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Module 3 - Austin - Hart
Module 3 - Austin - Hart
COLLEGE
LLB
UNIVERSITY of LONDON
External Programme
2024
Module 3
Suggested answer: Austin – Hart critique
This question would essentially deal with John Austin’s command theory as
enunciated in his treatise “The Province of Jurisprudence Determined”
(“PJD”) and its attendant simplicity. The doctrine of positivism laid down by his
mentor John Bentham also needs discussion here, because Bentham’s works
on positivism were not published to the extent of Austin’s treatise in PJD, until
the manuscript of Bentham’s work on the command theory revealed
similarities with the work of his protégé Austin.
2
It is fair to describe Bentham and Austin as the jurists who laid down the
foundations of law as being imperative and coercive in nature and
emanating from the sovereign as a command. Nonetheless as is a common
factor with all positivists, Bentham and Austin shared the common view that
the most effective method of analyzing and understanding law is by
suspending moral judgments.
Thus for Bentham, the psychological reason for compliance by any individual
was the sanction and this gave rise to the obligation to obey the law. As will be
demonstrated below, Austin took a different view on the concept of duty or
being obliged or being bound by the content of the command.
In PJD, John Austin stated that the key feature jurisprudence is positive law: law
simply and strictly so – called or law set by political superiors to political
inferiors.”
For him the factual tests for identifying positive law were: law is a command
(which had inherent in it the power to effect a sanction in the event of non-
compliance), and that the command emanates from a sovereign.
As for the obligation or duty or bindingness of the subject to the content of the
said command, Austin termed it as being liable to evil (or sanction) if there was
non-compliance. Thus duty (or being obliged or bound) and sanction were
correlated, in that, a duty lay if there was a likelihood of sanction in the event
of non-compliance.
In other words, the duty of the citizen was from the perspective of the
sovereign and not the citizen. Thus, from this analysis, it is clear that the Austin
differed from Bentham.
Austin did not state that the psychological reason for compliance with the
content of the command was the sanction. The sanction in the case of non-
compliance was thus a necessary defining characteristic of all valid law.
As for the sanction (which Austin termed as ‘evil’) when the duty was broken or
command disobeyed, he termed it as enforcement of obedience, but
punishments were only a class of sanctions. By this, it is evident that sanction
was wider concept and could, according to Austin, encompass infamy and
nullities.
As for the political superior, Austin employed the term sovereign. According to
him a sovereign could either be a person, a body or aggregate of persons. For
him a sovereign could only be said to exist if the bulk of the society was in the
habit of obeying it and the sovereign was not in the habit of obeying any other
superior- the positive and negative aspects of the sovereign. His definition was
less complicated and less superfluous than the definition of sovereign by
Bentham.
For Austin, the sovereign being the political superior, its presence was
indispensable as the source of the command. The sovereign issued valid laws
and there was thus an independent political society. By society political and
independent he meant a society with the political superior which was truly
independent; the word independent did not refer to the society as many
would believe.
The intriguing thing here is that Austin did not state why the habit of obedience
by the bulk of society existed. It could be that there is a myriad of reasons why
people obey the law and Austin did not deem it necessary to delve into
psychological enquiries as Bentham did. It may be through voluntary approval
or fear of death. It is unclear.
5
Prior to Austin, Bentham stated that these there are species of laws may be made
upon a delegated basis by subsidiary bodies, and, through the system of
binding precedent (stare decisis) by judges. Bentham explained these
phenomena as acts of 'adoption' and tacit command.
This concept also was also alluded to by Austin. This is because Austin had to fit
judges (or the judiciary) as well as other officials with delegated law-making
powers into his theory. For him judge made law (or delegated law-making
powers by officials) is a form of tacit ordering by the sovereign. The judge (or
official) acts as a deputy legislator and so far as judicial decisions (or
delegated legislation) is not interfered with by the sovereign, this form of law
making was a form of acquiescence by the sovereign and a circuitous form of
command of the sovereign. Thus, Austin had no difficulty with accepting the
idea of judges actually making law.
