A CRITICAL IMPACT OF ENDSARS PROTEST IN NIGERIA

(A CASE STUDY OF POLICE FORCE ZONE 9 ABIA STATE)

BY

AZUBUINE LYNDA AKUOMA

12H/0142/PA

A RESEARCH PROJECT SUBMITTED TO THE DEPARTMENT

OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION, SCHOOL OF BUSINESS AND

MANAGEMENT TECHNOLOGY, FEDERAL POLYTECHNIC

NEKEDE, OWERRI,

IMO STATE.

IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENT FOR THE

AWARD OF NATIONAL DIPLOMA (ND) IN PUBLIC

ADMINISTRATION

OCTOBER 2014
CERTIFICATION

I wish to certify that this research was carried out under my

supervision by Azubuine Lynda Akuoma, of Public Administration

department, Federal Polytechnic Nekede with registration number

12/0142/PA for the award of National Diploma in Public

Administration

…………………………………...... …………………………………......

Mrs. AmadI C.J Date

(Project supervisor)

…………………………………...... …………………………………......

Mr. Oruebor A.A Zulu Date

(Head of Department)

…………………………………...... …………………………………......

(External Examiner) Date

 DEDICATION

This research work is dedicated to Almighty God whom in

His infinite Love. Wisdom and compassionate mercy strengthened

me to write this project work.

 ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

I express my heartfelt and candid gratitude to the Almighty God

whom made this research work to be a successful one and my

immeasurable regards goes to my parents; Chief and Lolo J.G

Azubuine for their parental care and the entire family for their

financial support. I must tender my humble and earnest prayers

for them that God will always shower them with blessings.

My profound gratitude goes to my project supervisor; Mrs.

Amadi C.J for her corrections and understanding throughout the

period of this work.

 ABSTRACT

This work is to investigate the relationship between A critical

impact of ENDSARS protest in Nigeria police force zone 9 Abia
State with particular reference to Abia State. In carrying out
this .investigation, the study made use of survey design in the
research methodology. Observations, primary and secondary
documents were sources of data collections why simple
percentages were used as instrument of data analysis. The study
discovered that illiteracy, poverty, unemployment, poor
infrastructural facilities were among the factors that were
responsible for ENDSARS . The study observed that effective
eradication of poverty is through participation of government,
stakeholders and oil companies in tackling the aforementioned
problems of ENDSARS in the Nigeria police force zone 9 Abia
State This study explores the history and relevance of hashtags
and timeline of prominent hashtags in Nigeria. In particular, it
explores Nigeria's #Endsars, a hashtag used to create awareness
on police brutality such as, extortion, rape, physical and verbal
assault, extrajudicial killings, wanton arrests and other forms of
intimidation tactics against young innocent Nigerians. It discusses
the history of police brutality, the creation of Special Anti-robbery
Squad (SARS) and the commencement of #Endsars Campaign.
Following agenda-setting theory, the study concludes that
hashtag activism is instrumental for social transformation and as
such, social media impacts, dictates and influence what the
traditional media think and show as important to the public.
 TABLE OF CONTENT

Title page - - - - - - - - -i

Certification page - - - - - - - - ii

Dedication - - - - - - - - - iii

Acknowledgement - - - - - - - - iv

Abstract - - - - - - - - - -v

Table of content - - - - - - - - vi

CHAPTER ONE

1.0 Introduction - - - - - - - -1

1.1 Background of the study - - - - - -1

1.2 Statement of the problem - - - - - -2

1.3 Objective of the study - - - - - -3

1.4 Research questions - - - - - - -4

1.5 Statement of hypothesis

1.5 Significance of the study - - - - - -5

1.6 Scope of the study - - - - - - -6

1.7 Limitation of the study - - - - - -6

1.8 Definition of terms - - - - - - -6

CHAPTER TWO

2.0 Literature Review - - - - - - -8

References - - - - - - - -19

CHAPTER THREE

3.0 Research Design and Methodology - - - -20

3.1 Introduction - - - - - - - -20

3.2 Research Design - - - - - - -20

3.3 Sources/Method of Data collection - - - -21

3.4 Population and sample size - - - - -21

3.5 Sampling techniques - - - - - - -22

3.6 Validity and Reliability of Measuring Instrument -23

3.7 Method of Data Analysis - - - - - -24

CHAPTER FOUR

4.0 Presentation and analysis of data - - - -26

4.1 Introduction - - - - - - - -26

4.2 Presentation of data - - - - - - -26

4.3 Analysis of data - - - - - - -31

4.4 Test of hypothesis

4.4 Interpretation of research findings - - - -33

CHAPTER FIVE

5.0 Summary, conclusion and recommendation - -34

5.1 Introduction - - - - - - - - -34

5.2 Summary of findings - - - - - -34

5.3 Conclusion - - - - - - - -35

5.4 Recommendations - - - - - - -36

References - - - - - - - -38

Appendix - - - - - - - - -ix
 Questionnaire - - - - - - - -x

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

End SARS is a decentralised social movement, and series of mass

protests against police brutality in Nigeria. The slogan calls for

the disbanding of the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS), a

notorious unit of the Nigerian Police with a long record of abuses.

[2][3]
The protests which takes its name from the slogan started in

2017 as a Twitter campaign using the hashtag #ENDSARS to

demand the disbanding of the unit by the Nigerian government.

After experiencing a revitalisation in October 2020 following more

revelations of the abuses of the unit, mass demonstrations

occurred throughout the major cities of Nigeria, accompanied by

vociferous outrage on social media platforms. About 28 million

tweets bearing the hashtag have been accumulated on Twitter

alone. Solidarity protests and demonstrations by Nigerians in

diaspora and sympathizers occurred in many major cities of the

world. The protests is notable for its patronage by a demographic

that is made of entirely young Nigerians. The movement has

since expanded to include demands for good and acountable

governance (Curras, 2006).

Within a few days of renewed protests, on 11 October 2020, the

Nigerian Police Force announced that it was dissolving the unit

with immediate effect. The move was widely received as a

triumph of the demonstrations.[10] However, it was noted in many

quarters that similar announcements had been made in recent

years to pacify the public without the unit actually being

disbanded, and that the government had merely planned to

reassign and review SARS officers to medical centres rather than

disband the unit entirely(Zakaroia, 2006). Protests have

continued accordingly, and the Nigerian government has

maintained a pattern of violent repression including the killing of

demonstrators. There have been international demonstrations in

solidarity with those happening in the country, and the movement

has also grown increasingly critical of Muhammadu Buhari's

government response to the protests (Amorawo, 2000).

SARS officers have been alleged to profile young Nigerians,

mostly males, based on fashion choices, tattoos and hairstyles.

They were also known to mount illegal road blocks, conduct

unwarranted checks and searches, arrest and detain without

warrant or trial, rape women, and extort young male Nigerians

for driving exotic vehicles and using laptops and iPhones.[14]

Nigerians have shared both stories and video evidence of how

officers of SARS engaged in kidnapping, murder, theft, rape,

torture, unlawful arrests, humiliation, unlawful detention,

extrajudicial killings and extortion of Nigerian citizens. A large

section of the victims of the abuses of SARS have been young

male Nigerians (Onyekpe, 2007) .

1.1 BACKGROUND

The Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) was a branch of the

Nigeria Police Force under the State Criminal Investigation and

Intelligence Department (SCIID). It was founded in late 1992 as

one of the 14 units in the Force Criminal Investigation and

Intelligence Department, which was established to detain,

investigate, and prosecute people involved in crimes like armed

robbery, kidnapping, and other violent crimes. The squad was

created as a masked police unit tto perform undercover

operations against violent crimes like armed robbery, car

snatching, kidnapping, cattle rustling, and the bearing and use of

illegal firearms(Sabaratan, 2007).

SARS had been accused of several human rights violations, illegal

"stop and searches", illegal arrests and detentions, extrajudicial

killings, sexual harassment of women and brutalising of young

male Nigerians. The human rights abuses were documented in

trending videos on social media.[18]

In 2017, Nigerian activists, youth and celebrities across the

nation took to the streets in a peaceful protest to spread

awareness of SARS brutality and extortions and to demand its

disbanding. The protests also moved to social media using the

hashtag EndSARS (Kazeem, 2020).

