Israeli State Policy toward Bedouin Sedentarization in the Negev

Author(s): Ghazi Falah

Source: Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. 18, No. 2 (Winter, 1989), pp. 71-91
Published by: University of California Press on behalf of the Institute for Palestine Studies
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2537634
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IsraeliStatePolicytoward
BedouinSedentarizationin the
Negev

GhaziFalah*

TheonlywaytosavetheBedouin from
extinction
istoslowlyweanhimfrom
hispresent
haphazard nomadexistence andgradually
settlehimon hisown
land,whichis quitesufficient himifthebestis madeofit.1
to support
In his 1936 article,MajorC.S. Jarvissuggested thatthebestfuture for
the desertbedouinwas to "settlehim on his own land." This principle
remainsvalid;unfortunately, however,not all governments in the Middle
Easthave appliedthisprinciplewhenformulating sedentarization
plansfor
theirbedouinpopulations.Indeed,somehavesystematically prohibited the
bedouinfromsettlingon theirown privatelands.
Throughoutthe Middle East over the past thirtyyears,conscious
attemptshave been made by governments to integratenomadic and
semi-nomadic bedouinpopulationsinto sedentarysociety.The general
trendis to settlenomadsbyestablishing farming or manufacturingcooper-
ativesto enable themto survivein theirnew environment.2 In all such
projects,the state plays the decisiverole in creatingboth the policy
environmentand the spatial reorganization which in turn promote
sedentarization. At the same time,however,sedentarization policymay
serveas an important tool in achievingotherstateobjectives.

Ghazi Falah is the directorof the Galilee CenterforSocial Research.This articlewas originally
presentedas a paperat the Twenty-First Annual MESA Conference,Baltimore,Maryland,15-17
November1987.

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 OF PALESTINESTUDIES
72 JOURNAL

The bedouinin Israelconstitutesome 12 percentof the total Arab

populationofthestateand aredistributed in twoprincipalareas:theNegev
desert(where theynumber60,000) and the Galilee (where they are
estimatedat 35,000). Processesof spontaneoussedentarization wereob-
servedamongbothNegev and Galilee bedouinin the beginningof the
twentieth century in PalestineunderOttomanruleand in the Mandatory
period.3However,theestablishment ofthestateofIsraelin 1948 led to the
creationof a new sociopoliticaland demographicsituationand the
sedentarization processwas interrupted. The Israeliauthoritiesthenbegan
to introduce new formsofsedentarization.
UnlikemanyotherMiddleEasternbedouincommunities, the Negev
bedouinwerealreadyfullysedentarized whentheIsraeligovernment began
to implement itssettlementprograms. Thus,theseprograms werenotaimed
primarily at settlinga previously highlymobilepopulation;rather,the
objectivewas to evict this populationfromits lands and to resettleit
elsewhere.Involuntary resettlement and forcedmigration have becomea
characteristic ofIsraeligovernment policytowardthebedouin,even when
the finalresultsappearto have been voluntary.
In itsdesireto acquirebedouinlands,the statehas sparedvirtually no
bedouinfamily someformofconfrontation The
withtheauthorities. official
statisticsspeakforthemselves: as of 1979,therewere3,220 registered cases
involvingland disputesbetweenthe bedouin and the state of Israel.4
Accordingto a 1986official report,therewere5,944 bedouinhousesin the
Negev consideredto be illegal and thus subjectto demolitionby the
authorities at anytime.5These statistics suggestthatone in everyeighteen
Negevbedouinfacesa problemwiththeauthorities regarding land,and one
in everyten regarding housing.
The aim of this articleis, first,to show how sedentarization as a
settlement policyis usedas an official tool to transform bedouinland into
stateland.Second,itdescribes andanalyzesthevariousmeansusedto evict
and relocatebedouin groupsfromtheir land so as to make such a
transformation possible.Finally,the articlewill evaluateand assessthe
viabilityof the existing"plannedbedouintownships" in theNegev.
This paper is a continuationof a debate betweenthe authorand a
numberofIsraeligeographers publishedin Geoforum in 1985 regarding the
ultimategovernment objectivesbehindthe bedouinpolicyof the Israeli
authorities.6 The presentstudy,basedon fieldresearchconductedby the
authorin 1984 and 1986,is intendedto contribute to a betterunderstand-
ing of the impactand effectiveness of government policies designedto

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 ISRAELISTATE POLICY 73

promotesedentarization
ofnomadpopulationsin theMiddleEastmore
as wellas ofthespecific
generally, problems
facedbyone segment
ofthe
Arabminoritywithin thestateofIsrael.

