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Dietary Reference Intakes (DRI)
The Dietary Reference Intakes (DRI) include two sets of values In addition to the values that serve as goals for nutrient in­
that serve as goals for nutrient intake—Recommended Dietary takes (presented in the tables on these two pages), the DRI in­
Allowances (RDA) and Adequate Intakes (AI). The RDA reflect clude a set of values called Tolerable Upper Intake Levels (UL).
the average daily amount of a nutrient considered adequate to The UL represent the maximum amount of a nutrient that ap­
meet the needs of most healthy people. If there is insufficient pears safe for most healthy people to consume on a regular ba­
evidence to determine an RDA, an AI is set. AI are more ten­ sis. Turn the page for a listing of the UL for selected vitamins
tative than RDA, but both may be used as goals for nutrient and minerals.
intakes. (Chapter 9 provides more details.)

Estimated Energy Requirements (EER), Recommended Dietary Allowances (RDA),


and Adequate Intakes (AI) for Water, Energy, and the Energy Nutrients
ht
ht

g/da cid c
Heig

y)
m 2) BMI

Wei

y)

(g/d te

g/da id

g/da
ay) d
l/da

AI ( lenic A
ay)
RDA ohydra

AI ( leic Ac
AI ( l Fiber
(kg/ rence

cm rence

kg ( rence

y)

y)

y)

y)
y)

AI ( l Fat

(g/k
(kca

(g/d
g/da

g/da
L/da

RDA ein

RDA ein
a

EER b gy
(in)

lb)

AI ( er
Refe

Refe

Refe

C ar b
r

Lino

Lino
Tota

Tota

P ro t

P ro t
Wat

Ene
Age (yr)
Males
0–0.5 — 62 (24) 6 (13) 0.7e 570 60 — 31   4.4 0.5 9.1 1.52
0.5–1 — 71 (28) 9 (20) 0.8f 743 95 — 30   4.6 0.5 11   1.20
1–3g — 86 (34) 12 (27) 1.3 1046 130 19 —   7 0.7 13 1.05
4–8g 15.3 115 (45) 20 (44) 1.7 1742 130 25 — 10 0.9 19 0.95
9–13 17.2 144 (57) 36 (79) 2.4 2279 130 31 — 12 1.2 34 0.95
14–18 20.5 174 (68) 61 (134) 3.3 3152 130 38 — 16 1.6 52 0.85
19–30 22.5 177 (70) 70 (154) 3.7 3067h 130 38 — 17 1.6 56 0.80
31–50 22.5i 177 (70)i 70 (154)i 3.7 3067h 130 38 — 17 1.6 56 0.80
>50 22.5i 177 (70)i 70 (154)i 3.7 3067h 130 30 — 14 1.6 56 0.80
Females
0–0.5 — 62 (24) 6 (13) 0.7e 520 60 — 31   4.4 0.5 9.1 1.52
0.5–1 — 71 (28) 9 (20) 0.8f 676 95 — 30   4.6 0.5 11 1.20
1–3g — 86 (34) 12 (27) 1.3 992 130 19 —   7 0.7 13 1.05
4–8g 15.3 115 (45) 20 (44) 1.7 1642 130 25 — 10 0.9 19 0.95
9–13 17.4 144 (57) 37 (81) 2.1 2071 130 26 — 10 1.0 34 0.95
14–18 20.4 163 (64) 54 (119) 2.3 2368 130 26 — 11 1.1 46 0.85
19–30 21.5 163 (64) 57 (126) 2.7 2403 j 130 25 — 12 1.1 46 0.80
i i i
31–50 21.5 163 (64) 57 (126) 2.7 2403 j 130 25 — 12 1.1 46 0.80
>50 21.5i 163 (64)i 57 (126)i 2.7 2403 j 130 21 — 11 1.1 46 0.80
Pregnancy
1st trimester 3.0   +0 175 28 — 13 1.4 46 0.80
2nd trimester 3.0 +340 175 28 — 13 1.4 71 1.10
3rd trimester 3.0 +452 175 28 — 13 1.4 71 1.10
Lactation
1st 6 months 3.8 +330 210 29 — 13 1.3 71 1.30
2nd 6 months 3.8 +400 210 29 — 13 1.3 71 1.30
h
NOTE: For all nutrients, values for infants are AI. Dashes indicate until age 19. Chapter 8 provides equations and tables to determine For males, subtract 10 kcalories per day for each year of age
that values have not been determined. estimated energy requirements. above 19.
a c i
The water AI includes drinking water, water in beverages, and wa- The linolenic acid referred to in this table and text is the omega-3 Because weight need not change as adults age if activity is main-
ter in foods; in general, drinking water and other beverages contrib- fatty acid known as alpha-linolenic acid. tained, reference weights for adults 19 through 30 years are applied
d
ute about 70 to 80 percent, and foods, the remainder. Conversion The values listed are based on reference body weights. to all adult age groups.
e j
factors: 1 L = 33.8 fluid oz; 1 L = 1.06 qt; 1 cup = 8 fluid oz. Assumed to be from human milk. For females, subtract 7 kcalories per day for each year of age
b f
The Estimated Energy Requirement (EER) represents the average Assumed to be from human milk and complementary foods and above 19.
dietary energy intake that will maintain energy balance in a healthy beverages. This includes approximately 0.6 L (∼21⁄2 cups) as total
person of a given gender, age, weight, height, and physical activity fluid including formula, juices, and drinking water. SOURCE: Adapted from the Dietary Reference Intakes series, National
g
level. The values listed are based on an “active” person at the refer- For energy, the age groups for young children are 1–2 years and Academies Press. Copyright 1997, 1998, 2000, 2001, 2002, 2004,
ence height and weight and at the midpoint ages for each group 3–8 years. 2005, 2011 by the National Academies of Sciences.

