SOUTH ASIA

RESEARCH
Vol. 40(1): 94–110
Reprints and permissions:
in.sagepub.com/journals-permissions-india
DOI: 10.1177/0262728019894129 Copyright © 2020
journals.sagepub.com/home/sar The Authors

TRIBAL DEVELOPMENT DISPARITIES IN

ODISHA: AN EMPIRICAL ANALYSIS
Kiran Dungdung and B. K. Pattanaik
Public Health Engineering Department, Jaipur, India and
Indira Gandhi National Open University, New Delhi, India

abstract The well-known phenomenon of tribal disadvantage in

India requires constant monitoring to ensure diligent attention to
equitable protection of tribal people’s right to life. This article, based
on an analysis of primary data collected from 400 households in
eight different tribal communities in Odisha, charts the differential
progress of Odisha tribals by establishing a Tribal Development
Index. Such data identify significant development disparities and
confirm the existence of a ‘creamy layer’, constituted of more
developed individuals and families also among India’s tribals.
While many households in these eight communities still lack basic
amenities, notable differences regarding food security, landholding,
income and overall development were identified, supporting
arguments for devising more sophisticated differential forms of
intervention.
keywords: development, food security, forests, India, Odisha, scheduled
tribes, tribal development index, subsistence economy

Introduction: Diversity of India’s Tribal Communities

The word ‘tribe’ triggers images of poor people living in remote localities with
specific territorial and natural affiliations, often without specialisation of economic
functions and activities. Tribes in India have ‘come to be conceptualized primarily
in relation to their geographical and social isolation from the larger Indian society’
(Xaxa, 2014: 4). Tribal people are generally simple, honest and hard-working folk,
but many others around them may not see them like this, a scenario which raises
issues of equity, discrimination and significant risks to tribal people’s full right to
life. While this article focusses on tribal development in Odisha, we first provide
a broader overview, before identifying the extent of evidence of a ‘creamy layer’
among tribal people.
Dungdung and Pattanaik: Tribal Development Disparities in Odisha 95

India’s numerous scheduled tribes (STs), an important component of this composite

nation, have largely remained in the shadow of the much larger, vociferous claimant
groups for state measures and reservations, known as scheduled castes (SCs) and
other backward classes (OBCs). STs have also not had much effect on the relevant
law (Galanter, 1984: 153). Generally, guidelines for ST reservations indicate a quota
of about 5 per cent (Purohit & Purohit, 1990: 12), more recently 7.5 per cent (Xaxa,
2014: 5). While there are several hundred recognised STs in India, precise figures
remain contested, though the general picture is well-established. Galanter (1984:
147–53) produced a brief summary of the ST scenario and reported that the 1941
Census counted 25.4 million tribal people, 6.58 per cent of the population. By 1971,
over 38 million were counted, 6.93 per cent of the population, and the figures also
suggested that Orissa and Madhya Pradesh both had tribal populations of more than
20 per cent (Galanter, 1984: 149). The Census of 1981 counted almost 50 million
tribals, about 7 per cent of India’s population (Mehta, 1991: 17) and a figure of about
550 tribes and sub-tribes in different parts of India is quoted in this source, while
Paltasingh & Paliwal (2014: 28) wrote of 700 tribes. According to the Census of
2011, the 104.2 million tribal people of India constitute around 8.6 per cent of the
population (Paltasingh & Paliwal, 2014: 27; Satpathy, 2017: 272). Around 80 per cent
of this ST population is found in central Indian states. A useful table with regional
classifications is found in Paltasingh & Paliwal (2014: 29). This also shows that many
different smaller communities live in India’s northeastern states, where tense relations
with other locals are frequent. However, institutionalised de-centralising arrangements
through creation of tribal states and autonomous districts in India’s northeast have been
a major boost for tribal development (Xaxa, 2014: 7). Migration is another relevant
factor. Even in earlier times, some Orissa tribals relocated within their own village,
reflecting unequal distribution of land (Bailey, 1960: 90). Others worked for some
time in tea plantations in Assam, not always just for economic reasons (Bailey, 1960:
102–3), and some settled in Assam.
While it remains difficult to ascertain the indigenous status of tribal communities,
given many earlier migrations and relocations, already in the Constituent Assembly
Debates, they were described as ‘ancient sons of the soil’ (Saksena, 1981: 115). Kond
tribals in Orissa, known as Adibasis (Bailey, 1960: 4), proudly view themselves as
original inhabitants of India. Studies on this community have identified patterns of
change (Behera, 1990) as well as continued tribal disadvantage (Rath, 2010). At village
level, ‘an arena in which individuals compete with one another for land’ (Bailey, 1960:
89), agnatic group links form an important basis for claims that one shares in ownership
of the earth, particularly as ‘against individuals who attempt to make use of the rights
guaranteed to them by the Administration’ (Bailey, 1960: 89), in other words, through
formal land registration processes and large-scale land alienation (Xaxa, 2014: 4).
The Constitution of India has not defined STs comprehensively but has provided
many privileges to them (Baiju, 2011: 12). Under Article 342 of the Constitution of
1950, ST communities have been declared as such by the President through public