WhyMustNomadsBe Settled?
Nomadism hasbeendefined as "themovement ofthehousehold during
the annualroundof productive activities";its opposite,sedentism, is
defined
as "theimmobile location ofthehousehold duringtheannualround
ofproductive The reasons
activities."7 whygovernments insiston a policy
aimedatsedentarization ofpastoral nomads havebeenanalyzed indepthby
a number ofwritersfrom various areasanddisciplines.8
Konczackioffersat leastfourreasons.First aretheculturalfactors: since
mostthird worldelites,whether from ruralorurbanareas,generally share
theculturalvaluesofthesettled population, theytendtoviewpastoralism
negatively.Consequently, sedentarization is seen as bothpositiveand
Secondarethepolitical
desirable. reasons:
sincenomads arehighly mobile,
itismoredifficult
tocontrol themand,therefore, itisdeemedadvisable to
and
settle integrate them into a sedentary framework. A thirdfactoris
in nature:to createa situationin whichthe nomadscan
structural
contributemoreproductively to thenationaleconomy-stationary com-
munitiesare easierto countforcensuspurposes, easierto tax, and,
easierto includein nationalplansfordevelopment.
therefore, Finally,a
morealtruisticpurpose ofsedentarization is to facilitate
theextension of
publicgoodsand services, whichcan be providedmorecheaplyto a
sedentary populationthanto constantly movinggroups.9
In dealingwiththe Negev bedouin,the Israeliauthorities have given
different
explanations and motivations fortheirpolicies,whichare rooted
bothin thestateZionistideologyofcontrollingan Arabminority and in the
currentsituationof the Negev bedouincommunity. Since the bedouin
populationin the Negev long ago adopteda sedentary patternof settle-
ment,the authorities' maintaskis to evictthemfromlandsand transfer
themto speciallocalities.
This approachto sedentarization has two generalphases. The first
involvesconcentrating the bedouinfromvariouslocalitiesin the Negev
withina "closedarea"or " reserve"in thenorthern and centralNegev (see
figure1). The secondphase involvesthe transfer and relocationof these
groupsto the so-called"plannedbedouintownships"withinthis closed
area.The reasonsgivento justify
concentrating thebedouinduringthefirst

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74 JOURNALOF PALESTINESTUDIES

/ Hebron

* aza j W

* Beersheba
. I

\ / /
Figre.. (

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"Clse
area
i !~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~4

Ineraioa bodr

Fiue1 oainlMpo"Closed h Area

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 ISRAELISTATE POLICY 75

phasewererelatedto military andsecurity considerations.10The reasons

givenforresettlement in a "bedouin township" wereofa different nature:
to controlthe spreadof so-called"spontaneous" bedouinsettlement
activitiesin theconstruction ofdwellings andtoprovide basicservices.11
Thisdiscussion willfocuson another setofmotivations behindstate
policy.It isthecontention ofthispaperthatoneprincipal objectiveliesat
thecoreoftheIsraeliauthorities' bedouinresettlement policyas imple-
mented bytheIsraeliauthorities: thestate'staking possession ofbedouin
land.Consequently, thebedouin havefound themselves repeatedly
accused
of"encroaching" on state-owned landdesignated forJewish settlement.
12
Theirspontaneous settlement activityhasoftenbeenviewedas havingan
ulterior
purpose: namely thatofsubsequently raisingdemands forlandrights
andcompensation. In thewordsofStemandGradus,"in orderto claim
rightsto theland,the Bedouinsstarted to buildscattered, small,semi-
permanent settlements in theregion."13 Theseauthors clearlyadmitthat
"theprimary obstaclein thecaseoftheNegevhasbeenlandacquisition
and ownership." Theyalso concludethat"theprocessof spontaneous
unplannedsedentarization of Bedouinsin the Negev can hardlybe
controlled untilthelandownership problem is settled.
"14

intheNegev
ofLandOwnership
TheQuestion
Writerswhohavepreviously examinedtheproblem oflandownership
in the Negevhave madeno attempt to look at the issuesfromthe
perspectivesofboththebedouinandthestateauthorities. Somehavefelt
it sufficient theissueas "highly
to describe "15 whileothers
complicated,
claimthatpriorto 1948thebedouinhadspreadoutoverpubliclandsand
forthemto provetheirownership,
that"it is difficult thusleadingto
"16 Therearesomewhohavetouched
conflict. on thequestionof
briefly
landownership, thatthedisputes
maintaining overlandhavetheirorigin,
in part,in the1858Turkish 17The following
lawon tabu. will
discussion
bothversions
discuss oflandownershipin theNegevandthereby provide
background totheongoing theestablishment
debateregarding of"bedouin
townships."

Bedouin
Claims
TheNegevareawasnotsurveyed either
during theOttoman
orBritish

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 OF PALESTINESTUDIES
76 JOURNAL

Mandatory periods.Hence,thereareno reliable recordsoflandclassifica-

tionor registries of landownership exceptin and aroundthe townof
Beersheba.Thevillagestatistics for1945indicate thatoutofa totalareaof
12,573,000 dunums in theNegev,84.04percent wasclassified as "unculti-
vableland"withno defined ownership, 15.39percentwas underArab
ownership, .52 percent washeldbyJews,and .02 percentwas deemed
publicland.18 Afterthe establishment of the Jewishstate,the new
government laidclaimtomostofthelandintheNegev.Thebedouin, who
hadintimate knowledge ofthelandandhadutilized itforcenturies, became
thevictims ofa technicality, sincetheycouldnotprovidedocumentary
evidencetosupport theirclaimsthatsatisfies Israelilaw.
Thebedouin haveadvanced thefollowing fourarguments insupport of
theirclaimtotheland.First, theyhaveworked andcultivated theselands
overa longperiodoftimeandhavereceived themthrough inheritance.
Theyare also in possession of bothofficial documents (tithetax) and
documents
traditional (hijaj).Second,theTurkish government purchased
about2,000dunums oflandfrom the'Azazmah tribein 1900in orderto
buildthe townof Beersheba, thusproving the bedouinclaimto legal
ownership ofthelandsduring thatperiod.Moreover, theIsraeliauthorities
haverecognized theclaimsofindividual Jewswhopurchased landin the
Negevbefore 1948.TheseJews wereinpossession ofdocuments similarto
the
thoseheldbythebedouin.Finally, Israeli authoritieshave recognized
bedouinlandownership, butonlyincaseswherethebedouinagreetosell
landto thestate.
The estimated amount ofbedouinlandin theNegevoverwhichthere
isa disputewiththestatevariesdepending on thesource.The figure of2.4
milliondunums (600,000acres)appears tobe thehighest estimate. 19The
LandSettlement Department statisticsfor1979givea figure of 776,856
dunums, ofwhich61 percent is classifiedas agriculturalland.Thisfigure
referstolandbelonging totwenty-one bedouin groups thathavefiled formal
landclaims.Thesamesourcestatesthattherearenumerous otherbedouin
who,forunknown reasons, havenotfiledlandclaims.According to the
estimateof the Land Settlement Department, the totallandsof the
northern Negevare3,010,510dunums, 22 percent ofwhich(670,366)are
settled;thereare1,363,287dunums towhichbedouinhaveno claim.20
In 1976,theLabor-led government in Israelattempted to workouta
compromise agreement withthebedouin,recognizing a portionof their
claimswhileagreeingto pay compensation forthe rest.The initial
government proposal wasto recognize 12.5 percent ofthetotalbedouin