A 2016 report by Amnesty International, indicted SARS

maintaining that the squad was responsible for human rights

abuses, cruelty, degrading treatment of Nigerians in their

custody, and other widespread torture. Some of the human rights

abuses by SARS include the shooting of their detainees in the leg,

mock executions and threats of execution, hanging and physical

assault. A 2020 publication by the organisation documented 82

cases of abuses and extra judicial killings by SARS between

January 2017 and May 2020 (Ademoroti, 2020).

1.1 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

Water Rodney development in his book entitled how Europe under

developed African as a many sided process which at the individual

implies increased skills and creativity self-discipline responsibility

and material well being (Rodney 1969) Todro also defined

development as a multi dimensional and reorientation of the

entire economic and social system. (Todro 1978). There seems to

be a consensus that Nigeria police force zone 9 Abia State has

suffered grave marginalization exploitation and injustice arising

from the nefarious activities of government agencies and

multinational companies. These development agents and

companies instead of providing employment opportunities to the

youths and plugging back to ensure meaningful and lasting

development of the area. They unfairly animals the people. A

personal visit and companies operate on convince the observers

of the people of Abia State .

1.2 OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY

The objective of this study is to discover and make clear the

relationship between ENDSARS and the socio-economic

development of the people and communities in the Nigeria police

force zone 9 Abia State.

These are some of the researcher objectives for carrying out

this research work.

1. To critically examine the positive and negative acts of

ENDSARS on the social economic development of the

Nigeria police force zone 9 Abia State

2. To analyze in detail what motivates ENDSARS in the

Nigeria police force zone 9 Abia State.

 3. To see a positive working relationship can be structured

between host communities youth and variables of

development.

4. To develop and implement a comprehensive programme

to ensure good and productive youth and citizen at the

same time how to ensure quick development of the

Nigeria police force zone 9 Abia State .

5. To finally make recommendation according to the finding.

1.3 RESEARCH QUESTIONS

The following research questions are posed to guide the study:

1. Is ENDSARS in Abia State caused by the poverty

deprivation neglect and marginalization of the people?

2. Are you pleased by the activities of ENDSARS in your

community?

3. Are other factors responsible for ENDSARS in Abia State ?

4. Has ENDSARS in Abia State bought any development?

 5. Is ENDSARS in Abia State caused by the activities of

government area oil companies?

1.5 STATEMENT OF HYPOTHESES

Few hypotheses were adopted to the questions already

posed. The hypotheses are as follows;

1. Hi: There is significant relationship between

ENDSARS and the rapid economic transformation in

Nigeria.

Ho: There is no significant relationship between ENDSARS

and the rapid economic transformation in Nigeria.

2. Hi: There is significant relationship between ENDSARS

and youth restiveness in Nigeria.

Ho: There is no significant relationship between ENDSARS

and youth restiveness in Nigeria.

3. Hi: There is significant relationship between

ENDSARS and sustainable development.

Hi: There is no significant relationship between ENDSARS

and sustainable development.

1.4 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY

 The study will be useful to the people in academic and

perhaps those causal readers who may want enlarge their wealth

of knowledge.

Generally, the purpose of any research is to generate

knowledge. The finding of any research calls for further research

curiously is at the centre of any academic learning.

Equally, the finding and recommendation of the research

service as precursor to studies at ready carried out on ENDSARS

and socio-economic development of the Nigeria police force zone

9 Abia State and also add to the existing body of literature on

the subject.

1.5 SCOPE OF THE STUDY

The study has its focus on Abia State of Nigeria police force zone

9 Abia State region. However one major causes and relationship

between ENDSARS and socio-economic development in Abia

State.

1.6 LIMITATION OF THE STUDY

First money was scarce and of form handicap to prevent the

researcher from traveling to all the communities in the researcher

these also prevents the researcher voluminous collection of books

which would have furthered validity and objectives of the

research work.

1.7 DEFINITION OF TERMS

YOUTH: According to Ogoriba in lecture delivered in Bayelsa,

youth are generally known to be energetic, strong, and

painstaking and seen as the future of the world. They are the

pillars of every political economic and social system. They have

ample strength and intelligence that carry out any revolution.

RESTIVENESS: In the conceptual serves, it cannot be unable to

be still or quiet that state of in society or when someone is not

statistic with his state and seek for their people and geographical

zone by the powers that be.

DEVELOPMENT: According to Water Rodney development means

a process at the level of the individual, it implies in areas skills

and wealth creating. Self discipline responsibility and material

well being in the concept and ignorance answering the people of

the Nigeria police force zone 9 Abia State .

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT

Socio-economic development according to St. Simeon is to bring

an improvement in the moral and physical well being of the

majority of the people through the provision of employment for

all to ensure that the individual have good education, health care

and lesion which will help develop the citizens intelligence. Robert

also added that the presence of an effective illness poverty,

ignorance and crime from society.

 CHAPTER TWO

LITERATURE REVIEW

The past few days in Nigeria have been nothing short of

unbelievable for many Nigerians, the EndSARS peaceful protest,

and its effect on businesses. At first, it all started like a joke and

a norm, when the people raised their voices and so “NO!” towards

police brutality. The first day, led to another and then another

while spreading like wildfire during harmattan. It lingered into

days, and then weeks, with movement and businesses grounded

to a halt in most commercial cities in Nigeria. The protest hit the

international scene, and Nigeria took the center-stage, as the

international media beamed their light on us.

Complaints about SARS are not new. People have been speaking

out online since 2017 about the unit, and there have been

several, unsuccessful attempts by the government to scrap it, but

the catalyst for the recent nationwide protests came in early

October when reports surfaced in local media that police had

attacked a young man and driven off in his luxury jeep.

It sparked the use of the #EndSARS hashtag and two popular

musicians, Runtown and Falz, decided to hold an offline march to

air their grievances.

Everyone is dissatisfied and the government's failing to react to

this level of outcry is sheer disregard for the people. this

administration is very insensitive," Falz told CNN at the time.

Soon, the movement mushroomed organically around the country

as years of frustrations and anger boiled over among the

disenfranchised youth.

"Nigeria is facing a reckoning, one that is long overdue," said

Yetunde Omede, a professor of global affairs and politics in New

York.

Some camped overnight outside the Lagos State Assembly, while

others chanted 'Solidarity forever,' sang the national anthem

repeatedly and held multi-faith prayer sessions as well as a

"festival of lights," to honor the dead, held at the now infamous

Lekki toll gate.

The global support and strength of the #EndSARS movement

clearly rattled the establishment who have responded with brute

force and a level of violence that has led to anger and global

condemnation.

2.1 GOVERNMENT UNDER PRESSURE

Following days of silence, President Buhari addressed the nation

on Thursday but failed to address Tuesday's military attack on

peaceful protesters.

Instead, he issued a thinly veiled threat to young people to get

off the streets and stop the protests. The speech was poorly

received and many said it failed to show empathy or any

accountability for the deaths of Nigerians.

In the aftermath of the speech, many Nigerians said they were

left feeling deflated and in typical fashion, they responded online

with humor to mask their disappointment.

As for the End Sars movement, they are taking Buhari's message

seriously and say they are halting the physical protests to focus

on online agitation.
CM told CNN: "Protests have ended but we still have a lot of

questions about people who lost their lives. The movement is not

ended."

"Now we have to think about it a little more strategically because

we don't want people to lose their lives anymore. We don't want

anyone else to be in danger."

After Buhari's speech, the Coalition of Protest Groups released a

statement saying they were still determined to press on for a

better Nigeria.

"For the sake of the wellbeing of our comrades and ordinary

citizens being adversely affected by this, we will deprioritize the

physical protests, for now," the statement said.