South Asia Research Vol. 40(1): 94–110

96 South Asia Research Vol. 40(1): 94–110

notification. As noted, there are deemed to be about 550–700 tribes, including

75 communities designated as ‘primitive’ in view of their pre-agricultural levels of
technology, low literacy levels, stagnant or diminishing population size, relative
isolation from the mainstream population and widespread economic and educational
backwardness (Paltasingh & Paliwal, 2014: 28). While to varying degrees, all over
India, STs are characterised by socio-economic marginalisation, geographical isolation
and educational backwardness (Government of India, 2011), they are often at the
receiving end of negative public attitudes and oppressive discrimination. Sen (2000)
distinguished various forms of exclusion, ranging from enjoying a normal crop, stable
employment, lack of access to the food market because of low purchasing power, or
exclusion from the state’s food subsidy arrangements. Despite protective constitutional
provisions, the situation of India’s ST citizens is often worse than that of the SCs and
certainly, as Saha (2019: 29) showed, worse when compared to the large and often
locally dominant OBC population. One major difference in the development status
of SCs and STs is that the former live, though often socially segregated, among the
mainstream population, while tribals largely remain isolated physically and socially
(Xaxa, 2014: 4) and tend to figure at the bottom of various development indicators
(Baiju, 2011: 12; Béteille, 1991). About 85 per cent of tribal families are indebted
(Rath, 2010), with approximately 72 per cent owing money to private moneylenders,
while others are in debt to shopkeepers, friends and various outsiders. A survey in the
ST areas of two Indian states found that 99 per cent of the sampled ST households
faced chronic hunger, one quarter had suffered semi-starvation during the previous week
and not a single household had more than 4 of the 10 assets from a list that included
basic items such as a blanket, a pair of shoes or a radio (Centre for Environment and
Food Security, 2005).
Questions thus arise constantly to what extent there has been positive socio-economic
change among India’s tribals. The present study is based on analysis of primary data
gathered through a structured questionnaire administered to 400 households from eight
different tribal communities in Odisha in 2012 by the first author. These households
had a total population of 1913 persons above the age of 7 years. The survey collected
data concerning socio-economic status, income, education, employment and livelihood,
poverty and food security, taken from 50 households each in the Bhuiya, Gond/Kond,
Kumbhar, Kharia, Kissan, Lohara, Munda and Oraom tribal communities of Odisha.
The purpose was to record and assess, within the context of the respective cultural
features, the socio-economic development condition of these tribals and to understand
their relative marginalisation status. The main objective of the study was to formulate,
on the basis of the data found, a Tribal Development Index across these eight tribal
communities and to assess the marginalisation status of the ST population in the study
area, compared with the state and national average. This Tribal Development Index, it
is argued, can form a useful basis for future interventions in development support for
tribal communities, which needs to be more sophisticated and more aware of internal
differences in order to become truly effective across whole communities.
Dungdung and Pattanaik: Tribal Development Disparities in Odisha 97

The Study Area and Aspects of Local Culture

Odisha, one of the socio-economically backward states of India, which occupies a
special position in the country’s tribal map, is inhabited by 62 ST communities and
13 primitive tribes, with a total strength of approximately six million (5,915,067)
constituting 22.43 per cent of the total state population (Meher, 2007). There are
huge needs related to health and socio-economic well-being, as Odisha has one of
the highest percentages of tribals in India. Regarding the spatial distribution of ST
populations in Odisha’s 30 districts, Census figures of India for 2011 indicated that
Malkangiri district has the highest proportion (57.4 per cent), followed by Rayagada
(55.8 per cent), Mayurbhanj (56.6 per cent) and Sundargarh (54.6 per cent).
The study was conducted in Sundargarh district, located in the state’s north,
one of the six districts in Odisha fully declared as Fifth Schedule districts under the
Constitution (Satpathy, 2017: 272). The 2001 Census of India counted a population of
1,829,412 for this district, with around 51 per cent tribals. The study was undertaken
in villages purposely selected for being dominated by tribal populations of diversified
composition. The eight tribal communities included in this study all have their own
languages, but most people also use the local Sadri language, known as Sadani-Sadri,
and some speak Odia, the State’s official language.
The villages are surrounded by dense forests and the tribes of Sundargarh mainly
depend on hunting, food gathering and shifting cultivation to earn their livelihood.
Developmental projects and industrialisation have not made much difference in the
tribal population’s socio-economic status in these remote areas, though many people
displaced by the Mandira Dam project for the Rourkela Steel Plant during the early
1950s were rehabilitated in this area. Specific economic pursuits and occupational
opportunities such as collection of minor forest produce (MFP) exert substantial
influence on tribal livelihood and social systems. Tribals specifically claim rights to
be involved in forest management projects (Satpathy, 2017), with occasional conflict
between villages (Rout, 2005). These communities are non-vegetarian and eat various
meats, eggs and fish. Rice as the staple food is combined with some wheat and maize.
Locally produced pulses and available roots, fruits and tubers form part of their
diet. Both adult males and females consume home-made rice beer (haria), mainly in
festivities, and distilled liquor purchased from the market is also popular.
Earlier, these tribes were mainly engaged in shifting cultivation, which has been
largely abandoned. Some families pursue dry and/or wet rice cultivation. MFP
collection adds variety to their food, but above all provides raw material for many
craft items and useful agricultural implements, fishing traps, hunting tools and baskets.
Bamboo thickets are a common sight, and Odisha’s traditional tribal woodcarving art
has been flourishing. Some skilful tribal craftsmen make pipes, masks and sculptures,
while others carve beautiful wooden ceilings, doors, window frames and lintels using
different kinds of wood. Traditional floor and wall paintings are associated with certain
rituals and reflect the strength of tribal cultural traditions. These communities tend to