A Copyright 2018 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202
Copyright 2018 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. Due to electronic rights, some third party content may be suppressed from the eBook and/or eChapter(s).
Editorial review has deemed that any suppressed content does not materially affect the overall learning experience. Cengage Learning reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.
Recommended Dietary Allowances (RDA) and Adequate Intakes (AI) for Vitamins

day) acid

/day e
/day a

/day b

/day c

day) d
)

)
)

)
/day

/day

/day

/day
c

/day
(µg 12

day)
AI ( otheni
ay)

ay)
(mg 6
RDA flavin

RDA in A

RDA min D
RDA min B

RDA in B

AI ( min K
RDA min C

RDA min E
(IU/
RDA min
(mg

(mg

(mg

(mg

(mg
µg/d

µg/d
line
(µg

(µg
mg/

mg/
RDA in

RDA e

m
t
i
Ribo

t
Niac
Thia

Biot

Fola
Vita

Vita

Vita

Vita

Vita

Vita

Vita
Cho
Pan
AI (

AI (
Age (yr)
Infants
0–0.5 0.2 0.3 2 5 1.7 0.1 65 0.4 125 40 400 400 (10 µg) 4   2.0
0.5–1 0.3 0.4 4 6 1.8 0.3 80 0.5 150 50 500 400 (10 µg) 5   2.5
Children
1–3 0.5 0.5 6 8 2 0.5 150 0.9 200 15 300 600 (15 µg) 6 30
4–8 0.6 0.6 8 12 3 0.6 200 1.2 250 25 400 600 (15 µg) 7 55
Males
9–13 0.9 0.9 12 20 4 1.0 300 1.8 375 45 600 600 (15 µg) 11 60
14–18 1.2 1.3 16 25 5 1.3 400 2.4 550 75 900 600 (15 µg) 15 75
19–30 1.2 1.3 16 30 5 1.3 400 2.4 550 90 900 600 (15 µg) 15 120
31–50 1.2 1.3 16 30 5 1.3 400 2.4 550 90 900 600 (15 µg) 15 120
51–70 1.2 1.3 16 30 5 1.7 400 2.4 550 90 900 600 (15 µg) 15 120
>70 1.2 1.3 16 30 5 1.7 400 2.4 550 90 900 800 (20 µg) 15 120
Females
9–13 0.9 0.9 12 20 4 1.0 300 1.8 375 45 600 600 (15 µg) 11 60
14–18 1.0 1.0 14 25 5 1.2 400 2.4 400 65 700 600 (15 µg) 15 75
19–30 1.1 1.1 14 30 5 1.3 400 2.4 425 75 700 600 (15 µg) 15 90
31–50 1.1 1.1 14 30 5 1.3 400 2.4 425 75 700 600 (15 µg) 15 90
51–70 1.1 1.1 14 30 5 1.5 400 2.4 425 75 700 600 (15 µg) 15 90
>70 1.1 1.1 14 30 5 1.5 400 2.4 425 75 700 800 (20 µg) 15 90
Pregnancy
≤18 1.4 1.4 18 30 6 1.9 600 2.6 450 80 750 600 (15 µg) 15 75
19–30 1.4 1.4 18 30 6 1.9 600 2.6 450 85 770 600 (15 µg) 15 90
31–50 1.4 1.4 18 30 6 1.9 600 2.6 450 85 770 600 (15 µg) 15 90
Lactation
≤18 1.4 1.6 17 35 7 2.0 500 2.8 550 115 1200 600 (15 µg) 19 75
19–30 1.4 1.6 17 35 7 2.0 500 2.8 550 120 1300 600 (15 µg) 19 90
31–50 1.4 1.6 17 35 7 2.0 500 2.8 550 120 1300 600 (15 µg) 19 90
c
NOTE: For all nutrients, values for infants are AI. Vitamin A recommendations are expressed as retinol activity equivalents (RAE).
a d
Niacin recommendations are expressed as niacin equivalents (NE), except for recommendations for infants Vitamin D recommendations are expressed as cholecalciferol and assume an absence of adequate exposure
younger than 6 months, which are expressed as preformed niacin. to sunlight.
b e
Folate recommendations are expressed as dietary folate equivalents (DFE). Vitamin E recommendations are expressed as α-tocopherol.