"But, for the sake of those who died, before the protests, during

the protests, and at the hands of Soldiers at the Lekki Toll Gate --

people who the government has largely refused to acknowledge,

2.2 THE STRUGGLE MUST CONTINUE."

The movement, which has been described as "hydra-headed" may

have had one of its heads cut off for now. But it has certainly now
a force to be reckoned with, and one that has given Nigeria's

youth a chance to be heard.

2.3 THE IMPACT OF THE ENDSARS PROTEST ON

BUSINESSES AND THE NIGERIAN ECONOMY

One would be hard-pressed to describe the events without

seeming to take sides with either part of the standoff as

emotions, euphoria and sometimes, unfounded principles have

seemed to become the order of the day. The political class,

business leader, rich, and poor were all stakeholders in this

movement, and the ripple effect took on the economy, as

businesses grounded to a halt.

However, the domino effect of the EndSARS peaceful protest has

had a devastating impact on the fragile Nigerian economy. With

an oil economy trying to pick up from the ruins of the cover-19

pandemic, a recession is unavoidable. Clearly, an economy this

fragile can’t survive the economic impact of the #EndSARS

peaceful protests, as most businesses were on lock and key, while

movement became a fairy tale.

2.3.1 THE REAL ECONOMIC VALUE

Let’s bring the numbers closer, the Lagos Chamber of Commerce

and Industry (LCCI) disclosed that Nigeria has lost more than

N700 billion in economic value since the #EndSARS peaceful

protests started. The effect of the EndSARS protest on businesses

is huge, with some ripple effect on the economy. Especially, an

economy picking up its ruins from the black-swan (covid-19) that

hit the market.

While the protest went on, the hot-term economic consequences

for the people began to mount. A drop in consumer spending on

non-essential goods was one of the most visible signs of its

impact. A protest that shut down most of the major activities of

Nigeria’s busiest airport. Also, the major roads were blocked and

activities brought to a halt.

There were a few negotiations, between both parties involved.

However, the trust deficit on the part of the government made

the people not to rely on empty promises. Disagreement on a

couple of things, ranging from the sincerity of the other party,

approach to a peaceful resolution, and how to forge ahead.

However, the major straw that broke the camel’s back was when

the Nigerian Army attacked the EndSARS peaceful protesters.

On the night of 20th October 2020. The Nigerian Army Forces

shot at unarmed protesters at the Lekki toll gate in Lagos,

Nigeria. According to Amnesty International, shortly before the

shooting, CCTV cameras were allegedly removed from the toll

gate. In addition, Nigerian authorities cut the electricity to the toll

gate. This was to make the place dark and filmed evidence of the

shooting would not emerge. Also, the advertisement billboards at

the toll gate which are owned and maintained by Loatsad Media

were also turned off.

However, Loatsad Media stated, “On Tuesday [20 October] when

the curfew was announced we heeded the governor’s warnings

and didn’t want our staff in any danger, hence by 3 pm our staff

had been ordered to leave the site and the board was switched

off based on the governor’s curfew request.” Protesters who used

MTN and Airtel as their network providers reported that network

antennas in that area had been switched off, leaving them unable

to make phone calls or use the internet. MTN Nigeria apologized

later that night for the loss of coverage at the time of the

shooting.

However, the effect of the EndSARS peaceful protest, if

accomplished, will be a penny foolish pound wise effect. This is

because the long-term benefit will far outweigh the short-term

loss – which makes it a good cause. Although, it is clear that an

estimate of at least N10 billion, was lost daily during the peaceful

EndSARS protest. Similarly, LCC reported that the Lagos State

Government lost at least N234million to the closure of Lekki

tollgates since the commencement of the #EndSARS protests.

2.3.2 After The Lekki Massacre

After the Lekki massacre, the peaceful protest started to witness

various unintended outcomes, despite its positive and noble

objectives. These unintended outcomes come from the frustration

of the hoodlums the hijacked the protest from the youth. The

anarchy, burning, and looting of businesses has hit the economy,

with a blow beneath the belt. Clearly, this will continue to create

bottlenecks and disruptions to businesses and the economy in

general.

At the backdrop of the destruction of public and private properties

and businesses in the wake of the #EndSARS protests.

Businesses have been counting their losses while economy

experts have listed the immediate challenges the crises will

throw-up against Nigeria’s struggling economy. Also, the

replacement cost to Lagos State Government, which is the worst

hit by the crises, is put at N1 trillion. More so, the overall cost to

the private businesses has been put at several billions of US

Dollars.

2.3.3 Counting The Losses In Lagos State

The effect of the EndSARS protest on businesses in Lagos is

unimaginable. Retail stores across the countries were looted and

goods carted away. The long list of destroyed public and private

property in Lagos includes Ajeromi Ifelodun Local Government

secretariat; Palace of the Oba of Lagos; Lagos High Court,

Igbosere; Oyingbo BRT terminus; Ojodu Berger BRT terminus;

Vehicle Inspection Office, Ojodu Berger; Lagos State Public Works

Corporation, Ojodu Berger; Lagos City Hall and Circle Mall, Lekki;

numerous luxury shops in Surulere, The Nation Newspaper, TVC,

and Shoprite Lekki.

The state Commissioner for Information, Gbenga Omotosho, said

27 of the destroyed BRT vehicles cost $200,000 each, while 57 of

them cost $100,000 each, all totaling about N3.9 billion.

According to the police, the 25 stations burnt in Lagos are Orile,

Amukoko, Layeni, Ilasamaja, Ikotun, Ajah, Igando, Elemoro,

Makinde, Onipanu, Ebute Ero, Pen-Cinema, Isokoko, Alade, Cele,

Igbo-Elerin, Shibiri, Gbagada, Onilekere, Makoko, Daleko,

Asahun, Makinyo, Amuwo-Odofin, Anti-Kidnapping, Surulere.

Other police stations that were vandalized but not burnt were

Ojo, Ojodu, Mowo, PPL, and Morogbo.

The Lagos State Governor, Babajide Sanwo-Olu, was at the

Ajeromi Ifelodun Local Government Secretariat on Friday, where

he saw several cars in the expansive premises of the LGA that

were either burnt or damaged. All the buildings within the

premises, including that of an old generation bank located there,

were also destroyed.

2.3.4 Other States

The effect of the EndSARS protest on businesses in other states is

also enormous. A release by the Anambra State Police

Command’s Public Relations Officer, SP Haruna Mohammed

showed that 21 police divisions were attacked by hoodlums who

disguised as protesters, while seven of them were burnt down.

Other government property burnt or destroyed includes High

Court Ogidi, Idemili North LG Secretariat, while Zik Statue at

DMGS roundabout, Onitsha was vandalized.

Also, the nation’s capital, Abuja, Kano, Oyo, Ogun and Plateau

states witnessed destruction, death and looting. In Kano state,

rampaging youths went after shops and homes of residents in the

area carting away valuables and setting some ablaze. Several

vehicles were also burnt.

Business activities were brought to a standstill along the most

affected areas that include Airport Road, Sarkin Yaki, Court Road,

Burma Road, and Zungeru Road. In Plateau state, bank, shops

were destroyed. In Enugu, Youths participating in the #EndSARS

protest grounded the state capital. Motorists were prevented from

getting to their destination on time. Thousands of youths

supporting President Muhammadu Buhari and scores of others

calling for an end to police brutality staged multiple protests in

different parts of Port Harcourt, Rivers State, bringing social and

economic activities to a standstill.

2.4 IMPACT ON GDP

Assets replacement cost in Lagos put at N1trn, and it will

definitely manifest in the GDP. According to industry executives

and economists, the result will manifest in a fall in real Gross

Domestic Product, GDP. It will fall to around 6.91% year-on-year,

deepening the projected economic contraction this year,

disruptions in supply-chain, and faster rise in inflation.

Investment bankers clearly stated that about N1trn is lost to

firms. More so, job losses and poverty are certainly going to

be on the rise.