South Asia Research Vol. 40(1): 94–110

98 South Asia Research Vol. 40(1): 94–110

have strong faith in traditional ways of self-governance and largely resist government
intervention in their local affairs, which has not helped in devising development
programmes. Earlier studies (Chaurasia, 1990; Mehta, 1991) depict extremely diverse
patterns. Traditional headmen or chiefs often control the activities of particular groups,
which frequently still conduct their lives through holistic principles, in harmony with
the natural environment, exhibiting cultural patterns congenial to their physical and
social environment, as also observed elsewhere in India (Baiju, 2011). Thus, when a
tribal group carries out hunting ventures or people pray for rainfall, mountain spirits
are invoked, popularly known by the names of the hilly jungle area in which they
are thought to live. The traditional tribal religious and ritual practices of the various
communities include ancestor worship and worship of the earth, sun, moon, hills,
jungle and other natural objects. All communities have many folk tales, folklore and
folk songs which talk about their origin, migration and nature. Both men and women
participate in song and dance performances, accompanied mainly by percussion
instruments. Their religion constitutes a blend of beliefs and rituals of Hinduism,
tribal elements and Christianity.

The Survey Results

In view of the main objectives of this study, the fieldwork data were subjected to various
statistical tests. Tribal Composite Development Indices were calculated, considering
14 different variables, namely access to basic amenities, housing patterns, income,
savings, access to safe drinking water and sanitation, household amenities, education,
occupation, land possession, forest-based livelihood, poverty, hunger and possession
of livestock.
Generally, tribals remain poor and have restricted access to basic household
amenities, limited chances for education due to malnutrition, lack of clothes and
insufficient provision for shelter, all of which forms some kind of vicious circle resulting
from poverty, a much-favoured image of tribal studies (Baiju, 2011: 22; Rupavath,
2016: 226). Because of poor earnings from wage employment and self-employment
programmes, especially when faced with maintenance of large families, as observed
earlier (Bailey, 1960), many tribal families cannot afford quality housing and basic
household amenities. Though tribals are hard-working people, a combination of lack
of employment opportunities and skills deficiencies restrains many households’ ability
to secure better amenities.
Residential structures and housing of tribal communities also show a gloomy
picture, given that housing quality serves as an important indicator for assessing the
socio-economic status of households and communities. Out of the 400 households
interviewed, 343 or 85.5 per cent live in kaccha houses, 45 or 11.5 per cent have
semi-pucca houses and only 12 families or 3 per cent occupy a pucca house. Most
tribals simply cannot afford better quality houses because of poverty. Access to clean
drinking water remains precarious. Only 241 households or 60.25 per cent reported
Dungdung and Pattanaik: Tribal Development Disparities in Odisha 99

stable access to safe drinking water, usually from open wells, while 159 households
(39.75 per cent) use water from hand-pumps, which may fail. Merely 13 households
or 3.25 per cent have any toilet facility, while 96.75 per cent use open defecation.
Among basic assets, 29 households (7.25 per cent) had a radio or tape recorder, only
5 (1.25 per cent) had a television, but 134 (33.5 per cent) had a bicycle. Merely 40
respondents owned a wrist watch, but 74 (18.5 per cent) had a bullock cart, signifying
some connection to rural transport, while 118 respondents (29.5 per cent) claimed
to have none of these assets. Items such as a radio, television or refrigerator are found
among less than 10 per cent of households. As most tribals reside in remote forest areas
and remain isolated, they are largely unaffected by development processes (Paltasingh
& Paliwal, 2014: 28; Xaxa, 2014). The research found no evidence at the time of using
mobile phones and solar cells.
Education as the kingpin of social development is a potentially powerful
instrument for advancement, but is also affected by vicious circles of poverty, as
Rupavath (2016: 226) shows for tribal primary education. Prime Minister Indira
Gandhi used to say that education is a liberating force. It also has democratising
effects, cutting across caste and class barriers, smoothening out inequalities imposed
by birth and other circumstances. Illiteracy among tribals is seen as a major reason
for multi-dimensional backwardness. Educational attainments in upper socio-
economic groups of tribal families are likely to be higher than in lower and middle
status group families (Bailey, 1960), while Xaxa (2014: 6) observed that tribes
‘have been unable to safeguard and promote their language, culture and religion’,
especially when schooling ‘has invariably been made in the language of the dominant
regional community’ (Xaxa, 2014: 7). Poverty in tribal societies remains one of the
greatest hindrances to education, because families are unable to provide essential
requirements of education such as school clothes, extra food and appropriate home
study environments for the children. Lack of literacy keeps many tribal households
far away from the knowledge society. Tertiary education among tribals is almost
non-existent, and only about 5 per cent of the sampled population had attended
tertiary education above 12th standard.
Like education, health contributes to the realisation of economic development,
labour productivity growth, responsiveness to innovation and future-orientedness.
Customarily, the health condition of tribals was marked by very high morbidity and
mortality rates, especially regarding infant and maternal mortality. Most tribals find
modern healthcare inaccessible, and there is evidence that healthcare personnel lacks
motivation to work in tribal areas. Regarding health status in our sample, 22.06 per
cent of children up to one year were fully immunised, 30.25 per cent of women and
their children had received full antenatal care. While 40.3 per cent of women had
an institutional delivery, the infant mortality rate in the tribal areas remained high at
342 per 100,000 births and the maternal mortality rate was 310 per 100,000 births.
Given the poverty of the physical environment, ignorance of efficient techniques for
exploiting natural resources and lack of capital for investment, food security remains a

