti-
tative data.
Role of Racial Socialization and
Generational Status
Analyses revealed that neither racial social-
ization nor immigrant generation moderated the
relationship between racism related stress and
self-esteem and the relationship between racism
related stress and collectivistic coping. Despite
differences across generation in exposure to
mainstream racial and cultural contexts and rac-
ism related stress, there were no generational
differences with respect to discussions on rac-
ism with important adults. Our findings warrant
caution. The relatively low degree of discus-
sions of racism may contribute to further diffi-
culties in coping with racism, particularly
216 TUMMALA-NARRA, INMAN, AND ETTIGI
among second-generation participants who re-
ported greater exposure to mainstream racial-
cultural contexts and higher levels of racism
related stress. The lack of preparation for the
realities of racial/ethnic discrimination through
family socialization processes, when coupled
with intergenerational conflict, may possibly
impede coping with racism related stress (Bhat-
tacharya, 2002). This may be particularly im-
portant to the second generation group who are
engaged with creating a multicultural identity
through interactions within the Indian and
mainstream communities (Inman et al., 1999;
Tummala-Narra, 2009).
Additionally, our finding that increased expo-
sure to White racial contexts predicts higher
levels of racism related stress suggests that the
experience of racial discrimination is an impor-
tant source of stress for Asian Indians. Discus-
sions about cultural traditions and racism ap-
pear to play an important role in the experience
of racism related stress and collectivistic cop-
ing, further indicating that preparation for racial
realities influences both the experience of dis-
crimination and the specific ways in which
Asian Indians cope with this discrimination.
Limitations of Study and Implications for
Future Research and Clinical Practice
First, sample characteristics (SES and highly
educated participants) limit generalizability of
findings to economically or socially marginal-
ized Asian Indians in the U.S. Additionally,
recruitment through Asian Indian social, politi-
cal, and religious groups may have drawn par-
ticipants who possess certain levels of racial and
ethnic identifications that vary from those who
do not identify with such groups. Further, col-
lecting data via the Internet not only excluded
participants who lacked Internet access, but also
limited our ability to identify geographic loca-
tions of our participants. We were also unable to
examine gender differences due to an uneven
sample. Gender as it intersects with race and
ethnicity may be especially important, in light
of recent studies that indicate higher levels of
stress among ethnic minority women coping
simultaneously with racism and sexism. A sec-
ond limitation has to do with the lack of atten-
tion to institutional (e.g., hiring practices), sys-
temic (e.g., social class), and individual (e.g.,
acculturation) factors that may influence cop-
ing. A final limitation may be related to mea-
sures used. We introduced the Identity Salience
Measure and a revised version of the AARRSI.
Future studies can provide further validity and
reliability for these measures.
Despite these limitations, there are important
empirical implications. Our study is the first to
examine questions regarding racism related
stress and its relationship to racial identity, eth-
nic identity, self-esteem, coping, and racial so-
cialization among Asian Indians. Our study
reveals the fundamental role that race and eth-
nicity play in navigating relationships, and
raises important questions not only about the
“model minority” myth but also how first and
second generation Asian Indians may differen-
tially negotiate racism related stress based on
their identifications. However, the fact that sev-
eral participants did not distinguish between
race and ethnicity merits further research. It
would be interesting to see if the lack of dis-
tinctions is particular to the Asian Indian com-
munity alone or present in the general popula-
tion. Additionally, it would be important to ex-
amine gender differences and the role of
multiple types of discrimination (e.g., sexism,
homophobia, classism). Given different social-
ization experiences, it may be important to also
include the role of acculturation in the examin-
ing these constructs. It would also be important
for psychologists to conduct research on how
race and ethnicity influence subgroups (e.g.,
biracial, multiracial) of Asian Indians who may
have histories of migration across multiple
countries.
Clinically, psychologists should assess the
intersection of race and ethnicity, past and on-
going acculturative stress, including experi-
ences of racial and ethnic discrimination. Gain-
ing a better understanding of the role of race and
ethnicity and the related discrimination in the
lives of Asian Indian clients can provide a safer
space for the exploration of a wide range of
problems, address disparities in the health care
system, and help improve the therapeutic alli-
ance (Harrell, 2000; Tummala-Narra, 2007).
The role of discrimination should be conceptu-
alized against the backdrop of generation and
family socialization. The ways in which racial
information is processed and addressed should
be examined throughout psychotherapy, as
these processes change over time and circum-
stances.
 ASIAN INDIANS’ RESPONSES TO DISCRIMINATION
Furthermore, special attention is warranted
for culture specific ways of coping with racism
related stress, and for seeking professional help
in coping with psychological distress, in gen-
eral. This is particularly important in light of the
relatively low mental health service utilization
rates among first and second generation Asian
Americans (Abe-Kim et al., 2007), and the role
of family and ethnic community in coping with
racism related stress. Considering the invisible
nature of Asian Indians’ experiences of race and
racism in the mainstream, we hope that our
findings lay a foundation for continued explo-
ration of race, ethnicity, and racism related
stress with Asian Indians in the U.S.
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Received June 1, 2010
Revision received June 6, 2011
Accepted July 25, 2011 䡲