2.5 LESSONS FOR ENTREPRENEURS – INSURANCE

The event of the EndSARS protest has made a lot of

entrepreneurs see the need to plan for unforeseen circumstances,

as well as have a contingency plan. In this part of the world, an

average entrepreneur sees insurance as a luxury, rather than a

necessity. It is among the least things he considers, rather than

the first. This is the approach of business leaders to insurance.

However, times are changing as entrepreneurs are becoming

more informed about the benefit of business insurance, and why

they need one. We also can’t rule out the fact that it is going to

be a tough one for the insurance industry as their services are

going to be needed across the length and breadth of the Nigerian

business landscape.
2.6 ECONOMY FACES UNCERTAINTIES IN AFTERMATH OF

ENDSARS

The dust is starting to clear a bit, a week after peaceful protests

by Nigerian youths under the banner #ENDSARS directed against

police brutality, was met with state brutal force at what armature

and professional historians are already calling The Lekki Tollgate

Massacre. Not a few analysts, however, say the counting of

economic losses is currently on and that no matter how much

counting is done, the full loss value would never be known as the

reverberation would continue to be felt months, if not years,

afterwards.

Nigeria, Africa’s largest economy by gross domestic products

(GDP) and the continent’s most populous nation, saw its

commercial and economic capital, Lagos, slowed, disrupted and

then shut over a stretch of two weeks, creating a cloud of

uncertainty around its economy with an attendant erosion of

confidence over incidents and accidents surrounding the

development.
No doubt, there were losses of revenues, means of livelihood,

properties, and, ultimately, lives. Not too quick to forget the

increased capital flight and plunge in capital importation that are

bound to lead to further pressure on the forex market. But what

started as a peaceful protest and remained so within the ranks of

mainstream participants, had unexpectedly seen tensions rise,

flamed, some say, by the support received globally, allowing a

hijack by hoodlums who created a nuisance, and further raised

security tensions across many states of the federation.

Against it all, there was mixed market reactions as well as waning

confidence of investors on the Nigerian investment environment,

which analysts have suggested would result in a plunge in capital

importation.

Muda Yusuf, the director-general of the Lagos Chamber of

Commerce and Industry (LCCI), only recently put the estimated

economic loss at N700 billion in 12 days, meaning a loss of N58

billion daily. Similarly, toll revenue loss is also estimated at about

N234 million in 13 days, showing that N18 million was lost daily

to the protest activities.

These losses were also accompanied by several lootings and

vandalism at several shopping malls in Lagos, including Lekki

ShopRite Mall, Circle Mall, Montaigne Mall, Lagos City Mall, the

razing of the Lekki Toll Gate, state-owned buildings and facilities,

the setting ablaze of several police stations, local government

councils, invading traditional institutions, public and private

transport and other facilities by some hoodlums who are said to

have hijacked the peaceful protests to create chaos and a state of

anarchy across the federation.

Analysts who spoke with Business A.M. on the issue lamented the

impacts of the aftermath of the protest, which has ravaged the

nation’s economy as well as raised insurance premium, estimated

in billions. With the lootings and vandalism at major malls and

business premises in Lagos as well as the razing of the Lekki toll

gate, should these facilities be insured, what will be the cost of

re-insurance for these facilities and an increase in insurance

premiums when this event is over?

Ekerete Olawoye Gam-Ikon, a management strategy-insurance

consultant, told Business A.M. that it will be very premature to

mention any amount whatsoever because, with insurance, the

reports on damage estimate might continue coming in within the

next 30 days.

“It will be difficult to guess the quantum of insurance value but

the level of damage has already been indicated in billions of naira

according to industry reports,” he stated.

“Insurance is the most tested risk management mechanism and

non-monetary financial instrument that addresses losses of this

nature, often both financial and emotional. However, we have not

imbibed the culture of insurance because we are ignorant of the

value it offers and delivers per time. Let me say that all insurance

policyholders with policies that have Riots, Strikes and Civil

Commotion (RSCC) extension will most likely receive

compensation from their insurers. For insurance of vehicles and

properties, that condition exists and once fulfilled the

policyholders will have their claims settled.

“Whether insurance premiums will increase after this time is

really a function of the attention both the public and insurance

industry pay to the issue. From previous experiences, I would say

it is unlikely because if the owners do not require insurance to

rebuild or repair their properties, they will not see the need for it.

However, for those that will receive claims payments to fix their

properties, they should expect upwards adjustments of their

premium. Meanwhile, don’t forget insurance companies will

appoint loss adjusters to go and verify the extent of damage

before the magnitude of claims can be determined,” Ekerete said.

The strategy-insurance consultant further told Business A.M. that

the Lekki tollgate and other affected properties namely branches

of banks and leading supermarket brands would have appropriate

insurance contracts in place with RSCC extension as this is not

the first time we are experiencing the destruction of properties.

2.7 ECONOMIC COSTS, IMPACT OF #ENDSARS PROTESTS

Several analysts have lamented the uncertainties clouding the

economy, as they say the unrest has further dampened the

confidence and appetite of investors and also the outlook on

Nigeria, considering the partial curfew placed in some states

which will disrupt the supply chains and lead to panic-induced

inflation rate amid efforts aimed at restoring normalcy.

Uche Uwaleke, a professor of capital market at Nasarawa States

University explained to Business A.M. that, “One of the impacts of

the protest is that it may attract downgrades by rating agencies,

as the crisis has potential to roll back gradual progress being

made in economic recovery. Also, a bearish stock market is likely

to result. The curfew and more restrictions will disrupt supply

chains, induce panic buying and worsen inflation rate.”

The capital market professor said the government should do

everything to restore normalcy, including the demonstration of

willingness to listen to the genuine demands of the protesters.

Still, on the impact on the economy, Mutiu Yekeen who is the

head of corporate communications, Primero Transport Services

(PTS) Ltd, owners of BRT Buses, said the company lost over N100

million in six days resulting from the protest, which has had the

nation’s economic capital ravaged.

In similar view with Uwaleke and Gam-Ikon, Garba Kurfi,

managing director at APT Securities and Funds Limited, in a note

to Business A.M., said there will be some economic impacts from

the protest; especially from the grounds of closing the economic

nerve centre (Lagos) for over three days, is a great loss.

In his words: “Remember, Lagos controls about 50 per cent of the

Nigerian economy. It’s a great loss as this will affect all flights

take-off and landing, which centres around Lagos, as well as

other economic activities that have to be postponed. It’s a huge

loss to the economy. The impacts are many because most other

parts of the country are linked to Lagos in one way or the other.”

Speaking on the market expectations, Garba said “The market

reflects the happenings in the economy; however, we are

expecting the market to move upward because of the Q3 result

which are expected to be better than Q2 because of the opening

of the economy from COVid-19. Also, many investors will like to

stay in the capital market, because there is no better alternative

to invest than the capital market.

“We need to know the total loss before one can advise recovery,”

the securities expert continued; “Take the case of BRT which are

not enough with the burning of many of the buses will only

compound the difficulty in transport; increase the cost of local

transport and increase the traffic especially as small buses will try

to augment the shortfall we are currently facing coupled with the

third mainland bridge repairs.”

Ayo Ibaru, the chief operations officer and director of research at

NorthCourt, Abuja said: “In terms of the naira value to the loss, it

is going to be difficult to place value on the damages done. But it

is until we meet some of the mall owners to find out the

monetary value of the loss incurred from the lootings and

vandalism; because some have lost N50 million, others N100

million, etc, and also the credibility lost in the face of their foreign

investors.

“However, within the next 3-6 months, we will see the rents and

renovations aspects revisited or moved in certain degrees than

had been expected in the short term. But at the end of the day,

what is the average purchasing power of the average Nigerian.

This will give Nigerians more alternatives. When we have seen all

these and can attribute the costs, the major question to ask

becomes what the value of human life is?” Ayo stated.

The research director also revealed that investment in emerging

and frontier markets such as Nigeria is always a risk but this level

of carnage or level of security will make prosecuting the

arguments to investing in Nigeria harder than it already has.