Recommended Dietary Allowances (RDA) and Adequate Intakes (AI) for Minerals
)
)

(µg m
)

)
/day
/day

/day

/day

/day

/day

/day

/day

/day
(mg us
day)

day)

day)

day)

day)
RDA esium

AI ( ganese

ay)

RDA bdenu
AI ( ssium

AI ( mium
RDA nium
or
AI ( r ide

AI ( r ide
(mg
RDA ium

µg/d
(mg

(mg

(mg
AI ( um

(µg

(µg

(µg
sph
mg /

mg /

mg /

mg /

mg /
per
n e
n

y
Chro
Pota

Zinc
i

Chlo

Fluo
Sele
Iron

Iodi

Man
Calc

Mag
Pho

Cop
S od

Mol
RDA
RDA

RDA

RDA

RDA

Age (yr)
Infants
0–0.5 120 180 400 200 100 30 0.27 2 110 15 200 0.003 0.01 0.2 2
0.5–1 370 570 700 260 275 75 11 3 130 20 220 0.6 0.5 5.5 3
Children
1–3 1000 1500 3000 700 460 80 7 3 90 20 340 1.2 0.7 11 17
4–8 1200 1900 3800 1000 500 130 10 5 90 30 440 1.5 1.0 15 22
Males
9–13 1500 2300 4500 1300 1250 240 8 8 120 40 700 1.9 2 25 34
14–18 1500 2300 4700 1300 1250 410 11 11 150 55 890 2.2 3 35 43
19–30 1500 2300 4700 1000 700 400 8 11 150 55 900 2.3 4 35 45
31–50 1500 2300 4700 1000 700 420 8 11 150 55 900 2.3 4 35 45
51–70 1300 2000 4700 1000 700 420 8 11 150 55 900 2.3 4 30 45
>70 1200 1800 4700 1200 700 420 8 11 150 55 900 2.3 4 30 45
Females
9–13 1500 2300 4500 1300 1250 240 8 8 120 40 700 1.6 2 21 34
14–18 1500 2300 4700 1300 1250 360 15 9 150 55 890 1.6 3 24 43
19–30 1500 2300 4700 1000 700 310 18 8 150 55 900 1.8 3 25 45
31–50 1500 2300 4700 1000 700 320 18 8 150 55 900 1.8 3 25 45
51–70 1300 2000 4700 1200 700 320 8 8 150 55 900 1.8 3 20 45
>70 1200 1800 4700 1200 700 320 8 8 150 55 900 1.8 3 20 45
Pregnancy
≤18 1500 2300 4700 1300 1250 400 27 12 220 60 1000 2.0 3 29 50
19–30 1500 2300 4700 1000 700 350 27 11 220 60 1000 2.0 3 30 50
31–50 1500 2300 4700 1000 700 360 27 11 220 60 1000 2.0 3 30 50
Lactation
≤18 1500 2300 5100 1300 1250 360 10 13 290 70 1300 2.6 3 44 50
19–30 1500 2300 5100 1000 700 310 9 12 290 70 1300 2.6 3 45 50
31–50 1500 2300 5100 1000 700 320 9 12 290 70 1300 2.6 3 45 50
NOTE: For all nutrients, values for infants are AI.

 Copyright 2018 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202 B
Copyright 2018 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. Due to electronic rights, some third party content may be suppressed from the eBook and/or eChapter(s).
Editorial review has deemed that any suppressed content does not materially affect the overall learning experience. Cengage Learning reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.
Tolerable Upper Intake Levels (UL) for Vitamins

/day 6

(µg min A

(IU/ min D
(mg min B

(mg min C

(mg min E
/day a

/day c
/day b
/day a
)

)
)

day)
(mg ine
/day

/day
(mg in

(µg te

l
Niac

Fola
Vita

Vita

Vita

Vita

Vita
Cho
Age (yr)
Infants
0–0.5 — — — — — 600 1000 (25 µg) —
0.5–1 — — — — — 600 1500 (38 µg) —
Children
1–3 10 30 300 1000 400 600 2500 (63 µg) 200
4–8 15 40 400 1000 650 900 3000 (75 µg) 300
9–13 20 60 600 2000 1200 1700 4000 (100 µg) 600
Adolescents
14–18 30 80 800 3000 1800 2800 4000 (100 µg) 800
Adults
19–70 35 100 1000 3500 2000 3000 4000 (100 µg) 1000
>70 35 100 1000 3500 2000 3000 4000 (100 µg) 1000
Pregnancy
≤18 30 80 800 3000 1800 2800 4000 (100 µg) 800
19–50 35 100 1000 3500 2000 3000 4000 (100 µg) 1000
Lactation
≤18 30 80 800 3000 1800 2800 4000 (100 µg) 800
19–50 35 100 1000 3500 2000 3000 4000 (100 µg) 1000
a c
The UL for niacin and folate apply to synthetic forms obtained from The UL for vitamin E applies to any form of supplemental
supplements, fortified foods, or a combination of the two. α-tocopherol, fortified foods, or a combination of the two.
b
The UL for vitamin A applies to the preformed vitamin only.