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 ISRAELISTATE POLICY 77

landclaims,provided thebedouincouldproveownership;theremainderof
the landswouldbe transferred to the statein returnformonetary
compensation. This recognitionwas laterincreasedto 20 percent;30
percentofthetotalclaimwouldbecovered bycompensation,at65 percent
of the land value. The remaining 50 percentof the land was to be
As theadviseron Arabaffairs
expropriated.21 oftheIsraeligovernment,
MosheSharon,commented at thetime,thegovernment'soffer
amounted,
in the eyesofthebedouin,to "aggravated
robbery."22
In thewakeof the 1977 electionof a right-wing government, the
negotiations on thelandissuein theNegevweresuspended indefinitely.
The bedouincontinueto lay claimto theirancestral lands,but their
attempts toobtainformal ofsuchclaims,
legalrecognition allthewaytothe
IsraeliHighCourt,haveresulted infailure. to thefact
Thisis attributable
thatvarious lawshavebeenpassedbytheIsraeliparliament overtheyears
defininglandintheNegevas "unused stateland"ormawat (deadorbarren)
land.23

TheStateVersion
ideology
Zionist sought toplaceallofthelandinPalestine under Jewish
control.24
Therefore, landpurchase wasperceived as a principal goal of
Zionismand was giventhe symbolic epithet"redemption of the land"
Withthisobjective
ha-garga).
(ge'ulat inmind,theNegevregion hasbeen
givenspecialattention, since it has been considered by the Israeli
authoritiesas one of the majorfuturesettlement areas. The Israeli
authorities
designatedall landsin theNegevas stateproperty, andvarious
administrativeandlegalmeasures weretakento transfer bedouinlandsto
Jewishsettlementsanddevelopment Thus,a continuous
projects. dispute
overlandownership becameinevitable. The Israeliauthoritieshavemade
useofvarious Ottoman andBritish lawstodispossess thebedouinandtake
overtheirland,buttheIsraeligovernment eventually passeda number of
itsownlawstofacilitate landabsorption.
The 1858OttomanLandLaw wasusedas thelegalbasisforseizing
bedouinland.Thiswaspossible becauseoftheabsenceofcomplete land
fortheNegevbefore
registration 1948. The Israeli
authoritiesassertedthat
allNegevlandswereuncultivated, andshouldthusbe classified as mawat,
definedinOttoman lawas uncultivated landthatdidnotbelongtoanyone
andthatwaslocatedat a distanceexceeding 1.5 milesfromthenearest
permanent settlement.25 the
Therefore, ownership of suchlandsshould

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 OF PALESTINESTUDIES
78 JOURNAL

revertto the state.In practice,however, the authoritiesutilizedonly

thesecondsectionofthelaw.Thisappliedto "remote lands"locatedat a
distancefrom "permanent" whenthelawwaspromulgated
settlements in
1858.Recallthattheonlypermanent intheNegev,thetownof
settlement
Beersheba,wasnotestablished until1900.
havealsomadeuseofBritish
The Israeliauthorities legislation
dating
from 1921and1940tosupport official
claimsthatthebedouin neverowned
land in the Negev.The 1921 BritishLandsOrdinanceprohibits the
ofmawat
acquisition landsbymeansofcultivation. However, theordinance
statesthata personwho did cultivatemawatland couldobtainlegal
ofsuchlandifhe registered
acquisition thelandwithina periodoftwo
months followingpromulgation oftheordinance inquestion.26 The Israeli
usedthefactthatbedouindidnotregister
authorities theirlandsafter the
publicationofthisordinance in 1921,to arguethatthebedouincannot
claimlandholding rightsto thesecultivated
lands.Therefore, theyshould
notbe grantedownership rights,eveniftheyhadbeencultivating theland
fora longperiodoftime.In orderto challenge thecredibility ofbedouin
documents proving thattaxeshadbeenpaidon landholdings, theIsraeli
have
authorities utilized
a laterBritishMandatory law,the Rural Property
Tax Ordinance of1940.According tothisordinance,suchdocuments can
be consideredproofoftheamountoflandcultivated, butnotof actual
ownership.
27