South Asia Research Vol. 40(1): 94–110

100 South Asia Research Vol. 40(1): 94–110

major problem (Singh & Sadangi, 2012). As observed during the field survey, the tribal
economy in this area is still largely a subsistence economy, based mainly on collecting
MFP, hunting and fishing, or a combination of hunting and MFP collection. Even when
there is engagement in some ploughing and conventional farming, tribals supplement
their family needs with hunting and MFP collection. Both male and female heads
of households work in the fields and engage in MFP collection. Most tribals do not
possess specific skills which would enable them to obtain outside employment or raise
earnings from self-employment. Bailey (1960: 184) observed that few tribals could
take up the available reserved positions in government jobs. Xaxa (2014: 5) confirmed
that the more recent picture remains unsatisfactory.
Our study found that many tribals walked long distances every day to gather
MFPs and that firewood gathered from the forest was the only source of fuel for most
families. We observed that the subsistence economy of tribal households continues
to be characterised by simple technology, basic division of labour, cottage units
of production and no capital investment. This pattern of subsistence economy is
imposed by circumstances beyond tribal people’s control and prevents efficient modern
techniques to exploit natural resources. As there is lack of capital for investment, and
financial literacy is undeveloped among tribals, they still depend on moneylenders
for financial help in emergencies. Their subsistence livelihood patterns presuppose
bartering systems and absence of market-linked trade. One possible reason for this could
be that in Odisha certain crafts are in the hands of specialised non-tribal occupational
groups (Bailey, 1960: 100).
Regarding workforce participation, the survey data show most households pursuing
more than one occupational activity. Only 17.21 per cent of households are occupied
exclusively in farming, while 35.87 per cent combined farming and collection of
MFP, 18.56 per cent combined farming and tribal art and craft and 18.04 per cent
survived by farming and casual labour, which included mining work and/or more recent
involvement in Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme
(MGNREGS) activities. Only 4.48 per cent combined farming with a government
job, and 5.84 per cent combined farming with private jobs. The data on agricultural
land holdings show no large-scale landholders among the tribal community with more
than 10 hectares. Out of the total households sampled, 6.6 per cent are landless; 13.3
per cent are marginal landholders with up to one hectare; 26.3 per cent are small-
scale landholders (1–2 hectares); 45 per cent are semi–medium-scale landholders
(2–4 hectares) and 8.8 per cent were found to be medium-scale landholders with
4–10 hectares.
The data on forest livelihood confirm strong dependence on the forest economy
for subsistence living. In all, 16.13 per cent of households collected mainly fuel
and firewood and 12.52 per cent gathered certain types of green grasses and leaves
and wild green-broom. Another 10.14 per cent collected fodder, and a further
12.61 per cent collected leaf litter. Collection of poles by 9 per cent and of timber
by 20.37 per cent of households was recorded, while 19.23 per cent of households
Dungdung and Pattanaik: Tribal Development Disparities in Odisha 101

specialised in collecting herbs. Mean income levels per month were between `100
and 1,000 for 43.8 per cent of households, which is very low, while 19 per cent
earned between `1,000 and 2,000, 15.8 per cent between `2,000 and 3,000, 6
per cent between `3,000–5,000, 7.5 per cent between `5,000–10,000 and only 8
per cent made above `10,000. These data indicate that the mean monthly income
of tribal households is growing, but very slowly.
Food consumption patterns confirmed lack of food security for most tribals. In
all, 125 households (31.3 per cent) reported having less than one meal per day for a
major part of the year, 215 (53.73 per cent) reported one meal per day throughout
the year, 27 (6.8 per cent) had two meals per day with occasional shortage and
only 33 households (8.3 per cent) felt they had enough food throughout the year.
Because they lack job security and primarily depend on MFP as well as labouring
work, which may be irregular and is often insufficient for family subsistence, 343
households (85.8 per cent) were living below the poverty line (BPL) and only 57
households (14.2 per cent) were found above the poverty line (APL). Also, 63 per
cent of the households claimed not to have any savings. Only 146 households
(36.5 per cent) had bank accounts, while almost two-thirds, 254 households, did
not have accounts, and do not seem to save anything, since whatever they earn is
hardly sufficient to secure a subsistence livelihood in terms of food, clothing and
shelter. Most tribals are also socio-linguistically marginalised, as 85 per cent do not
speak Odia, the state language, and converse in local tribal languages. Truly, many
of the respondents were born in poverty, live in acute poverty and die in poverty.
The survey results also revealed that 58 per cent of the members of ST families are
dependent non-earners. Similarly, a government survey found that in the ST category,
there are 1.4 dependents for each earning member (Government of India, 2011).
The collected data also show that 64.75 per cent of the sampled tribal households
identify as converted Christians, while 31.25 per cent practise the Saosar religion.
This is the original tribal religion, based on beliefs of nature, closely related with
animism, though some traces of Sanskritic rites and Hindu influences were noted.
Most people venerate tribal deities and a multitude of spirits and natural objects
like hills, rivers, the forest and trees that play significant roles in their lives. Nature
has evidently a great influence on the tribal lifeworld and religion.
The study observed that while land ownership is not seen as such a big issue
for tribal households, cultivating crops on their land remains difficult for many
families. Although households may possess small or marginal landholdings, due
to acute poverty and low soil fertility, the production of crops is insufficient for
their needs throughout the year. Small size landholdings, lack of finance to invest
in cultivation and incapability to modernise agriculture have since long explained
why agriculture incomes are low (Bailey, 1960). This forces most families to depend
on MFP collection and selling of such produce and confirms that the tribal forest
ecology remains important today to most people (Satpathy, 2017), as also observed
much earlier by Elwin (1963: 51).