Tolerable Upper Intake Levels (UL) for Minerals

/day num
(mg phorus

(mg nesium

(mg ganese

(mg dium
/day d

(µg nium
(mg r ide

e
(mg r ide
)

)
(mg ium

)
(mg um
/day

/day

/day

/day

/day

/day

/day

/day

/day

/day

/day
ybd
(µg er
/day

/day

/day
(µg ne

(mg el
(mg n
p

a
s

Boro

Nick
i

Chlo

Fluo
Sele
Iron

Zinc

Iodi

Man
Calc

Mag
Pho

Van
Cop
S od

Mol
(mg

(mg

(µg
Age (yr)
Infants
0–0.5 — — 1000 — — 40 4 — 45 — — 0.7 — — — —
0.5–1 — — 1500 — — 40 5 — 60 — — 0.9 — — — —
Children
1–3 1500 2300 2500 3000 65 40 7 200 90    1000 2 1.3 300 3 0.2 —
4–8 1900 2900 2500 3000 110 40 12 300 150    3000 3 2.2 600 6 0.3 —
9–13 2200 3400 3000 4000 350 40 23 600 280    5000 6 10 1100 11 0.6 —
Adolescents
14–18 2300 3600 3000 4000 350 45 34 900 400    8000 9 10 1700 17 1.0 —
Adults
19–50 2300 3600 2500 4000 350 45 40 1100 400 10,000 11 10 2000 20 1.0 1.8
51–70 2300 3600 2000 4000 350 45 40 1100 400 10,000 11 10 2000 20 1.0 1.8
>70 2300 3600 2000 3000 350 45 40 1100 400 10,000 11 10 2000 20 1.0 1.8
Pregnancy
≤18 2300 3600 3000 3500 350 45 34 900 400    8000 9 10 1700 17 1.0 —
19–50 2300 3600 2500 3500 350 45 40 1100 400 10,000 11 10 2000 20 1.0 —
Lactation
≤18 2300 3600 3000 4000 350 45 34 900 400    8000 9 10 1700 17 1.0 —
19–50 2300 3600 2500 4000 350 45 40 1100 400 10,000 11 10 2000 20 1.0 —
d
The UL for magnesium applies to synthetic forms obtained from supplements or drugs only. SOURCE: Adapted with permission from the Dietary Reference Intakes series, National Academies Press.
NOTE: An Upper Limit was not established for vitamins and minerals not listed and for those age groups Copyright 1997, 1998, 2000, 2001, 2002, 2005, 2011 by the National Academies of Sciences.
listed with a dash (—) because of a lack of data, not because these nutrients are safe to consume at any
level of intake. All nutrients can have adverse effects when intakes are excessive.

C Copyright 2018 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202
Copyright 2018 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. Due to electronic rights, some third party content may be suppressed from the eBook and/or eChapter(s).
Editorial review has deemed that any suppressed content does not materially affect the overall learning experience. Cengage Learning reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.
ADVANCED NUTRITION
AND HUMAN METABOLISM
SEVENTH EDITION

Copyright 2018 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202
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Copyright 2018 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202
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Editorial review has deemed that any suppressed content does not materially affect the overall learning experience. Cengage Learning reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.
ADVANCED NUTRITION
AND HUMAN METABOLISM
SEVENTH EDITION

Sareen S. Gropper
FLORIDA ATLANTIC UNIVERSITY
AUBURN UNIVERSITY (PROFESSOR EMERITUS)

Jack L. Smith
UNIVERSITY OF DELAWARE

Timothy P. Carr
UNIVERSITY OF NEBRASKA-LINCOLN

Australia • Brazil • Mexico • Singapore • United Kingdom • United States

Copyright 2018 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202
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Advanced Nutrition and Human Metabolism, © 2018, 2013 Cengage Learning
Seventh Edition
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. No part of this work covered by the copyright herein
Sareen S. Gropper, Jack L. Smith, and may be reproduced or distributed in any form or by any means, except as
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To my children Michelle and Michael, and to my husband, Daniel, for their
ongoing encouragement, support, faith, and love and to the students who
continue to impress and inspire me.
Sareen Gropper

To my wife, Carol, for her continued support, constant inspiration, and


assistance in the preparation of this book.
Jack Smith

To my family—Rebecca, Erin, and Marion—for their unwavering support and to


the many students who have made my career so enjoyable.
Tim Carr

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BRIEF CONTENTS

Preface xvii

SECTION I Cells and Their Nourishment


1 The Cell: A Microcosm of Life 1
2 The Digestive System: Mechanism for Nourishing the Body 29

SECTION II Macronutrients and Their Metabolism


3 Carbohydrates 61
4 Fiber 107
5 Lipids 125
6 Protein 175
7 Integration and Regulation of Metabolism and the Impact
of Exercise 245
8 Energy Expenditure, Body Composition, and Healthy Weight 273