Meanwhile, speaking with some of the developers in the retail

investor space, they were of the opinion that in 18-36 months,

we might see a different scenario as there is the need to begin

investing in the protection of affairs of both public and private

properties which will be for the benefit of all concerned

stakeholders to show that investors do not regret coming into

Nigeria.

A way forward is to deal with the short term disruptions and

consequences, and then in the midterm, we move into

restructuring, while developers are given the assurances required

and then we seek ways to deal with the social infrastructure and

reforms.

Fundamentally, a situational analysis of the environment where

these looted and vandalized small businesses are located

revealed that it is a free and opened environment for both

residential and industrial use. However, every investment is a risk

and as the people trust the government to provide the enabling

environment; this can provide investors with the confidence to

pull in their funds for investment.

2.8 THE ROOTS OF THE #ENDSARS PROTESTS IN NIGERIA

The massacre at Lekki punctuated more than two weeks of

protest of police brutality in Nigeria. The hashtag #EndSARS

began trending (again) on social media on Oct. 4. The immediate

trigger was a video that showed a SARS officer shooting a young

motorist in Ughelli, in Delta state, then pushing his body out of

the car and driving off with the dead man’s Lexus SUV. Within

days, crowds of young people gathered in Nigerian cities to

demand the abolition of SARS.

This year’s protests follow on previous activism and government

announcements that SARS would be demobilized in 2014, 2015

and 2017. And yet, SARS officers continued to act with impunity,

committing armed robberies, rapes, other acts of torture and

extrajudicial killings like the one in Delta State. On Oct. 11,

leaders announced that SARS would be disbanded, but crowds of

protesters grew bigger — even in the face of violence and

intimidation. Since the protests began, estimates are that at least

100 individuals have lost their lives; 48 of whom were killed on

Black Tuesday alone.

Modern policing in what would become Nigeria started in 1861

with the annexation of Lagos by British colonial forces. The

colonial governor established an armed police force to “protect”

the European-occupied parts of the city from recalcitrant local

rulers. As a force composed of 25 newly freed Hausa men (from

the northern part of the country), their salaries were low and

undoubtedly inspired members of the force to supplement their

earnings from the local population. Because they were Hausa

men relocated to a largely non-Hausa Lagos (in southwestern

Nigeria), their loyalty to the British as opposed to the local

indigenous community was virtually guaranteed.

Beyond Lagos, the arrival of modern police forces accompanied

the spread of British colonial power. Quasi-military police forces

participated in the key punitive expeditions that brought defiant

local communities under British control. In 1891, a British colonial

official, Acting Consul George Annesley, assembled and armed a

small group of men to subdue chiefs in the upper Cross River

region, who were seen as obstacles to the expansion of British

economic power. Annesley reportedly planned to pay his agents

out of fines extracted from subdued native chiefs. Within a year,

this force, which other colonial officials privately referred to as

“Annesley Baba and his 40 thieves,” was disbanded following the

revelation of atrocities against local people.

The pattern of assembling policing forces to protect government

over the people, to prey on local communities and suppress

dissent continued well into the 20th century. The Aba Women’s

War of 1929, the General Strike of 1945 and the Enugu Colliery

Strike of 1949 were instances where anti-colonial resistance was

met with a quasi-military policing force deployed to subjugate

citizens.

At Nigeria’s 1960 independence, the major political question

regarding policing was whether the three regions that formed the

country at the time should have their own police forces or if the

federation should direct the police. Anxieties from this period

motivated the current structure of the Nigerian Police Force,

which is controlled by the federal government. The organization

also stemmed from the widespread fear that regional leaders

would deploy police forces against their political enemies. Such

fears were not unfounded; youths in the 1940s and even now
have routinely employed and armed hooligans to intimidate

political opponents and voters.

Yet centralizing power over police did not protect Nigerians from

abuse. For example, when the musician Fela Kuti criticized the

military government in the 1970s, a joint police and military

operation invaded his commune in 1977. During the raid, his

mother, the celebrated activist Funmilayo Kuti, was thrown from a

second-story window, sustaining injuries that caused her death.

Today, the deployment of the army in the Lekki toll gate massacre

has a particular symbolic meaning because Nigeria was under

military rule for half of its existence as an independent nation.

From 1966 to 1999, one coup leader took over from another in a

seemingly endless stream of khaki-clad men. For decades, armed

men from the military and police ruled the nation, governed the

states and patrolled the streets, indiscriminately meting out

unchecked violence upon ordinary people. The only check on their

unpredictable violence became other armed uniformed men. All

governments are susceptible to authoritarianism, but when the

military and the executive become one and the same, the

judiciary and the legislature tend to fall in line; this was military

rule in Nigeria as in most of Africa, Asia and Latin America during

the Cold War.

Despite a system that has been unresponsive to their needs, the

youth of Nigeria have spoken up. There is a poetry to the fact

that #EndSARs erupted in October 2020; Oct. 1, 1960 marked

the official date of Nigeria’s independence from British rule. Sixty

years later, young Nigerians are still demanding freedom from

repression. The #EndSARS protests began with a focus on police

brutality, but have extended to other dimensions of corruption,

human rights violations and underdevelopment in Nigeria. Not

necessarily seeking to topple Nigeria or even the Buhari regime,

(there are other groups in the country much more focused on

this) the #EndSARS protests sought to make Nigerian citizenship

mean something tangible and worthwhile for young people.

Comparisons and connections can be drawn between the

movement for Black lives in the United States and the #EndSars
protests in Nigeria — both are triggered by the impunity of police

violence upon marginalized communities; both movements

featured dramatic outpourings of young people who had been

written off by establishment youths as disaffected or lazy; both

movements made savvy use of social media.

But there are important contrasts as well. Police brutality in the

United States upholds a White supremacist racial order. Police

brutality in Nigeria upholds whoever is paying the policing forces

— the regime in power. Just as the color line is still the

fundamental dividing line of the societies of the Americas,

religious divides, ethnic, caste and economic divides are

fundamental to understanding social difference in other parts of

the world.

Police brutality is the common tool used to maintain a variety of

systems of inequality and oppression in different societies. And it

is a tool that gets turned systematically on the most vulnerable

members of society. But the protests against police brutality that

have crystallized in 2020 insist that new and just societies in

which young people can imagine meaningful futures are still, for

the moment, possible.

2.10 Drivers and demands of EndSARS

An overwhelming majority of those participating in the protest are

young Nigerians. Notably, Nigeria has a rich history of youth

protests: Nigeria’s independence movement even started as a

youth protest. The bottled anger of many of the country’s youth

over unfair profiling and harassment by SARS in particular has

found an outlet in this protest, which started with no defined or

any central leadership. The protesters’ demands at the beginning

were straightforward: The federal government should abolish

SARS, provide justice to victims of police brutality, and reform the

police. Now, the demands have widened, premised on the

pervasive failure of the government to deliver equitable economic

prosperity for its citizens and these enraged youths in particular.

In addition to calling for law enforcement agencies to respect the

rule of law, youth are demanding more respect for human rights

and a deepening of democracy. The protesters are also

demanding a revival of the educational and health systems and

stronger efforts toward job creation. In short, the message of the

#EndSARS protest is that young Nigerians want to take back their

country from the entrenched political order that they believe has

not served their interests. Indeed, earlier this month, the

governor of Lagos State submitted their 7-point agenda to

President Buhari on behalf of the protesters.

The discontent among youth was already simmering given the

economic crisis sparked by the fall in global oil demand (and

compounded by the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic),

institutionalized corruption, and state profligacy that have drawn

more Nigerians into poverty. The foregoing coincided with eight

months of closure of educational institutions due to strikes held

by university lecturers, leaving many young people alienated and

angry.

2.11 THE WAY FORWARD FOR THE GOVERNMENT

It is important to recognize that the judicial commissions of

inquiry have started seating in various states of the country.

However, what will unfold next around #EndSARS largely depends

on the willingness of the federal government to investigate the

Lekki Tollgate shootings at the #EndSARS protesters in an open

and transparent manner, and in good faith. Concerted efforts by

the federal government to address the concerns in the 7-point

agenda submitted to Buhari would also boost the trust of the

#EndSARS protesters and the supportive Nigerian diaspora.