South Asia Research Vol. 40(1): 94–110

102 South Asia Research Vol. 40(1): 94–110

To a vast number of the tribal people the forest is their well-loved home, their
livelihood, their very existence. It gives them food-fruits of all kinds, edible leaves,
honey, nourishing roots, wild game and fish. It provides them with material to build
their homes and practice their arts. By exploiting its produce, they can supplement
their meagre incomes. It keeps them warm with its fuel and cool with its grateful shade.
From time immemorial, the tribal people enjoyed the freedom to use the forest and
hunt its animals, and this has given them a conviction, which remains even today in
their hearts that the forest belongs to them.
Singh and Sadangi (2012) also found that tribals pursue several types of livelihood
patterns, based on crops, wages, forest produce, horticulture, migration, service/
business and animal husbandry, depending on what prevails in the area. As noted,
our study highlights that tribal households tend to perform a combination of several
forest-related activities to secure their livelihood and avoid starvation. A survey in the
Koraput-Balangir-Kalahandi (KBK) districts of Odisha found the representation of
ST workers in the skilled category as low as 7 per cent, compared to about 23 per cent
for workers from other castes (Government of India, 2011). Our survey confirmed an
astoundingly low percentage of less than 1 per cent of skilled workers in the surveyed
villages. We did not ask, however, whether tribal individuals with skills may have
migrated to other parts of India.

Tribal Development Across Communities

On the basis of our field research, the inter-community variations in the chosen tribal
development indicators were computed by both researchers to prepare a composite
Tribal Development Index, calculated in order to assess the relative position regarding
development of different tribal communities. Like Hindu communities in India,
tribal communities are also internally stratified. Earlier studies on Odisha clearly
identified unequal wealth among villagers, especially disparities in property-holding
(Bailey, 1960: 89–91) and also showed that any changes might be quite rapid (Bailey,
1960: 108–9), reflecting the precarious status of many villagers. Therefore, any
programme which aims to develop tribals as a whole may bring little impact for
the poorest of the poor (Baiju, 2011: 12) and may be grasped through ‘creaming’
(Galanter, 1984: 468) by a few privileged or powerful members of tribal or other
populations. This familiar phenomenon of leakages and of benefits being captured
by a ‘creamy layer’ appears in many manifestations, as Saha (2019) illustrates.
Existing development policies and programmes thus risk helping only advanced
households among tribals, creating further disparities even between persons from
the same communities.
The statistical analysis of our raw data indicated significant variations among
different tribal communities regarding possession of household amenities and
possession of land. The detailed data, which due to lack of space we do not present
here, showed, for example, that the index value regarding possession of land for the
Dungdung and Pattanaik: Tribal Development Disparities in Odisha 103

Munda community was more than twice that of Kumbhar tribals. The association
of possession of land with levels of hunger was already raised. The data clearly
support arguments that the Kumbhar community with a low land possession index
also suffers more hunger compared to the Munda and Oraom communities. The
analysis confirms significant inter- and intra-community income differences between
tribal communities. The mean income index value of the Oraom community is
more than three times higher than that of the Bhuiya community, leading to the
observation that more members of the tribal creamy layer are likely to be found in
the Oraom community than in the other seven communities. Their political and
social empowerment is also much higher compared to other communities, and
notably most of the ministers in various political parties belong to this community.
The significant variations in the overall development index among the eight tribal
communities confirm that although, socio-culturally, these various tribal groups
are deemed to be homogeneous, economically and in terms of various development
parameters, they reflect significant inequalities among the tribals in our study area
of Odisha. The consolidated statistics are produced in Figure 1.
The data in Figure 1 clearly show that the Oraom community stands highest,
while the Kumbhar community has the lowest index. This confirms that the tribal
communities in Odisha are largely stratified in terms of socio-economic status. The

Figure 1 Total Composite Development Index of Eight Communities

1200 1083.6

1000
800 681.37 640.38
609.31
514.49 505.81 561.79 583.23
600
400
200
0

Source: Field data.

South Asia Research Vol. 40(1): 94–110

104 South Asia Research Vol. 40(1): 94–110

creamy layers in this study area, which are not visible through this Figure, are certainly,
though not exclusively, made up of many members of the Oraom community.