Bedouin inthe"ClosedArea"
Concentrations
The Hebrewwordseyagrefers to theareadesignated bythemilitary
forthenineteen
authorities bedouintribes(estimated at 11,000in 1949)
whoremained in theNegevafter the1948war.Thiswastheremnant ofa
bedouin populationofmorethan70,000priorto 1948from a totalofsome
The areadefined
tribes.28
ninety-five as "closed"is locatedin thenorthern
and centralNegev,and was estimated to encompass someone million
dunums or10percent oftheareapreviously occupied bythebedouin before
theestablishment ofthestateofIsrael.29
In 1951,theIsraeliauthoritiesforciblyevictedandtransferred eleven
tribesfromtheirancestrallandsin theareabetweenBeersheba and the
Israel-GazaStripborder.Theywererelocated within thenewlydesignated
"closedarea" to the east of Beersheba. The military authorities then
prohibitedthisgroup,aswellas theeightothertribes whooriginally resided
within the"closed"area,from leavingthisconfined locationforthenext

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 ISRAELISTATE POLICY 79

all ofthelandbelonging
fteenyears.Eventually, to theelevenforcibly
relocated
tribes
wasconfiscated
andhandedovertoJewish settlements.
Theselandswereexpropriatedbasedon a law passedby the Israeli
Knessetknownas the "Land AcquisitionLaw."30This legislationempow-
eredthefinance minister toconfiscate private landsforthe"urgent needs"
ofthestate,regardless ofownership, subjectto threeconditions: theland
wasnotbeingusedbyitsowners on 1 April1952;thelandwasutilized or
allocatedforurgent stateneedssuchas settlement or security during the
period14May1948to 1 May1952;thelandwasrequired forurgent needs
(settlementorsecurity).31
The Israelicourts haveruledthatorders issuedbythefinance minister
maybe regarded as evidenceoffulfillment oftheconditions forconfisca-
tion.Thus,thecourts neednotinvestigate whether suchconditions were
actually if
fulfilled, such an order from thefinance ministeris in existence.
Moreover, thelawgrants thefinance minister therighttorefuse tohearthe
claimsof thosewhoselandwasconfiscated.32 Usingthislaw,theIsrael
Development Authority wasabletotransfer a totalof1,225,174dunums to
itsowncontrol within a yearafter 20 March1953;325,000dunums ofthat
landwereprivately owned.33 It shouldbe notedthatthe 1953 law was
passedand implemented withoutconsideration of whybedouinwere
"absentees"notlivingon theirland.Indeed,itwastheIsraeliauthorities
themselves whowereresponsible forrendering thebedouin"absentees"
between 14 May1948and 1 May1952.The army removed bedouinfrom
theirformer encampments, and theywereconsidered "absentee"even
whentheirrelocation wasonlya fewkilometers away.Withthe1953law,
thequestion ofwhether thebedouinhadfulllegaltitleto thelandbeing
expropriatedor whether that landhadbeensurveyed andregistered before
1948becameirrelevant. All theseconsiderations weresweptawaybythe
forceoftheconditions laiddownin thenewlawofstateacquisition.
Nonetheless, anotherquestiondoesremain:was theevictionof the
eleventribesfrom theirlandsbasedon security considerations,as claimed
bytheauthorities, orwastherealobjective to transfer
fertilelandto the
Jewishsettlementsthatwereeventually established? As onebedouin shaykh
remarked,"Ifthereasons weresecurity, whydidtheyremove bedouintribes
from areasclosetotheIsraeli-Egyptian border andputtheminotherareas
adjacentto theIsraeli-Jordanian border?"34
Insummary, thephysical removal oftheelevenbedouin tribes andtheir
relocationwithintheclosedarearendered sometwo-thirds oftheNegev
bedouinpopulation landlessrefugeeswithina very shortperiod.Thisgroup was

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80 JOURNALOF PALESTINESTUDIES

thustransformed
intoa powerless
population,
muchmoreeasilyresettled
and
thanthosewhoremained
manipulated on their
ancestral
lands.

TheCaseofTal al-Malah
The caseofthebedouin ofTal al-Malah, whoconstitute approximately
one-third oftheNegevbedouin andwhowereamongthosewhoremained
on theiroriginal triballandswithintheclosedarea,provides additional
evidence tosupport theclaimthatthestateisattempting togainpossession
ofbedouin landstoserveitsregional planninggoals.In thiscase,thestate
expropriated morethan65,000dunums belonging to thesubtribes ofAbu
Juway'id, Umar,Zabarkah, andAbuHamid.Some750families wereforced
to leavetheirlands-80 percent ofwhichwerebeingusedforagricultural
purposes35-so thatan army baseanda military airportcouldbe construct-
ed. The Israeliauthorities statedthatthelandwasneededas an altemative
totheairbases abandoned intheSinaiPeninsula following thepeacetreaty
withEgypt andtheIsraeliwithdrawal from theterritory.36
In order toexpropriate landsforthispurpose, theIsraeliKnesset passed
the"LawfortheAcquisition ofLandin theNegev(Peace Treatywith
Egypt) 1980"inJuly 1980.Thebedouin groupswhowereevicted from their
landswereeventually resettled in twonew"plannedsettlements" in an
adjacentarea,namelyKusayfa and Abu Arar(or Ararah).Whydid the
IsraelDefense Forceschoosetolocatearmy basesanda third airportinthis
particular areain theNegev?To thebedouin, theanswer to thisquestion
is clear:theareawasone ofthefewin whichlandsstillremained in the
handsoftheoriginal bedouin inhabitants.Thesituation andpretext offered
an excellentopportunity to expropriate additionalbedouinland and
transfer itto stateownership.
Further evidence maybe adducedbyexamining themaster planforthe
northem Negevpublished in 1976.Thismaster plan,formulated bythe
Planning DivisionoftheInterior Ministry,
clearly states:"An airport is to
be locatedbetween AradandBeersheva in an areaheavilypopulated by
Bedouintribes. "37Themaster plansuggeststhateventwoyears prior tothe
conclusion ofthepeacetreaty withEgypt andfouryearsbefore the1980
law,Israeliauthorities wereseriously contemplating theconstruction ofan
airport in localitiesheavily populated by bedouin (e.g. Tal al-Malah).The
plansfortheNegevregionstateclearlythat,amongotherthings,the
bedouin"claimsto ownership ofvastareaswasand is considered bythe
government as inimicalto thepresent and future development of land
resources."38