2.12INITIAL PROTESTS AND REACTION

Amnesty International accused the SARS officials of regularly

detaining young male Nigerians illegally and extorting money

from their relatives. In 2016, a human rights activist, Segun

Awosanya popularly known as Segalink started EndSARS

campaign on social media prompting police authority to announce

reform of the police unit but nothing was achieved at the time. [24]

In 2018, Nigerian rapper Michael Ugochukwu Stephens

professionally known Ruggedman joined the campaign to end

police brutality by releasing a single titled, Is Police Your Friend?

In 2017, a petition signed by 10,195 people was submitted to

Nigeria's National Assembly calling for a total disbandment of

SARS.[26] A few Senators backed the call for total disbandment of

the unit.[27] Consideration was given to reforming the force, rather

than full disbandment due to the number of cases falling.

The campaigners moved from social media using the #EndSARS

hashtag to organised, peaceful protests in Abuja, Lagos, Ibadan,

Osun, Benin, Ughelli, Warri, Ilorin, Ogbomosho, Owerri, Jos,

[30][20]
Kaduna, Calabar and other Nigerian cities and states,

threatening to continue if the government refused to disband the

force.

2.13 NIGERIA'S YOUTH FINDS ITS VOICE WITH THE

ENDSARS PROTEST MOVEMENT

The group's initial demands were for a notorious police unit

known as the Special Anti Robbery Squad, or SARS, to be shut

down, but the marches have since morphed into protests

campaigning for police reform and an end to bad governance in

the oil-rich country.

One of the popular chants used during the protests was "soro

soke," which means "speak up" in the country's Yoruba language.

It has become "an EndSARS battle cry... a tone of rebellion, a

note of valid belligerency and a chant of unification in the

Nigerian struggle against police brutality and terrible

governance," wrote Motolani Alake, a journalist for Nigeria's Pulse

newspaper.

Economic inequality has reached extreme levels in Nigeria,

according to the United Nation Human Rights Commission, while

Oxfam reported that in 2019 close to 70% of the country's

population lives below the poverty line.

Now with this protest movement, they are making their voices

heard and speaking up against the violence, harassment, and

extortion they say they have endured at the hands of SARS

officers.

The SARS unit was set up in 1992 to fight armed robbery and was

given wide-ranging powers. Many of the officers do not wear

uniforms or nametags that identify themselves.

There have been numerous complaints that they had now turned

on the citizens and were perpetrating the very crimes that they

were set up to combat.

Amnesty International documented 82 cases of police brutality in

Nigeria between 2017 and 2020. In a damning report published in

June 2020 the human rights organization said people in SARS

custody were "subjected to a variety of methods of torture

including hanging, mock execution, beating, punching and

kicking, burning with cigarettes, waterboarding, near-

asphyxiation with plastic bags, forcing detainees to assume

stressful bodily positions and sexual violence."

2.14 INTERNATIONAL PROTESTS

International demonstrations were organised by the Nigerian

diaspora in Europe, the Americas, Oceania, and elsewhere in

Africa.[152][153][154] Many Nigerian and Nigerian diaspora celebrities

gave supportive statements on social media and took part in

protests, while demonstrators pledged to continue until the

demands were met.[155][156][157]

Canada

On Monday, 12 October 2020, Nigerians living in the Waterloo

Region of Ontario organised a peaceful demonstration in support

of the #EndSARs movement. The group gathered in the Waterloo

Public Square chanting "What do we want? End SARS!"[158]

Germany

On Friday, 23 October, Nigerians and German sympathizers

organized a demonstration of several hundred participants in

support of the #ENDSARS movement in Stuttgart.

Ireland

Dublin

On Sunday, 11 October 2020, Nigerians in Dublin gathered in

front of the Nigerian Embassy to show solidarity with the

#EndSARS protests in Nigeria. They denounced police brutality

and SARS.[159]

United Kingdom
London

On Sunday 11 October 2020, Ayodeji Ibrahim Balogun, a Nigerian

singer known as Wizkid, Kelechi AFTV, Dr Dipo Awojide and many

other Nigerians led a protest in support of the EndSARS protest at

the Nigeria High Commission, Thai Square, London. It has been

reported that Wizkid has called out the Nigerian president

Muhammadu Buhari on Twitter over his silence on scrapping the

notorious police unit.[160]

Manchester

On Saturday 17 October 2020, Nigerians and other supporters

organised a peaceful demonstration in Moston, Manchester, UK, in

support of the #EndSARs movement.[161]

United States

New York

On Sunday, 11 October 2020, young Nigerians in New York

converged at the Nigerian Consulate General in Midtown to

protest against SARS. They shared their experiences with SARS

while in Nigeria and asked that the outfit be totally disbanded so

that young people can move freely without being profiled as

criminals because of their dressing, accent or the type of vehicle

they use.[162]

Michigan

On Sunday, 18 October 2020, Nigerians and other supporters

organised a peaceful demonstration at Southfield in support of

the #EndSARs movement.[163]

Social media

On 9 October 2020, the #EndSARS hashtag trended globally on

social media. EndSARS protests, which started 8 October 2020,

are still on-going in major cities across the country and have

attracted international mainstream media attention. The

campaign has witnessed reactions on social media from

international celebrities such as Cardi B, Rihanna, Trey Songz, Big

Sean, Jidenna, John Boyega, Kanye West, Drake, Diddy, Lewis

Hamilton among others including footballers, Marcus Rashford,

Odion Ighalo and Mesut Ozil.[164][165][166][167][168][169]

With the news that SARS had been disbanded, Nigerians took the

news with a grain of salt and carried on with pressing their

demands for total disengagement of the unit and for wide-ranging

reform of the force. The hashtag on social media changed from

#EndSARS to #SARSMustEnd! With the announcement of a new

unit Special Weapons and Tactics Team (SWAT) by the Nigerian

Police to replace SARS, the hashtag for the protests quickly

changed to #EndSWAT on Twitter.[170] EndSWAT also trended.[171]

On Thursday, 15 October 2020, Google Africa made a statement

on its Twitter handle in support of the End SARS protests

condemning police intimidation, oppression and brutality while

urging the government to speedily intervene and resolve the

crisis.

2.15 THEORETICAL FRAME WORK

The conflict theory would be used in analyzing the concept of

ENDSARS in the Nigeria police force zone 9 Abia State . The

conflict theory evolved in the 19th century when the organism

(functionalism theory) failed woefully to account for an explain

some social relief such as conflict deviance and change in a

dynamic society. The conflict theory is also known as a marzia

approach. Haralaubes (1980-534) the originator and propounded

of conflict theory was kart Marx (1818-1883) a German

sociologist economist and political scientist. In his historical

materialism max though the history of man is the origin of

conflict result from class to class struggle between the Bourgeosis

and the proletariat. The Marxian apologists believed that the

theory take into account the mission element like social change

conflict and deviance that inevitable exist in human society.

Therefore using the conflict theory to analyze the phenomenon of

ENDSARS in the Nigeria police force zone 9 Abia State shows

the picture that an Abia State , the government, oil companies

and chief are Bourgeoisie or the economic desperadoes that sit

down on the progress and advancement of the youth. This is

done by seizing employment opportunities and exploitation. The

youths on the other hand are the proletariat. To be explained it is

this total neglect, exploitations and marginalization of Abia State ,

that has triggered the youth to be restive and apply a radical

approach of revolution. Theoretical frame works are obviously

critical in deductive.
 CHAPTER THREE

3.0 RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY

3.1 INTRODUCTION

The research design utilized by the researcher involved field

survey the data collection will base through valid and reliable

questionnaire administered on the sample population and

personal interview were also held apart from telephone calls.

3.2 RESEARCH DESIGN

The questionnaires was designed in such a way that it

contained a blend of fiscal alternative questions that were meant

specifically to limit the response of the respondents to specific

alternative of either yes or no or choosing answer from the

alternative given. Some open ended questions were also to offer

the respondents opportunities of expressing their own personal

opinion without rule guiding them. This work being a case study

attempts to investigate the Impact o ENDSARS and the socio

economic development of Nigeria police force zone 9 Abia State .