It is clear that from Austin’s theory (as well Bentham’s), jurisprudence was
premised on pure coercion; the source of coercion being identifiable as the
sovereign either directly or in a circuitous manner. As for custom, Austin also
deemed it to be imperative and existent as a tacit command of the sovereign
prior to any judicial pronouncement. Evidently clubs were trumps for Austin.
The simplicity of Austin’s theory is this: the source of law was identifiable as only
one – the sovereign as the indispensable origin of the command and coercion
being the central feature in ensuring obedience and consequential stability of
the legal order.
It is submitted here that Hart employed the gunman situation writ large with
an assumption that the victim sees the gun. It is submitted that this may not
have be a fair assault on Austin’s theory, as Austin did not expressly
acknowledge that the presence of the sanction or the knowledge of the
ability of the sovereign to impose the sanction, was the psychological reason
for compliance with the content of the command. It’s the ability of the
sovereign to inflict the sanction which lies within its province, which may not
always be equated with knowledge this fact by the victim.
7
In Chapter 3 COL Hart demonstrates that not all laws are coercive and there
is another genus of rules which are power conferring on private and public
officials, as the case may be, and which serve a different social function.
These rules are for identifying rules primary of obligation, changing varying or
abolishing them and ascertaining the breach of the primary rules of
obligation. He states that primary rules of obligation are coercive but the
secondary power conferring rules are not, but are mere recipes for creating
duties, either in the private or public arena. To some extent he manages to
dismantle Austin’s preoccupation that all laws emanating from the sovereign
are coercive in nature.
In Chapter 4 COL Hart demonstrates how Austin’s theory fails to account for
continuity of legislative authority and persistence of law. He hones in on part
of the description of the sovereign ie a person. This is because Austin
described the sovereign as a superior which could either be an individual
person or a certain body or aggregate of individual persons;
Hart then gives the example of a king Rex 1 who was assured of habitual
obedience by his subjects. Upon his death, his eldest son Rex 2 takes over the
throne, but has now to patiently wait for the habit of obedience from the bulk
of society as the habit of obedience of subjects to Rex 1 cannot be
translated to a habit in favour of Rex 2. There would thus be a lacuna where
no commands could be issued by Rex 2 until the habit of obedience is
established in favour of Rex 2.
Hart then illustrates the issue of persistence of law by reference to the case of
R v Duncan. He explores the fact of how the laws of a previous sovereign
could still remain as law irrespective of it not having been issued by the
current sovereign. He then enunciates the idea that if there is acceptance by
officials vide the internal aspect that laws made by a previous legislator are
still valid unless amended or revoked by the current legislator, the issue of
persistence of law under a current sovereign can adequately be explained in
contrast to Austin’s assertion that there must be a habit of obedience to a
current sovereign.
The second type of rule differs from the first in that for the secondary type of
rule its main function is to introduce of new rules of primary type (vide
legislature or courts), modify old ones or in various ways determine their
incidence or control their operations. By this description the secondary rule
confers powers on public officials and sometimes on private individuals.
For hart it is the combination of these two rules which is actually, what Austin
wrongly claimed as orders backed by threats, namely ‘the key to the science
of jurisprudence’.
Hart then goes on to explain the nuance between being obliged in the
Austinian sense and the word obligation, which is a word which describes his
primary rules. According to Hart, the statement that a person was obliged to
obey someone is a psychological one referring to beliefs and motives with
which the action was done. Having an obligation to do something does not
necessarily encompass facts about beliefs and motives.
It is Hart’ assertion that deviation to rules is not merely grounds for a prediction
that hostile reaction will follow but also a reason or justification for such
reaction or applying sanctions, and feeling obliged and having an obligation
are semantically poles apart.
Hart states that a command is not to invoke fear bit is essentially the respect
for authority. The word authority is introduced by Hart here and would later
be utilised by him to primarily describe the rule of recognition as being the
authoritative rule which determines legal validity and the foundation of a
legal system as elaborated in Chapter 6 of COL.