Tribal Development and Marginalisation

It is widely known that India’s ST communities have remained largely underdeveloped
(Baiju, 2011: 12). Many studies of their position have been produced (Chaurasia, 1990;
Mehta, 1991), with the study done by Roy (1989) specifically focussed on Odisha.
Various development measures undertaken by the government for them seem to have
resulted in a scenario where inter- and intra-community inequality has grown among
tribals, with large disparities in mean consumption and poverty incidence between ST
and other population groups. Table 1 shows that the tribals in the study area are vastly
more marginalised compared to other tribals in Odisha and tribals at the all-India level.
Table 1 shows the percentages of the respective total populations. The relevant
data for Odisha and All India were taken from the 2011 Census figures for India and
official statistics (Government of India, 2011), with extrapolated figures for 1 March
2012. A consolidated representation of the comparative analysis of tribal development
as shown in Table 1 is given in Figure 2:
Figure 2 illustrates clearly that regarding all measured criteria, the tribal
population of the study area ranks lower compared to other tribals in Odisha and at
the all-India level. Most notably, none of the households in the study area villages
were found to have electricity facilities, while at the national and state levels, 45.6
and 38.38 per cent of households, respectively, had electricity connections. Such
findings confirm that the tribals of Northern Odisha are disproportionately and
seriously marginalised, albeit with significant variations among and within the
communities researched.

Table 1 Comparison of Socio-economic Status of STs

Indicators Study Area Odisha India

Literacy rate 58.17 73.45 74.04
Pucca housing 3.00 15.8 22.8
Drinking water with handpump 39.75 76.7 92.8
Electricity facility 0.0 38.8 45.6
Toilet facility 3.25 15.9 65.8
Child immunisation 22.06 87.2 93.9
Infant mortality rate 342 51 40
Maternal mortality 310 235 178
BPL families 85.8 32.59 21.92
Sources: Field data for the study area; Government of India (2011) for statistics on Odisha and all-India.
Dungdung and Pattanaik: Tribal Development Disparities in Odisha 105

Figure 2 Socio-economic Development Status of STs with State and National Average

800

700 178
India
600
235
500 40

400 Odisha
51
342.24
310.16
300
74.04 92.8 93.9
200 21.92
22.8 65.8 Study
73.45 15.8 76.7 45.6 87.2 32.59
100 Area
38.8 15.9
85.8
58.17 39.75 22.06
0 3 0 3.25

R)

R)
y

rty
p)
)
ac

ilit
ilit
se

re

(IM

M
m

ve
er

ld
ou

ac
ac

(M
pu
y

Po
hi
Lit

/h it

tf
yf
ah

e
d-

fc
l

at

e
er ci

ile
cit

at
an
cc

yr
at fa

o
To
tri

yr
pu

on

lit
w r
d ate

ec

l it
ta
ith

El

iza

ta
or
pe w
gw

or
un

m
pi g

lm
n
in

nt
m
ed ki
liv

ov Drin

na
Im

fa
In
g(

er
at
in
us

M
pr
Ho

(Im

Source: Field data and Government of India (2011).

Analytical Summary of the Findings

The most important results emerging from the analysis of the household level data
gathered in Odisha regarding various indicators of development are, first, that there
is no significant variation among different tribal communities regarding access to
basic amenities. For example, variations among different communities in terms of
healthy housing were found not to be statistically significant. However, variations
regarding safe drinking water and sanitation were found to be an important factor
statistically, while the tribals themselves seemed to be least concerned about safe
drinking water and sanitation. Probably for this reason, whether they are middle
class, lower middle class or poor people, infant and maternal mortality rates
remain very high among these tribal communities. Severe basic needs deficiencies
related to food, clothing and shelter (roti, kapda and makan); electricity, roads and
safe drinking water (bijli, sadak and pani) and education, health and sanitation
(sikhya, swasthya and safai) were found, and all were largely sub-standard. As
noted, probably, the most detrimental factor in these tribal villages was the
complete absence of electricity. Hence, tribal households of all communities have
very few modern gadgets, particularly television, and their only source of outside
information is a battery-driven radio. Since tribals are severely marginalised in

South Asia Research Vol. 40(1): 94–110

106 South Asia Research Vol. 40(1): 94–110

terms of e-information and communication, the rural–urban divide in terms of

technology and internet connectivity remains truly egregious.
Second, there is strong visibility of inter- and intra-community status differentiations
with regard to landholdings and the extent of hunger. As agriculture remains the
prime occupation of most tribals, their access to land more or less directly influences
the extent and risk of household hunger. While in some communities the percentage
of households with landholdings of sufficient size is significantly higher compared to
others, within communities, access to land and sizes of landholdings also tend to differ
significantly. Regarding occupational structures, the study confirms that tribals do not
have fixed occupations which provide them steady, sustainable incomes. Therefore,
as in earlier times (Bailey, 1960: 108–9), conditions are precarious and disaster can
strike rapidly. To counter this risk, tribals engage in multiple occupations, which may
include agriculture, sericulture, casual labour, raising livestock, MFP gathering and
small forest-based self-employment activities. They have been castigated for living in
forests and cutting the forest for the wrong reasons by government officials (Rout,
2005; Satpathy, 2017). It is, however, the forest rather than the state which is their
friend, guide for life and source of livelihood. Traditionally, they are so close to the
forest that driving them out of their habitat, or preventing their access to MFP, will
be like pulling fish out of water.
Third, a central finding of our study relates to significant differences among various
tribal communities in terms of average household incomes, which among the Oraoms
were found to be on average four times higher than among the Bhuiyas. Low levels of
education among women, in particular, and their poor access to modern healthcare
facilities still result in high infant and maternal mortality rates. Women were, however,
found intensely engaged in informal forest livelihood activities to secure their family’s
subsistence livelihood, confirming the observations of John (1996: 3074) that ‘it is their
creativity and potential that needs special attention’. A gigantic percentage of women’s
thought and action goes into securing the family’s livelihood, so that most women are
far removed from the political mainstream and there is poor inter- and intra-community
political and social networking for women. Fourth, connected to this, one of the key
results from the study was confirmation of the tribals’ continued strong affinity to and
reliance on socio-cultural traditions. Their food habits, dress code, song, dance, drama
and other cultural practices like marriage have not changed significantly. This may be
due to lack of affordability and/or awareness about modern lifestyles, but also indicates
the strength of customary traditions (Behera, 1990; Rout, 2005), which should not be
overlooked or downplayed, because so many people are counted as Christians.