In essence, the work is centered on the activities of youth in the

development of the Nigeria police force zone 9 Abia State . The

focus however, is on the activities of youths in the development of

Abia State.

3.3 SOURCES AND METHODS OF DATA COLLECTION

These are those data generated from field work through

questionnaire and so on. The sources of data for this study are

primary and secondary sources and these are principally two

sources of data collection namely; the primary data are data

originally collected from investigation while those obtained from

published or unpublished sources are known as secondary data.

The secondary constitute the chief material on the basis of which

this research work was carried out to an extent, primary data

were used in the research although references were made to

books and magazines. Primary and secondary sources were used

in the collection of data. Primary sources include questionnaires,

oral interview and direct observation.

3.4 POPULATION AND SAMPLE SIZE

 The population for this research study is defined as all the

staff in the study firm (Abia State ). The total population was two

hundred (200) since the work is primarily concerned with

ENDSARS and development in the Nigeria police force zone 9

Abia State, the research selected communities in Abia State . The

researcher sampled 180 respondents randomly from the

population.

3.5 SAMPLING TECHNIQUES

The sampling techniques used in selecting the sample size

for the study is simple random sampling techniques. Simple

random sampling is a scheme where every unit in the sampled

population has equal chance of being selected into the sample.

The researcher used simple random sampling in other to ensure

that the population of the selected organization in Abia State is

represented and also it is used to get the desired information

needed on the impact of the evasion on government revenue.

Simple random sampling also helps in high degree presentation

and also minimizes mistakes. Since it was not possible to study

all the most in Abia State , a total of sixty respondents were

randomly selected or sampled from each of the selected

communities which are; Elegele, Imirigi and Otusega.

3.6 VALIDITY AND RELIABILITY OF MESURING

INSTRUMENTS

Questionnaires, oral interview and direct observation were

used for the collection of data for the study. These form the bulk

of primary sources of information for the use of the study. Three

hundred and sixty copies of the questionnaires were sent out and

were mainly statement in which respondents were expected to

answer yes or no. The paramount objective of the questionnaires

is to ascertain how the activities of youth in the Abia State have

impacted on the socio-economic development of the Ogbia

people.

The unstructured interview was to allow respondents express

themselves freely, to collect information that are necessary for

finding reliable and valid answers to the research question.

Therefore, the major instrument used for this reliable and valid

for the fact that the drafted questionnaires were examined and

compared by the workers of the institution. The supervisor’s

advice also helps a lot to prove the reliability and validity of the

instrument.

3.7 METHOD OF DATA ANALYSIS

The data gathered for this study were presented and

arrange on table. So the tabulation method of the data analysis

was used. Also simple percentage was used in other to provide

base for comparison between the variables percentage method

formula.

F x 100

N 1

Where F = Total number of frequency

N = Total number of respondents

Responses from respondents were presented and the result were

analyzed through the use of simple percentages is also process of

inspecting, clearing transforming and modeling data with the

good of highlighting useful information suggesting conclusions

and supporting decision making data analysis has multiple facets

and approaches encompassing diverse techniques under a variety

of names in different business, since and social science domain.

Data analysis is an important procedure during which the data

are inspected and erroneous is a process within which several

phases can be distinct (1) most important distinction between the

initial data analysis one refrains from any analysis that are aimed

at answering the original research question. The initial data

analysis analyzes phases is guided by the quality of the data

should be checked as early as possible data can be assessed in

several ways using different types of analysis. Frequency

descriptive statistic (mean, standard deviation on median)

normality (Skewness kurtosis, frequency, histograms normal

probability plots) during the final state, the finding of the initial

data analysis is document, and necessary preferable and possible

corrective action are taken also the original plan for the main

data can and should be specified in more detail and or rewritten

responses from respondents were presented and the result were

analyzed through the use of simple percentage.

 CHAPTER FOUR

4.0 PRESENTATION AND ANAYSIS OF DATA

4.1 INTRODUCTION

Today, the consequences of ENDSARS stare us in the face.

The truth is that ENDSARS and social vices are devastating both

to individual and the society at large. Infant ENDSARS makes the

youth to be disabling for their expected role as leaders of

tomorrow.

4.2 PRESENTATION OF DATA

RESEARCH QUESTION 1

Is ENDSARS in Abia State caused by the activities of

government area oil companies?

Responses No of responses Percentage

Yes 135 75

No 45 25

Total 180 100

SOURCE: FIELD WORK, 2014

From the above table it can be seen that 135 respondents

representing 75% of the sample population responded that

ENDSARS on Abia State is caused by the activities of

government while 25% of sample responded otherwise.

RESEARCH QUESTION 2

Is ENDSARS in Abia State caused by the poverty deprivation

neglect and marginalization of the people?

TABLE 4.2

Responses No of responses Percentage

Yes 130 72.2

No 50 27.8

Total 180 100

SOURCE: FIELD WORK, 2014

Above portray that 72.2% of the sample population consisting

130 respondents responded positively while 27.8% of sample

responded negatively.
RESEARCH QUESTION 3

Has ENDSARS in Abia State bought any development?

TABLE 4.3

Responses No of responses Percentage

Yes 130 72.2

No 50 27.8

Total 180 100

SOURCE: FIELD WORK, 2014

Above portray that 72.2% of the sample population consisting

130 respondents responded positively while 27.8% of sample

responded negatively.

RESEARCH QUESTION 4

Are other factors responsible for ENDSARS in Abia State ?

TABLE 4.3

Responses No of responses Percentage

WAEC / NECO 120 66

DIPLOMA / NEC 30 17
BACHELOR / 20 11

DEGREE

MASTER DEGREE 8 4

PHD 2 2

TOTAL 150 100

SOURCE: FIELD WORK, 2014

A respondent interview orally stare that beside low academic

question other factors like unemployment is exploration.

RESEARCH QUESTION 5

Are you pleased by the activities of ENDSARS in your

community? In this research question, the researcher was

interested in finding out whether the respondents are pleased by

the3 activities of ENDSARS in their communities.

TABLE 4.3

Responses No of responses Percentage

Yes 140 77.78

No 40 22.22
Total 180 100

SOURCE: FIELD WORK, 2014

The result above shows that 140 respondents constituting

77.78% of the sample believe that the activities of ENDSARS is

desirable community while to respondents 22.22% says that they

are displeases by the activities.

RESEARCH QUESTION 6

Does youth of your community embark on any strike action? In

this research question the researcher was interested in finding

from the respondents.

TABLE 4.3

Responses No of responses Percentage

Yes 140 77.78

No 40 22.22

Total 180 100

SOURCE: FIELD WORK, 2014

This study revealed that majority of the respondent responded

positively saying that youth in their communities do embark on

restiveness.

4.3 ANALYSIS OF DATA

The study was primary focused on the relationship between

ENDSARS and socio-economic development in the Nigeria police

force zone 9 Abia State . To do this effectively and six research

question were formulated on the basic of the researcher question,

data gathered from the field work have been presented and

analyzed.

The first research question was interested in finding out whether

ENDSARS in Abia State is caused by government oil companies.

The second research question was concerned with the finding out

whether the concept of ENDSARS in Abia State is caused by

poverty deprivation and marginalization of the people.

The third research question has focus on whether ENDSARS in

Abia State has brought any development. The investigation

revealed that most of the respondents believed that ENDSARS

are counsel by the refusal of oil companies.

The four investigated other factors that are responsible for

ENDSARS in the Nigeria police force zone 9 Abia State besides

oil exploration by oil companies and government the revealed

that other factors includes low level of education.

Research question five was interested in measuring the pleasure

derived by respondents in activities of youths in their

communities. The responses were not in favour of many

pleasures rather majority of the respondents. Believed that the

youth activities are displeasing to them.

The six research question asked respondents on whether youth of

their various communities to embark on restive strikes.