SECTION III The Regulatory Nutrients


9 Water-Soluble Vitamins 299
10 Fat-Soluble Vitamins 369
11 Major Minerals 425
12 Water and Electrolytes 455
13 Essential Trace and Ultratrace Minerals 479
14 Nonessential Trace and Ultratrace Minerals 543

Glossary 557
Index 563

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CONTENTS

Preface xvii Coordination and Regulation of the Digestive


Process 55
Neural Regulation 55
SECTION I Regulatory Peptides 55
Cells and Their Nourishment Summary 58
PERSPECTIVE The Nutritional Impact of Roux-En-Y Gastric Bypass,
CHAPTER 1 The Cell: A Microcosm of Life 1 A Surgical Approach for the Treatment of Obesity 59
Components of Cells 1
Plasma Membrane 1
Cytoplasmic Matrix 4 SECTION II
Mitochondrion 4
Nucleus 6 Macronutrients and Their Metabolism
Endoplasmic Reticulum and Golgi Apparatus 10
Lysosomes and Peroxisomes 11 CHAPTER 3 Carbohydrates 61
Selected Cellular Proteins 11 Overview of Structural Features 61
Receptors 11 Simple Carbohydrates 62
Catalytic Proteins (Enzymes) 13 Monosaccharides 62
Apoptosis 16 Disaccharides 65
Biological Energy 17 Complex Carbohydrates 66
Energy Release and Consumption in Chemical Oligosaccharides 66
Reactions 18 Polysaccharides 66
Expressions of Energy 18 Digestion 67
The Role of High-Energy Phosphate in Energy Digestion of Polysaccharides 68
Storage 21 Digestion of Disaccharides 68
Coupled Reactions in the Transfer of Energy 21 Absorption, Transport, and Distribution 68
Reduction Potentials 23 Intestinal Absorption
Summary 24 of Glucose and Galactose 68
PERSPECTIVE Nutritional Genomics: A New Perspective on Food by Intestinal Absorption of Fructose 71
Ruth DeBusk, PhD, RD 26 Post-Absorption Facilitated Transport 71
Glucose Transporters 71
Glucose Entry into Interstitial Fluid 74
CHAPTER 2 The Digestive System: Mechanism for Maintenance of Blood Glucose
Nourishing the Body 29 Concentration 75
The Structures of the Digestive Tract And the Digestive Glycemic Response to Carbohydrates 75
and Absorptive Processes 29 Glycemic Index and Glycemic Load 75
The Oral Cavity 32 Integrated Metabolism in Tissues 77
The Esophagus 33 Glycogenesis 77
The Stomach 35 Glycogenolysis 80
The Small Intestine 40 Glycolysis 81
The Accessory Organs 43 The Tricarboxylic Acid Cycle 84
The Absorptive Process 49 Formation of ATP 87
The Colon (Large Intestine) 51 The Pentose Phosphate Pathway (Hexose
Monophosphate Shunt) 94

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x CO N T E N T S

Gluconeogenesis 95 Dietary Sources 136


Regulation of Metabolism 98 Recommended Intakes 138
Allosteric Enzyme Modulation 98 Digestion 138
Covalent Regulation 99 Triacylglycerol Digestion 139
Genetic Regulation 99 Phospholipid Digestion 140
Directional Shifts Cholesterol Ester Digestion 140
in Reversible Reactions 99 Absorption 141
Metabolic Control of Glycolysis and Fatty Acid, Monoacylglycerol, and
Gluconeogenesis 100 Lysophospholipid Absorption 141
Summary 101 Cholesterol Absorption 142
PERSPECTIVE What Carbohydrates Do Americans Eat? 104 Lipid Release into Circulation 143
Transport and Storage 143
Lipoprotein Structure 143
CHAPTER 4 Fiber 107 Lipoprotein Metabolism 145
Definitions 107 Lipids, Lipoproteins, and Cardiovascular
Fiber and Plants 108 Disease Risk 151
Chemistry and Characteristics of Fiber 108 Cholesterol 152
Cellulose 108 Saturated and Unsaturated Fatty Acids 152
Hemicellulose 111 Trans Fatty Acids 153
Pectins 111 Lipoprotein(a) 153
Lignin 111 Apolipoprotein E 153
Gums 111 Integrated Metabolism in Tissues 154
b-Glucans 111 Catabolism of Triacylglycerols and Fatty Acids 154
Fructans 112 Formation of Ketone Bodies 157
Resistant Starch 112 Synthesis of Fatty Acids 158
Mucilages (Psyllium) 112 Synthesis of Triacylglycerols and Phospholipids 163
Polydextrose and Polyols 113 Synthesis, Catabolism,
Resistant Dextrins 113 and Whole-Body Balance of Cholesterol 163
Chitin and Chitosan 113 Regulation of Lipid Metabolism 165
Selected Properties of Fiber and Their Fatty Acids 165
Physiological Impact 113 Cholesterol 166
Solubility in Water 114 Brown Fat Thermogenesis 166
Viscosity and Gel Formation 114 Ethyl Alcohol: Metabolism and
Fermentability 115 Biochemical Impact 167
Health Benefits of Fiber 115 The Alcohol Dehydrogenase (ADH) Pathway 167
Cardiovascular Disease 115 The Microsomal Ethanol Oxidizing System
Diabetes Mellitus 117 (MEOS) 168
Appetite and/or Satiety and Weight Control 117 The Catalase System 169
Gastrointestinal Disorders 117 Alcoholism: Biochemical
Food Labels and Health Claims 119 and Metabolic Alterations 169
Recommended Fiber Intake 119 Alcohol in Moderation: The Brighter Side 170
Summary 120 Summary 171
PERSPECTIVE The Flavonoids: Roles in Health and Disease PERSPECTIVE The Role of Lipoproteins and Inflammation