Concluding Recommendations
Overall, the Composite Tribal Development Index as the aggregate of the measured
indicators of development at the household level shows significant differences across
the various tribal communities in this part of Odisha. It confirms that though tribals
Dungdung and Pattanaik: Tribal Development Disparities in Odisha 107

are socially and culturally homogeneous, developmentally they are heterogeneous. Our
analysis of the field data from the tribal population in Odisha’s Sundargarh district
further indicates that the people belonging to predominantly tribal villages in Northern
Odisha’s Naxalite-prone villages are particularly vulnerable to ideological interventions
that would alienate them from a state that does not deliver on development indicators.
In view of such findings, a critical look at existing strategies for local tribal
development gains crucial relevance. Among the stated government objectives for
tribal development strategies, improvement of the socio-economic conditions of
disadvantaged citizens is prominent. While it is generally recognised and confirmed
by numerous studies that India’s tribal people are spatially, socially, economically
and politically among the most disadvantaged groups, regular assessment of the
development status of tribals is important to take suitable corrective measures and
launch targeted programmes for tribal upliftment. Our study shows that much remains
to be done.
However, having endured backwardness for decades after independence, the tribal
people that were part of this field study tended to be ambivalent towards discourses
of development and displayed negative attitudes towards government policies and
programmes for tribal development. We concur with Baiju (2011: 19) that this
predicament merits further serious study. Our respondents considered not only that
they had been neglected, but also felt exploited by officials, who are mostly non-tribals
and non-locals. This problem, also identified by Satpathy (2017) and Rout (2005:
35), indicates that villages as largely independent social domains mistrust and resist
outside interventions in the name of development that affect leadership patterns.
Rout (2005: 42) concluded in view of pluralist structures that ‘[i]n such a situation
of existence of multiple sets of law, the state law should incorporate the customary
laws and other sources of rights, and accord them legal recognition for sustainable
use and management of natural resources’. Baiju (2011) showed for Kerala how the
astute incorporation of local tribal democratic structures can bring major benefits.
Based on fieldwork in Rajasthan, Saha (2019: 36–7) demonstrated similarly what
may be achieved when marginal locals are properly consulted and are involved as
respected stakeholders. Enabling the induction of views of local tribes (Baiju, 2011:
15) in processes of decentralised planning seems to recommend itself as a form of
responsible governance.
In Odisha, however, insufficient attention has been given to developing such
inclusive relationships or to imparting skills among tribals. It seems that neither the
government nor civil society organisations exist in our study area to take care of tribal
well-being, so people are left to their own devices. Low human resource development
also restricts out-migration, and there are few industrial or service sector activities
in the area that could offer local people upward mobility. Xaxa (2014: 7) therefore
remarked that despite well-meaning constitutional provisions aimed at safeguarding
the welfare and interest of tribal communities, the marginalisation of tribals continues.
Non-existence of pro-active civil society organisations and scant presence of untrained

South Asia Research Vol. 40(1): 94–110

108 South Asia Research Vol. 40(1): 94–110

local self-government institutions indicate that all local key actors of development
need to be activated. While the government is partially visible in such remote areas,
they offer illustrious examples of continuing developmental exclusion at the bottom
of the pyramid (Kolk et al., 2014; Prahalad, 2005). As in other parts of India (Behera
& Basar, 2009), the government slogan of inclusive development (sabka saath, sabka
vikas) remains truly, for such tribals, a hollowed slogan and a political gimmick.
We argue, however, that any universal development programme across the country
for all types of tribal community cannot effectively provide socio-economic justice to
all tribals in their specific local environments. Community-specific and culture-friendly
strategies that encourage local participation would be more appropriate to remedy
tribal marginalisation, as Nigam and Mathur (1990: 367) argued, by observing that
‘[e]ach sub-cultural world is an organic whole’. With globalisation and modernisation,
disparities have been increasing among tribal and non-tribal populations and ‘in
some instances the situation of STs has become worse’ (Paltasingh & Paliwal, 2014:
28). Overall, as socio-economic status was found in our study to vary from one tribal
person to another, in places like Northern Odisha, this may further escalate Naxalite
and extremist problems. Roy (2012) urged regarding Jharkhand that individual tribal
communities as well as districts or pockets of special needs should be identified. Baiju
(2011: 20), in light of evidence from Kerala, advised a participatory approach that is
fine-tuned to local needs and conditions. Awareness of the need to look for difference in
deprivation motivated the research processes for our project in Odisha in the first place.
Increased awareness of the urgent need to carefully identify suitable tribal target groups
for development projects through culture-sensitive interventions is an abundantly clear
outcome of our research and should motivate future development initiatives.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research,
authorship and/or publication of this article.

Funding
The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship and/or
publication of this article.