4.4 TEST FOR HYPOTHESIS

HYPOTHESIS 1

1. Ho: Hi: There is significant relationship between ENDSARS

and the rapid economic transformation in Nigeria.

Ho: There is no significant relationship between ENDSARS

and the rapid economic transformation in Nigeria.

Thus this hypotheses was tested by asking questions 7,8,11 and

12. Table 4.1 (a)

Question No 7. How would you assess ENDSARS in Nigeria?

Response, Number of respondents and percentage

Sex Male % Female % Total %

Poor 60 33 60 53 120 66

Fair 10 9 50 28 60 34

TOTAL 70 39 110 61 180 100

Table 4.1 (b)

Question No. 8, what would you attribute to be the

major cause of ENDSARS protest in Nigeria

Sex Male % Female % Total %

The urge for 45 25 80 44 125 69

power

The urge for 25 14 30 27 55 31

people

TOTAL 70 39 110 61 180 100

This shows the view of the respondents on the attribute

to be major cause of ENDSARS protest in Nigeria.

Question No.9:

Is it true that youths now use force to influence people?

Table 4.1 (c)

Response, Number of Respondents and Percentage

Sex Male % Female % Total %

YES 40 22 90 50 130 72

NO 30 17 20 11 50 23

TOTAL 70 39 110 61 180 100

Table 4.1 (d)

Question No11. Do you think that without the problems

of ENDSARS in Nigeria, the Nigeria Youths will be better

than what they are?

Sex Male % Female % Total %

 YES 40 22 90 50 130 72

NO 30 17 20 11 50 23

TOTAL 70 39 110 61 180 100

This shows that the number of respondents on whether

youths will be better than what they are if the problem of

electoral processes is solved.

Table 4.1 (e)

Question No 12.

Do you agree that the constant influence of the youths

during ENDSARS s has led to loss of lives and property in

Nigeria?

Response, Number of Respondents and Percentage

Sex Male % Female % Total %

YES 60 33 80 44 140 77

NO 10 9 30 17 40 23

TOTAL 70 39 110 61 180 100

This shows that the number of respondents on whether

the constant influence of the youths during ENDSARS s had

led to loss of lives and property in Nigeria.

INTERVIEW

The question in the questionnaire was administered in

the interview, for question 7,88, and 9, forty five (45) affirm

to it while 5 refuted it. As question No.11 were also

administered in the interview, my respondents repeated

what was answered in the questionnaire for the same

number while in No.12, 30 respondents affirm to it while 20

were against it.

Thus, the above assumption both in the questionnaire

and interview methods are in acceptance of the Ho

hypothesis and the rejection of the Hi hypothesis.

ANALYSIS

Table 4.1 (a) shows that many people access ENDSARS

s in Nigeria. 120 which is 60% assed very fair while 60

which is 34% assed very poor with the view.

Also in table 4.1 (b) shows that there are major causes

of ENDSARS protest in Nigeria. 125 which is 69% were in

support of the view while 55 which is 31% objected it.

 This is obtained from some of the distributions or

questions that were explained. It implies that the findings

are required through some of the questions explicated above

as well as how questions were presented and analyzed.

4.5 INTERPRETATION OF RESULT

This study has made an over viewing of Nigeria police force zone

9 Abia State restiveness and social economic development in

Nigeria. The outcome of the empirical test supports the secondary

data that we critically evaluated in the literature review.

Inadequate distribution of revenue of the people ration and poor

revenue base of the Nigeria police force zone 9 Abia State region

is also established to contribute largely to the restiveness. Many

respondents were of the opinion that restiveness would cease if

more funds is allocated to the region. Youth unemployment,

poverty and other related social maladies discovered to be

prevalent in the Nigeria police force zone 9 Abia State region.

 CHAPTER FIVE

5.0 SUNNARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION

The finding of the study was shocking as of revealed that the

government and oil companies in the Nigeria police force zone 9

Abia State are the major causes of ENDSARS . Also revealed that

another causes of the concept are illiteracy, poverty,

unemployment, marginalization and neglect etc. the non

provision of infrastructure facilities by oil companies.

5.2 SUMMARY OF FINDING

On the strength of the above, it was recommended that

government and oil companies should under take such activities

like education of youth.

Infrastructure development and provision of employment ensure

the eradication of ENDSARS in Nigeria police force zone 9 Abia

State and Abia State in particular; the researcher went into

critical study of already existing. Literature on the subject matter

which is explicitly discussed there courses the researcher

methodology under study, sampling techniques and sample of

study instruments of data collection and method of data analysis.

The finding of study revealed that government and oil

companies operating in Nigeria police force zone 9 Abia State are

the major cause of ENDSARS in the oil rich region. This is as a

result of the poverty, deprivation and marginalization to the

people of the Nigeria police force zone 9 Abia State by both oil

companies and government the study also revealed that

ENDSARS . In the Niger has brought development to the region.

5.3 CONCLUSION

Based on the finding of the research, it has been established in

mind of readers and researcher that the major cause of ENDSARS

in the Nigeria police force zone 9 Abia State and Abia State

particular is in the activities of government and multinational oil

corporations. However factors such as illiteracy, unemployment,

the value of youths in the region have collatborated in creating

ENDSARS in the Nigeria police force zone 9 Abia State . Again it

was also the revealed that the activities of youth have aid the
development of the Nigeria police force zone 9 Abia State region.

This is manifested in the creation of the Nigeria police force zone

9 Abia State development commission (NDDC) which is the

products of ENDSARS . Furthermore, the study revealed that the

people of Abia State are displeased by the activities of youths in

the area. This based on the fact that it exposes them to security

threats.

5.4 RECOMMENDATIONS

From the research carried out so far the following

recommendations are hereby:

1. The provision of education to the youths of the Nigeria police

force zone 9 Abia State . This consists of provision of good

schools, buildings and learning equipment such as reading

desk, laboratories, libraries, blackboard for youth in the

region in order to enhance good education by both

government and oil companies.

2. The oil companies and government should ensure facilities the

infrastructural development of communities in the region

 through the provision of amenities such as electricity, portable

water, good road network and sport facilities. It is the

absence of these infrastructures in communities in the Nigeria

police force zone 9 Abia State that has lubricated youth’s

restiveness in the region tasty.

3. To ensure the arrest and elimination of ENDSARS in the

Nigeria police force zone 9 Abia State and Abia State in

particular.

4. Government in collaboration with oil companies should

provide employment to the youth of the region.

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 APPENDIX

Department of Public

Administration,

School of Business and

Management Technology,

Federal Polytechnic Nekede,

P.M.B 1036, Owerri

Imo State.

Dear respondent,

I am an ND final year student of the above stated institution

conducting a research on “ENDSARS and socio-economic
development in the Nigeria police force zone 9 Abia State , with
reference to Abia State .

This project is a request for award of National Diploma (ND)

certificate in Public Administration. Please you are requested to
reflect this topic questionnaire attested.

Be rest assured that all information supplied remains

confidential.

Thanks

Yours faithfully,

Azubuine Lynda Akuoma

QUESTIONNAIRE

Instruction: Tick where necessary please

1. Qualification

a. WAEC

b. ND/NCE

c. BSC/HND

d. PhD

2. Sex

a. Male

b. Female

3. Marital status

a. Single

b. Married

4. Age

a. 25 – 30

b. 30 – 40

c. 40 – 50
SECTION B

1. Is ENDSARS caused by the inability of oil companies to meet

the demand and aspiration of the host communities?

a. Yes ( ) b. No ( )

2. Is ENDSARS in Abia State caused by the poverty, deprivation

and marginalization of the people?

a. Yes ( ) b. No ( )

3. Has ENDSARS in Abia State brought any development?

a. Yes ( ) b. No ( )

4. Are other factor responsible for ENDSARS in Abia State ?

a. Yes ( ) b. No ( )
5. Are you pleased by the activities of ENDSARS in your

community?

a. Yes ( ) b. No ( )

6. Does your community embark on any strike action?

a. Yes ( ) b. No ( )