10
Hart states rules are conceived and spoken of as imposing obligations when
the general demand for conformity is insistent and the social pressure
brought to bear upon those who deviate or threaten to deviate is great. Hart
stresses that the seriousness of social pressure behind the rules is the primary
factor determining whether they are thought of as giving rise to obligation.
Hart then refers to a hypothetical society called the ‘pre-legal’ society, being
a society before a legal system is born, and focusses on the defects of the
pre-legal society as being a sociological justification for having a legal
system. According to Hart, in the life of a society where the only means of
social control is the general attitude of the group towards its own standard
modes of behaviour characterised as rules of obligation, such a social
structure can be referred as one as being regulated by primary rules of
obligation.
Hart states that the following social defects would emasculate the continued
existence of such a society:
(a) Uncertainty (no other rules for settling doubts e.g. by reference to an
authoritative text or official exist);
(b) Static character of the rules (the only mode of change would be the slow
process of growth due to passage of time); and
(c) Inefficiency of the diffuse social pressure by which the rules are
maintained (no agency specially empowered to ascertain finally and
authoritatively the fact of violation).
Hart then advances into a modern-day legal society, wherein these defects
are remedied by supplementing the primary rules of obligation with
secondary rules. Hart states that he intends to show why law may most
illuminatingly be characterized as a union of primary rules of obligation with
such secondary rules – the definition of a legal system.
Hart explains that the secondary rules specify the ways in which the primary
rules may be conclusively ascertained, introduced, eliminated, varied and
the fact of their violation conclusively determined. The simplest form of
11
For Hart, the remedy for the static quality of the regime of primary rules
consists in the introduction of ‘rules of change’. In its simplest form such a rule
is that which empowers an individual or body of persons to introduce new
primary rules for the conduct of life of the group and to eliminate old rules (for
example) legislative enactment and repeal.
Hart reiterates as he did in the earlier Chapter 3, that there are rules which
confer powers on individuals to vary their initial positions under primary rules
eg making of wills, contracts, transfers of property and other voluntary
created structures or rights and duties. It is interesting to note that these sub-
set of secondary rules are exempted from the internal aspect when private
citizens avail themselves of such rules.
Hart recommends that the remedy for inefficiency consists of secondary rules
empowering individuals to make authoritative determinations of the question
whether on a particular occasion a primary rule has been broken. These are
‘rules of adjudication’ (identifying individuals who are to adjudicate and the
procedure to be followed). Thus a legal system having rules of adjudication is
also committed to a rule of recognition and judgments will become a ‘source
of law’.
It is interesting to note that the internal aspect being a concept which Hart
expanded on in Chapter 5 of his book, as a necessary condition for a legal
system, is extrapolated into the official arena alone for the secondary rules, in
particular the rule of recognition.
There is no requirement in Hart’s theory that the said internal aspect exist
among citizens for the primary rules and neither is society required to be that
informed intellectually to internalise the rule of recognition. Thus the internal
aspect, in Hart’s essay in descriptive sociology is extrapolated into the
microcosm of society – the official world or arena.
Hart’s definition follows: The legal system would exist if there are just two social
practices, one being the majority of society obeying the primary rules and
the secondary rules being accepted by officials as accepted standards of
behaviour. Hart asserts that it is in the combination primary rules of obligation
with secondary rules of recognition, change and adjudication, we have the
heart of a legal system.
Of course, Hart is not without critics, the renowned one being RM Dworkin
who believes in law being about evaluation rather than description and that
law is solely about adjudication. It ought to be borne in mind that in the
preface of COL Hart denoted his aim explicitly, that is description of the
municipal legal system in a sociological context.
13
Hart did acknowledge that law as a union of primary and secondary rules is
the focal point of the legal system, and as one moves away from the centre,
law has an open texure in which adjudication is a subjective exercise of
discretion. It is submitted that adjudication and interpretation of law in
substance, was not the enterprise Hart embarked on principally.
He was more preoccupied with description which Austin also attempted, and
he had to thus meet Austin on the same page – identifying the key features
of a legal system and not go into the realm of adjudication in detail as well as
evaluation of the substance of the law.
Rabinder Singh
25.4.2024