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 ISRAELISTATE POLICY 81

The Establishment
of "BedouinTownships"

The concentrationof the bedouin populationin the closed area

constituted thefirst phasein thepolicyofresettlement. However,themajor
task, the transfer of this populationto several "planned townships,"
remained.Five of these townshipsare alreadyin existence(with an
estimatedtotalpopulationof 20,000), and two additionaltownshipsare
now"frozen"-for unknownofficial reasonstheauthorities haveyettohand
overthe alreadypurchasedplotsto theirbedouinowners(see figure 2).
The processoftransferring theNegevbedouinintoplannedtownships
is yetto be completed;it is likelyto continueuntiltheend ofthecentury.
So far,thestatehas succeededin transferring almostone-third oftheNegev
bedouinpopulationto suchtownships. The processhas been byno means
smooth,and has metwithconsiderable bedouinresistance.
Meanwhile,the bedouinhave continuedto establishtheir"spontan-
eous"permanent structures. Thisprocesshas takentwoforms. The landless
bedouingroups,whowerepreviously transferred byforceto thearea,leased
land fromthe stateand builtwoodenhutsand tin shacksfordwellings.
They did not build stonehousesbecause,amongotherthings,theyare
reluctant to construct suchhouseson land thatis not theirown.39On the
otherhand, somebedouingroupsthatownedland herebuilthousesand
solidstonedwellings.Since the state'sattitudehas been to denybedouin
landownership rights,thecontinuousspreadof"spontaneous" permanent
settlements is perceivedas undesirable, forit strengthensbedouinclaimsto
the land theyoccupy.Thus, all housesbuiltby bedouinare regardedas
illegaland remainsubjectto demolition, whethertheyarebuilton stateor
privateland. Accordingto a 1986government report,thereare5,944 such
bedouinhousesin theNegev.40
The only option offered the bedouinregardingland ownershipand
buildingstonehouses is to resettlein one of the designatedtownships.
There the bedouincan lease a plot to build his house and become a
wage-earner.At the same time, he is entitledto receive monetary
compensation fromthe stateifhe agreesto giveup anylegalclaimto his
own ancestrallands. Usually a preconditionfor movingto a planned
townshipis thebedouin'sagreement to withdraw anyclaimto otherlands
or his agreement to sell thoselandsto the state.The transfer of the Tal
al-Malahbedouinto thetwoplannedtownships ofKusayfaand Ararahhas
beendescribed bycommentators as "successful.
"41 This solutionis regarded
as a modelforthe transfer of the remaining bedouinin theNegevbecause

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82 JOURNALOF PALESTINESTUDIES

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 ISRAELISTATE POLICY 83

in thisinstancethe authorities wereable to linkphysical transfer of a

portion ofthebedouinpopulation withbedouinacceptance ofmonetary
compensation. The relocation wascarried outbasedon a speciallawthat
dealswithsuchissuesas landexpropriation, bedouineviction, compensa-
tion,andresettlement inthetwodesignated townships. The bedouinwere
forcedtoacceptthestateoffer sincetherewasno altemative. Thisstrategy
ofrelocatingbedouin toplanned townships isrooted inlargemeasure inthe
conceptofcreating a landless population ratherthan in any notion of state
provisionofmodemservices to thebedouin.Evenlandsetasideforthe
establishment ofthetownships wasexpropriated andtransferred to formal
stateownership.
Thepolicyoftransfer tobedouintownships hasbeenincorporated into
theregionalplanning scheme forthenorthern Negev.Thiswasreflected in
twomaster plans,onepublished in 1966andone in 1976.The 1966plan
outlineda number ofobjectives andprinciples thatwouldultimately affect
thebedouinpopulation: e.g., development ofmaximum Uewish] popula-
tion densityin the northern Negev; utilization of naturalresources;
expansionof cultivated areas wherever possible;development of the
communications network (specifically,theconstruction ofa newairport);
establishmentofbedouinsettlement.42
The moredetailedplan of 1976 outlinedwithgreater specificity a
number ofproposals forlanduse in thenorthem Negev.The following
threeobjectives werelisted.Firstwas the establishment of a national
industrial
development areaaroundDimonabetween AradandBeersheba.
Theseindustries,mainly science-based andpetrochemical, areintended to
drawworkers from theexisting Jewish development townsin theNegevas
wellas from theplannedbedouinsettlements. Second,an airport is to be
locatedbetweenAradand Beersheba in an area heavilypopulatedby
bedouintribes.Finally,one hundred newJewish settlements basedon
intensiveagriculture areplannedon landin thenorthwestem Negevand
alongitseastemborder withJordan.43
An examination oftheobjectives revealsthatthesemaster plansarefor
theexpress benefitofexisting Jewish townsandfuture Jewish agricultural
settlements;thebedouin aredealtwithonlymarginally. Although theplan
statesthatbedouinshouldworkin industry, it is likelythattheywillbe
allowedtoworkonlyatlow-level jobs,iftheyareinfactpermitted toenter
suchscience-based andpetrochemical factories.
Once suchplansare implemented, twocontrasting geographical pat-
ternsoflandusewillevolve.The establishment ofnewJewish settlements
and the construction of industrial parkswillnecessitate enclosing large