Prevention 122 in Atherosclerosis 173

CHAPTER 5 Lipids 125 CHAPTER 6 Protein 175


Structure and Biological Importance 126 Amino Acid Classification 175
Fatty Acids 126 Structure 175
Triacylglycerols (Triglycerides) 130 Net Electrical Charge 176
Phospholipids 131 Polarity 177
Sphingolipids 133 Essentiality 178
Sterols 133 Sources of Amino Acids 178

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 CO N T E N T S xi

Digestion 179 Lysosomal Degradation (also called the Autophagic


Stomach 179 Lysosome Pathway) 230
Small Intestine 180 Proteasomal Degradation (also called the Ubiquitin
Absorption 181 Proteasomal Pathway) 230
Intestinal Cell Absorption 181 Changes in Body Mass With Age 231
Extraintestinal Cell Absorption 184 Protein Quality and Protein and Amino Acid
Amino Acid Catabolism 184 Needs 233
Transamination of Amino Acids 186 Evaluation of Protein Quality 233
Deamination of Amino Acids 187 Protein Information on Food Labels 236
Disposal of Ammonia 187 Assessing Protein and Amino Acid Needs 236
Carbon Skeleton/α-Keto Acid Uses 189 Recommended Protein and Amino Acid Intakes 237
Hepatic Catabolism and Uses of Aromatic Protein Deficiency/Malnutrition 239
Amino Acids 190 Summary 239
Hepatic Catabolism and Uses of Sulfur (S)–Containing PERSPECTIVE Stress and Inflammation: Impact on Protein 241
Amino Acids 194
Hepatic Catabolism and Uses of Branched-Chain
Amino Acids 196 CHAPTER 7 Integration and Regulation of
Hepatic Catabolism and Uses of Basic Amino Acids 197 Metabolism and the Impact of Exercise 245
Hepatic Catabolism and Uses of Other Selected Energy Homeostasis in the Cell 245
Amino Acids 199 Regulatory Enzymes 247
Protein Synthesis 201 Integration of Carbohydrate, Lipid,
Slow versus Fast Proteins 201 and Protein Metabolism 249
Plant versus Animal Proteins 201 Interconversion of Fuel Molecules 249
Hormonal Effects 201 Energy Distribution among Tissues 251
Amino Acids, Intracellular Signaling, and mTOR 202 The Fed-Fast Cycle 255
Protein Intake, Distribution and Quantity at Meals 202 The Fed State 255
Protein Structure and Organization 203 The Postabsorptive State 256
Functional Roles of Proteins and Nitrogen-Containing The Fasting State 258
Nonprotein Compounds 204 The Starvation State 259
Catalysts 204 Hormonal Regulation of Metabolism 261
Messengers 206 Insulin 262
Structural Elements 206 Glucagon 263
Buffers 206 Epinephrine 263
Fluid Balancers 206 Cortisol 263
Immunoprotectors 207 Growth Hormone 263
Transporters 207 Exercise and Nutrition 264
Acute-Phase Responders 208 Muscle Function 264
Other Roles 208 Energy Sources in Resting Muscle 265
Nitrogen-Containing Nonprotein Compounds 209 Muscle ATP Production during Exercise 265
Interorgan “Flow” of Amino Acids and ­ Fuel Sources during Exercise 267
Organ-Specific Metabolism 218 Summary 270
Intestinal Cell Amino Acid Metabolism 218 PERSPECTIVE The Role of Dietary Supplements in Sports Nutrition
Amino Acids in the Plasma 220 By Karsten Koehler, PhD 271
Glutamine and the Muscle, Intestine, Liver, and
Kidneys 220
Alanine and the Liver and Muscle 221 CHAPTER 8 Energy Expenditure, Body
Skeletal Muscle Use of Amino Acids 222 Composition and Healthy Weight 273
Amino Acid Metabolism in the Kidneys 225 Measuring Energy Expenditure 273
Brain and Accessory Tissues and Amino Acids 227 Direct Calorimetry 273
Catabolism of Tissue Proteins and Protein Indirect Calorimetry 274
Turnover 229 Doubly Labeled Water 276