References
Baiju, K.C. (2011) ‘Tribal Development under Decentralised Governance in Kerala: Issues and
Challenge’, Journal of Administration & Governance, 6(1): 11–26.
Bailey, F.G. (1960) Tribe, Caste and Nation. A Study of Political Activity and Political Change in
Highland Orissa. Manchester: Manchester University Press.
Behera, B.K. (1990) Socio-Cultural Change Among the Kondh. Calcutta: Calcutta University.
Dungdung and Pattanaik: Tribal Development Disparities in Odisha 109

Behera, M.C. & Basar, J. (2009) ‘Implementation of Development Schemes and Exclusion:
A Study with Reference to Growth Education in Arunachal Pradesh’, The Oriental
Anthropologist, 9(2): 233–53.
Béteille, A. (1991) Society and Politics in India: Essays in a Comparative Perspective. New Delhi:
Oxford University Press.
Centre for Environment and Food Security (2005) Political Economy of Hunger in Adivasi Areas.
New Delhi: CEFS.
Chaurasia, B.P. (Ed.) (1990) Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in India. Allahabad: Chugh
Publications.
Elwin, V. (1963) A New Deal for Tribal India. New Delhi: Ministry of Home Affairs.
Galanter, M. (1984) Competing Equalities. Law and the Backward Classes in India. Berkeley,
CA: University of California Press.
Government of India (2011) Report on Socio-economic Conditions of Scheduled Tribes Workers
in KBK Belt-Orissa, 2008-09. New Delhi: Government of India, Ministry of Labour &
Employment.
John, M.E. (1996) ‘Gender and Development in India, 1970s-1990s. Some Reflections on the
Constitutive Role of Contexts’, Economic & Political Weekly, 31(47): 3071–7.
Kolk, A., Rivera-Santos, M. & Rufin, C. (2014) ‘Reviewing a Decade of Research on the “Base/
Bottom of the Pyramid” (BOP) Concept’, Business & Society, 53(3): 338–77.
Meher, R. (2007) ‘Livelihood, Poverty and Morbidity: A Study on Health and Socio-Economic
Status of the Tribal Population in Orissa’, Journal of Health Management, 9(3): 343–67.
Mehta, P.L. (1991) Constitutional Protection to Scheduled Tribes in India in Retrospect and Prospects.
Delhi, Chandigarh: H.K. Publishers.
Nigam, M.N. & Mathur, B. (1990) ‘Resistance to Planned Development Among Scheduled
Tribes in India’. In B.P. Chaurasia (Ed.), Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in India (pp.
366–70). Allahabad: Chugh Publications.
Paltasingh, T. & Paliwal, G. (2014) ‘Tribal Population in India: Regional Dimensions &
Imperatives’, Journal of Regional Development and Planning, 3(2): 27–36.
Prahalad, C.K. (2005) The Fortune at the Bottom of the Pyramid: Eradicating Poverty through
Profits. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Wharton School Publishing.
Purohit, B.D. & Purohit, S.D. (1990) Hand Book of Reservation for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled
Tribes. New Delhi: Jainsons Publishing.
Rath, T. (2010) Poverty and Trends of Exploitation Among the Tribals: A Case Study of Kondhs in
Koraput District of Orissa. Unpublished PhD Thesis, Berhampur University, Berhampur.
Rout, S. (2005) ‘Whose Forest Is It? Customary Rights and Legal Pluralism in Joint Forest
Management in Orissa’, Indian Socio-Legal Journal, 31: 27–42.
Roy, B.C. (1989) Tribals of Orissa. The Changing Socio-Economic Profile. Delhi: Gian Publishing
House.
Roy, D. (2012) ‘Socio-economic Status of Scheduled Tribes in Jharkhand’, Indian Journal of
Spatial Science, 30(2): 26–34.
Rupavath, R. (2016) ‘Tribal Education: A Perspective from Below’, South Asia Research, 36(2):
206–28.
Saha, A. (2019) ‘Rural Employment Generation in India: A Critical View from Rajasthan’,
South Asia Research, 39(1): 23–42.
Saksena, H.S. (1981) Safeguards for Scheduled Castes and Tribes. Founding Fathers’ Views. New
Delhi: Uppal Publishing House.

South Asia Research Vol. 40(1): 94–110

110 South Asia Research Vol. 40(1): 94–110

Satpathy, B. (2017) ‘Forest Rights Act Implementation in Odisha: Redressing Historical

Injustices’, South Asia Research, 37(3): 259–76.
Sen, A. (2000) Social Exclusion; Concept, Application, and Security. Social Development Paper
No.1. Manila: Office of Environment and Social Development, Asian Development Bank.
Singh, A. & Sadangi, B.N. (2012) ‘Livelihood Patterns and Resource Base of Tribals in Koraput
and Rayagada District of Odisha’, Indian Research Journal of Extension Education, 12(1S):
307–12.
Xaxa, V. (2014) ‘Constitutional Provisions, Laws and Tribes’. Yojana. A Development Monthly,
58(1): 4–7.

Kiran Dungdung is now an Assistant Programme Manager at the Public Health

Engineering Department in Jaipur, Rajasthan, India. She conducted the field study
that forms the basis of this article. [e-mail: kirandung22@gmail.com].

B. K. Pattanaik is a professor at the School of Extension and Development Studies

of the Indira Gandhi National Open University in New Delhi, India.
[e-mail: bkpattanaik@ignou.ac.in].