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84 JOURNALOF PALESTINESTUDIES

areas,leadingtofurther
evictionsofbedouinandtheconfiscation oftheir
lands.Thus,thestatedobjectiveofestablishing
bedouinsettlementscomes
to servetheimplementation oftheseoveralldevelopment plansforthe
Jewish sector.
Accordingto Israelisources,the firstmasterplan called forthe
establishmentofnine"planned townships,"butbecauseofthescarcity of
waterit was decidedto developonlythree.In 1973, however,the
government changedits policyagainand decidedto add threemore
settlements.Theofficial
reasongivenwasthatitisdifficult
todisplacetribes
thatlivefarfrom theproposedsites.44
The government hasaddedanother
reason,usuallyadvancedwhenthe authorities have been unableto
persuade thebedouintomovefrom tosettlein
theirlands:"Itisimpossible
withdifferent
a singlesitetribes socialbackgrounds andsometimes tribes
conflict."45
whichare in permanent
Todaythereare sevenbedouintownships in the Negev;fourare
inhabited whilethreehave been recognized, but have not been fully
implemented. Tel Shevawasthefirst suchbedouintownship. Established
in theNegevin 1966,it wasinitially plannedas a housing project.46In
1977,itwasreplanned accordingto a modelofallocation oflandplotsfor
individualprivate construction.According to Homer,"The sitingofthe
housing neartotheancient Tel-Beersheba attheedgeoftheWadiGezwas
on land thatbelongedin partto the government and was in part
expropriated(withcompensation) forthe settlement the
by government as
perEnglish Mandatelawfrom a fewBedouintribes."47
The township ofRahatwasbegunin 1973,planned foran areaof8,762
dunums. A portion ofthislandwasexpropriated from theHuzayil and
tribe,
therestfrom a number ofothertribes.48 Kusayfa andArarahwerethelast
bedouintownships theywerecreated
tobe established; in orderto resettle
bedouinfamilies evacuated from Tal al-Malahlandin later1983.Kusayfa
wasplannedon an areaof4,000dunums; 3,600dunums ofthislandwas
expropriated,andtherestwasdeclared tobe stateland.In similar fashion,
thetownship ofArarah wasplanned on an areaof2,500dunums thatwere
expropriatedfrom thebedouin.49
Insummary, theprocess bywhichthebedouin havebeenforced tolease
landsfrom thestatethatwereoriginally theirownproperty isclear.Ofthe
threenotyetfully developedtownships, al-Shukib is partiallypopulated,
whileHuraandLaghiaarestill"frozen." Apparently, thestateiswaiting to
workoutan agreeable formula inordertotransfer newlandless bedouinto
thesetownships.

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 ISRAELISTATE POLICY 85

The Viability
ofthePlannedBedouinTownships

In analyzingthe viabilityof the bedouintownships in the Negev, the

aimsthesesettlements are expectedto fulfillmustbe takenintoaccount.
Ideally,life in the townshipsshouldhelp to solve the manypressing
problemsand needsofthebedouincommunity in the area ofhousing,the
economy,and social services.
Solvingthe problemsof housingthroughplannedtownships does not
mean thatthe authorities recognizeand considerlegal the "spontaneous"
housingthatalreadyexistsin the bedouinvillages.Rather,it meansthat
thebedouinis allowedto have a plotofland (. 75 to 1.5 dunums)in order
to construct a newhouse;at thesametime,it is expectedthathe willleave
ordemolishhisoriginalhouse.Once thebedouinhas leaseda plotfromthe
stateor the IsraelLands Administration he is subjectto the conditions
associatedwithplotrental,andwilllivein a place notofhisownchoosing.
Thus, the statesucceedsin requiring the bedouinto build his house on
landsthathave becomestateproperty. Moreover,the statepreventsthe
bedouin fromconstructing solid housingor creatingany geographical
"facts"on land thathe ownsprivately or on landsto whichhe laysclaim.
Fromthebedouinperspective, a permanent stonehouseon privateland is
preferableto theoptionofsettling on landownedbythestate.Settledon
his own ancestralland he achievesa securityand stabilitylackingin a
situationin whichhe is settledon statelands.
The IsraelLand Administration is the body that leases plots to the
bedouin.The lease contractit issuescontainsclauses that prohibitthe
bedouintenantfromeverowningthe land or settlingon it permanently.
Thus,thebedouintenantmustaccepta situationin whichthestatehas the
rightto enterhislandat anytimeandforanypurpose.Nor accordingto the
leasedoes thebedouinhave a legalrightto opposeanychangesin thesize
orboundaries oftheplothe hasoccupied.The statereserves therightunder
thecontractto changetheshapeand sizeoftheplotat anytimeforfuture
development purposes.In addition,the 1955 TenantProtectionLaw does
not applyto thissortof lease, whichgivesthe bedouintenanta rightto
hold the landsfora periodofonlyforty-nine years.50
Thus, the formulaof the planned townshiphas not providedthe
bedouinwitha satisfactory solutionto theproblemofhousingsecurity and
a solutiononlyto theproblemofthehardshipand squalor
It offers
stability.
oflivingin tinshacksand woodenhuts.On the leasedland, thebedouin
is permittedto constructa more convenientand solid stone house.
Therefore, despitethemanydrawbacks inherent in leasingsuchplotsmany