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xii CO N T E N T S

Components of Energy Expenditure 276 Recommended Dietary Allowance 324


Basal and Resting Metabolic Rate 277 Deficiency: Ariboflavinosis 324
Energy Expenditure of Physical Activity 278 Toxicity 324
Thermic Effect of Food 279 Assessment of Nutriture 324
Thermoregulation 279 Niacin (Vitamin B3) 325
Body Weight: What Should We Weigh? 280 Sources 325
Ideal Body Weight Formulas 280 Digestion, Absorption, Transport, and Storage 326
Body Mass Index 280 Functions and Mechanisms of Action 327
Measuring Body Composition 283 Metabolism and Excretion 329
Field Methods 283 Recommended Dietary Allowance 329
Laboratory Methods 284 Deficiency: Pellagra 329
Regulation of Energy Balance and Body Weight 286 Toxicity 329
Hormonal Influences 286 Assessment of Nutriture 330
Intestinal Microbiota 289 Pantothenic Acid 330
Environmental Chemicals 289 Sources 330
Lifestyle Influences 289 Digestion, Absorption, Transport, and Storage 332
Health Implications of Altered Body Weight 290 Functions and Mechanisms of Action 332
Metabolic Syndrome 290 Metabolism and Excretion 334
Insulin Resistance 291 Adequate Intake 334
Weight-Loss Methods 291 Deficiency: Burning Foot Syndrome 334
Summary 292 Toxicity 335
Assessment of Nutriture 335
PERSPECTIVE Eating disorders 294
Biotin 335
Sources 335
Digestion, Absorption, Transport, and Storage 336
SECTION III Functions and Mechanisms of Action 336
Metabolism and Excretion 339
The Regulatory Nutrients Adequate Intake 340
Deficiency 340
CHAPTER 9 Water-Soluble Vitamins 299 Toxicity 340
Vitamin C (Ascorbic Acid) 303 Assessment of Nutriture 340
Sources 304 Folate 341
Digestion, Absorption, Transport, and Storage 305 Sources 341
Functions and Mechanisms of Action 305 Digestion, Absorption, Transport, and Storage 343
Interactions with Other Nutrients 310 Functions and Mechanisms of Action 344
Metabolism and Excretion 310 Interactions with Other Nutrients 348
Recommended Dietary Allowance 310 Metabolism and Excretion 349
Deficiency: Scurvy 310 Recommended Dietary Allowance 349
Toxicity 311 Deficiency: Megaloblastic Macrocytic Anemia 349
Assessment of Nutriture 312 Toxicity 351
Thiamin (Vitamin B1) 312 Assessment of Nutriture 351
Sources 313 Vitamin B12 (Cobalamin) 352
Digestion, Absorption, Transport, and Storage 313 Sources 352
Functions and Mechanisms of Action 314 Digestion, Absorption, Transport, and Storage 353
Metabolism and Excretion 318 Functions and Mechanisms of Action 354
Recommended Dietary Allowance 318 Metabolism and Excretion 356
Deficiency: Beriberi 318 Recommended Dietary Allowance 356
Toxicity 319 Deficiency: Megaloblastic Macrocytic Anemia 356
Assessment of Nutriture 319 Toxicity 357
Riboflavin (Vitamin B2) 320 Assessment of Nutriture 357
Sources 321 Vitamin B6 358
Digestion, Absorption, Transport, and Storage 321 Sources 359
Functions and Mechanisms of Action 322 Digestion, Absorption, Transport, and Storage 359
Metabolism and Excretion 323 Functions and Mechanisms of Action 360