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 OF PALESTINESTUDIES
86 JOURNAL

ofthe PlannedBedouinTownshipsin theNegev,

Table 1: The EconomicStructure
December1986 (headsofhouseholdsonly)
Settlement
Category(in %) Rahat Kusayfa Tel Sheva Ararah

Wage-eamers 50 42 42 54
Govemmentofficers and serviceworkers 3.5 0 1 0
Headmasters,teachers,and academics 3.5 9 5 0.5
Policemen& militaryemployment 0 3 2 0
Agriculture 0 1 3 0
AnimalHusbandry 1.5 2 2 0.5
Unemployed & retired 18 30 21 23
Independentdrivers 22 13 23 10
Others(includinguniversitystudents) 1 0 1 12

Source: G. Falah, unpublishedpreliminary reportof an assessmentof Negev bedouin

development needs,submittedto theWelfareAssociation,Geneva,Switzerland;Nazareth,
March 1987, p. 29. The statistics
are based on a questionnaire
surveyconductedby the
author.

haveagreedto settlein thesetownships sincethereareno otherviable

alternatives,
especiallyforlandless groups.
Nor has theplannedtownship easedtheproblems oflivelihoodand
economic survival.Thosewhohavesettled in thesetownshipshaveeither
beentransformed intowage-earners working in theJewish sectororhave
joinedthe ranksof the unemployed. Theyhave been prohibited from
pursuingagricultureandanimalhusbandry, thetraditionalformsofbedouin
livelihood,becauseoftheexpropriation or transferoftheirlandsto the
state.Andthestatehasrefused toestablishagricultural forbedouin
villages
orto industrialize
thealready established townships.
Table 1 presents figureson theemployment ofheadsofhouseholds in
the fourplannedtownships. It indicatesthatsome50 percentof the
bedouin laborforce fallsintothecategory ofwage-earners. Theunemployed
and retired constitute the nextlargest group,followed by independent
and
drivers tractor owners (often linked with thefirst
category).
The economic structure is influenced bythefactthatthesetownships
have, in termsof Israelisettlement policyobjectives, been specifically
designed forlandlesslaborers. Sucha policyisalsoconnected with,among
otherthings, theissueoflandownership. Fromtheperspective ofthestate,
thebedouin's claimtothelandisweakened ifhe isdeniedtheopportunity
tocultivatethatland.His tieswiththelandwillbe broken andhe willbe
unabletoclaimthathe haslivedon andworked thelandfora longperiod
oftime.

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 ISRAELISTATE POLICY 87

The provisionof modem servicesand infrastructure in the planned

townshipsappearsin government declarationsas a fundamental policy
objectiveand is given considerableemphasisin the publishedIsraeli
literature.Some authorshave cited the provisionof servicesas an
indicationof the modernization of bedouin communities.51 Yet, quite
differentconclusionsmaybe reachedaftera carefulexaminationof the
actualinfrastructure and delivery ofservicesin thesetownships. Thereare
sizeabledeficiencies and servicesare not providedequallyto all residents.
Moreover,a significant proportion of the servicesand infrastructureexist
onlyon paper,not in reality.
The newbedouinresidents in thesesettlements continueto requestthat
theauthorities liveup to thepromises madeto themwhentheysignedthe
leasecontracts. Theyfeelnotonlydiscriminated against,butalso cheated.
Theypaid highrentalsforplotsthatweresupposedto have fullinfrastruc-
turalimprovements, buthaveoftenreceivedlandlackingroads,electricity,
and telephoneconnections.The levelofservicesand infrastructure varies
fromone townshipto the next and fromneighborhood to neighborhood
withinthesametownship.
Severalexamplesillustrate the deficienciesin basic services.The most
extreme casemaybe thatofthetinytownship ofal-Shukib (SegevShalom)for
the'Azazmahbedouin,witha totaloffifty-two household units.Ithasbeenin
existenceformorethanfiveyears;manyotherbedouinhaveleasedplotsin this
settlement,buttheauthorities refuseto givethempermission tobuildhouses.
None oftheexisting fifty-twohousesis suppliedwithelectricity,andthereare
no roadswithinthetownship. The onlypavedroadis theone connecting the
entrance tothesettlement withthemainregional road.52In October1986,the
local Hebrew-language weekly,Sheva,publishedin Beersheba,carriedan
articledescribing indetailtheconditions inal-Shukib. The articlereportedthe
following on healthservices:"A doctorvisitsthesettlement dailyforninety
minutes. He hasno medicines, norcanhe writeprescriptions forpatients.
All
he can do is providethepatientwitha specialletterto visitanotherclinicin
thecityofBeersheba."53
The healthservicesin Rahatare similarly deficient.Rahatis the largest
plannedbedouinsettlement in theNegev,witha populationof morethan
10,000.In a meeting heldintheIsraeliKnesseton 23 October1985todiscuss
the plightof bedouinsettlements in the Negev, the ministerof health
characterized thelevelofhealthservices provided in Rahatas substandard.54
In summary,the basic serviceswithinthe planned townshipsfor
bedouinare onlypartial.If theyare supplied,it is usuallyas a commodity

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88 JOURNALOF PALESTINESTUDIES

(in returnforproperpayment) bytheutilitycompanies andgovernment

Dissatisfaction
offices. withtheexistingstateofaffairs
hasrecently emerged
in theform of"reverse nomadism." Therearesomeexamples ofbedouin
familiesthathaveclosedup theirhousesandreturned to moretraditional
patternsofbedouinlifeawayfrom theNegev.Suchinstances arefewin
number, ofthedifficult
butserveas a starkindication livingconditions,
bothphysical andpsychological,in thegovernment-planned townships.

Conclusion
Israelipolicytoward settlingthebedouinin theNegevhas developed
overthepasttwodecadeswithoneprincipal objectiveinmind:to transfer
Negevlandsintothehandsof thestate.Bytheearly1950stheIsraeli
government hadalready declared thatitregarded theentire Negevas state
land. Variouslawshave been used to strengthen the state'sclaimto
ownership oftheland.At thesametime,lawswereexploited to weaken
claimsraisedbytheoriginal inhabitantsofthearea,theNegevbedouin, to
landholding andoccupancy rights.
The legalstatusof bedouinclaimsto landownership in theNegev,
unsurveyed priorto 1948,proved exceptionally vulnerableinthefaceofnew
lawspassedbytheIsraeliKnesset. However, asthispaperhasargued, evenhad
thelandsintheNegevbeensurveyed andownership registeredinthenameof
thebedouinduring theOttoman andMandatory period,thebedouinstill
wouldnothavebeenprotected from massive landexpropriation.
The director formal dispossessionof landis a methodto whichthe
haveoften
authorities resorted,butwhichtheyfindlesspreferable toa more
"legal"andlesscoercive Itisfarmoredesirable
transfer. ifthebedouin agree
to sell theirlandsto thestate.The statehas resorted to expropriation
becauseofthesteady refusalofthebedouinto comply withofficial wishes
bysellingtheirancestral landsto thegovernment.
Thus,thepolicyofestablishing "planned bedouintownships" evolved
asa stepserving thestateobjectiveofgaining controlofbedouin landrather
than"modernizing" or"westernizing" thebedouincommunity. The situa-
tionregarding theprovision ofbasicservices in theexisting townships is
highlyunsatisfactory and in no waycomparable to thatin anyof the
neighboring Jewish townsin theregion.
The statehasalready succeeded intransferring approximately one-third
oftheNegevbedouinto these"planned townships," butonlybecausethe
authoritiesfirst
rendered thebedouin powerless andlandless, making them

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 ISRAELISTATE POLICY 89

intoa population
resembling
refugees on theirownland.As
or squatters
HansenandOliver-Smith
havestated:
The largemajority to movebydevelopment
ofthoseforced projects
arethe
low-income peoplewhohavelittlepolitical
andlow-status powerandscant
Govemments
accessto nationalresources. can and do movethemwith
impunity.
55

The processof transferringthe bedouinpopulation to the planned

townshipsis notyetat an end.Two-thirdsoftheNegevbedouinstilllive
in "spontaneous" sometwenty
settlements, officially
"unrecognized"vil-
lagesandhamlets. A fewofthesevillages haveseveralthousand inhabit-
thispopulation
ants.Transferring willbe no easytaskforthestate.Given
pasthistory,one mayconcludethatadditional lawsmaybe passedin the
futuretofacilitate
andexpedite theongoing processofdispossession
ofthe
bedouin.

I!
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2. See, amongothers:A.M. Abou-Zeid,"Se-
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DesertofEgypt,"InternationalSocialScience
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Cole, NomadsoftheNomads:theAl-Murrah
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mads,"Ekistics 227 (1979), 225.
14. Ibid.,229-230.
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17. See E. Marx,-The Bedouinof theNegev
(New York:Praeger,1967), 53; Goering,
"Israeland the Bedouinof the Negev,"6;
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26. T.H.L. Engineering, E2.
27. Ibid.,E7.
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30. S. Jiryis, The Arabsin Israel (New York:
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31. T.H.L. Engineering, E2.
32. Ibid.,E2, E4.
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tivitiesoftheIsraelLandsAdministration,"
1981 (in Hebrew),104.
34. Falah, "The SpatialPattern,"364.
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38. Homer,"PlanningBedouin,"165.
39. D.H.K. Amiran,A. Shina'rand Y. Ben-
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brew),657.
40. "Markowitz Report,"29.
41. KnessetRecord,Minutes,23 October1985.
42. PlanningDepartment, Ministry of the In-
terior,"DevelopmentPlan forthe Negev
Region,"(Jerusalem, 1966), (in Hebrew).
43. Planning Department,"Physical Master
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44. Kliot and Medzini, "Bedouin Settlement
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45. Governmentof Israel, MinisterialEco-
nomic Committee,"Minutesof 30 May
1973."
46. Falah, "The Development,"314-15.
47. Homer,"PlanningBedouin,"167.
48. Fieldresearchby the author,1986.
 ISRAELISTATE POLICY 91

49. T.H.L. Engineering,6-7. 53. Sheva,17 October1986.

50. Falah, "The Development,"314. 54. KnessetRecord,Minutes23 October1985.
51. A. Meir, "Diffusionof Modernization 55. A. Hansen and A. Oliver-Smith,Involun-
among Bedouins," Ekistics303 (1983), taryMigration
and Resettlement:
The Prob-
451-59. lems and Responseof DislocatedPeople
52. Fieldresearchbythe author,1986. 1982), 268.
(Boulder:'Westview,

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