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 CO N T E N T S xiii

Metabolism and Excretion 363 PERSPECTIVE Antioxidant Nutrients, Reactive Species, and
Recommended Dietary Allowance 363 Disease 416
Deficiency 363
Toxicity 364
Assessment of Nutriture 364 CHAPTER 11 Major Minerals 425
PERSPECTIVE Genetics and Nutrition: The Effect on Folic Acid Needs Calcium 426
and Risk of Chronic Disease by Dr. Rita M. Johnson 365 Sources 426
Digestion, Absorption, and Transport 427
Regulation and Homeostasis 429
CHAPTER 10 Fat-Soluble Vitamins 369 Functions and Mechanisms of Action 432
Vitamin A and Carotenoids 370 Interactions with Other Nutrients 435
Sources 371 Excretion 436
Digestion and Absorption 373 Recommended Dietary Allowance 436
Transport, Metabolism, and Storage 376 Deficiency 436
Functions and Mechanisms of Action 378 Toxicity 437
Interactions with Other Nutrients 385 Assessment of Nutriture 438
Metabolism and Excretion 386 Phosphorus 439
Recommended Dietary Allowance 386 Sources 439
Deficiency 387 Digestion, Absorption, and Transport 439
Toxicity 387 Regulation and Homeostasis 440
Assessment of Nutriture 388 Functions and Mechanisms of Action 441
Vitamin D 389 Excretion 443
Sources 389 Recommended Dietary Allowance 444
Absorption 391 Deficiency 444
Transport, Metabolism, and Storage 391 Toxicity 444
Functions and Mechanisms of Action 393 Assessment of Nutriture 445
Interactions with Other Nutrients 398 Magnesium 445
Metabolism and Excretion 398 Sources 445
Recommended Dietary Allowance 398 Digestion, Absorption, and Transport 446
Deficiency: Rickets and Osteomalacia 398 Regulation and Homeostasis 447
Toxicity 399 Functions and Mechanisms of Action 447
Assessment of Nutriture 400 Interactions with Other Nutrients 448
Vitamin E 401 Excretion 449
Sources 402 Recommended Dietary Allowance 449
Digestion and Absorption 403 Deficiency 449
Transport, Metabolism, and Storage 403 Toxicity 451
Functions and Mechanisms of Action 403 Assessment of Nutriture 451
Interactions with Other Nutrients 406 PERSPECTIVE Osteoporosis and Diet 452
Metabolism and Excretion 407
Recommended Dietary Allowance 407
Deficiency 407 CHAPTER 12 Water and Electrolytes 455
Toxicity 407 Water Functions 455
Assessment of Nutriture 407 Body Water Content and Distribution 455
Vitamin K 408 Water Losses, Sources, and Absorption 456
Sources 409 Recommended Water Intake 457
Absorption 409
Water (Fluid) and Sodium Balance 457
Transport, Metabolism, and Storage 409
Osmotic Pressure 457
Functions and Mechanisms of Action 410
Hydrostatic (Fluid/Capillary) Pressure 459
Interactions with Other Nutrients 413
Colloidal Osmotic Pressure 459
Metabolism and Excretion 413
Extracellular Fluid Volume and Osmolarity and
Adequate Intake 413
Hormonal Controls 459
Deficiency 414
Sodium 463
Toxicity 414
Sources 463
Assessment of Nutriture 414

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xiv CO N T E N T S

Absorption and Transport 464 Digestion, Absorption, Transport, and Storage 510
Functions and Interactions with Other Nutrients 464 Functions and Mechanisms of Action 513
Excretion 464 Interactions with Other Nutrients 515
Adequate Intake, Deficiency, Toxicity, and Excretion 515
Assessment of Nutriture 465 Recommended Dietary Allowance 516
Potassium 466 Deficiency 516
Sources 466 Toxicity 517
Absorption, Secretion, and Transport 466 Assessment of Nutriture 517
Functions and Interactions with Other Nutrients 467 Selenium 518
Excretion 467 Sources 518
Adequate Intake, Deficiency, Toxicity, and Digestion, Absorption, Transport, and Storage 519
Assessment of Nutriture 467 Metabolism 520
Chloride 468 Functions and Mechanisms of Action 520
Sources 468 Interactions with Other Nutrients 524
Absorption, Secretion, and Transport 468 Excretion 524
Functions 469 Recommended Dietary Allowance 524
Excretion 469 Deficiency 524
Adequate Intake, Deficiency, Toxicity, and Toxicity 525
Assessment of Nutriture 469 Assessment of Nutriture 525
Acid-Base Balance: Control of Hydrogen Chromium 525
Ion Concentration 469 Sources 526
Chemical Buffer Systems 470 Digestion, Absorption, Transport, and Storage 526
Respiratory Regulation 472 Functions and Mechanisms of Action 526
Renal Regulation 472 Excretion 527
Summary 474 Adequate Intake 527
PERSPECTIVE Macrominerals and Hypertension 476
Deficiency 528
Toxicity 528
Assessment of Nutriture 528
CHAPTER 13 Essential Trace and Ultratrace Iodine 528
Minerals 479 Sources 528
Digestion, Absorption, Transport, and Storage 529
Iron 479
Functions and Mechanisms of Action 530
Sources 480 Interactions with Other Nutrients 531
Digestion, Absorption, Transport, and Storage 482 Excretion 532
Functions and Mechanisms of Action 490 Recommended Dietary Allowance 532
Turnover 494 Deficiency 532
Interactions with Other Nutrients 495 Toxicity 533
Excretion 495 Assessment of Nutriture 533
Recommended Dietary Allowance 496
Manganese 534
Deficiency 496
Sources 534
Toxicity 497
Digestion, Absorption, Transport, and Storage 534
Assessment of Nutriture 498
Functions and Mechanisms of Action 535
Zinc 499
Interactions with Other Nutrients 536
Sources 499 Excretion 536
Digestion, Absorption, Transport, and Storage 500 Adequate Intake 536
Functions and Mechanisms of Action 504 Deficiency 536
Interactions with Other Nutrients 507 Toxicity 536
Excretion 507 Assessment of Nutriture 536
Recommended Dietary Allowance 508
Molybdenum 537
Deficiency 508
Sources 537
Toxicity 508
Digestion, Absorption, Transport, and Storage 537
Assessment of Nutriture 508
Functions and Mechanisms of Action 537
Copper 509
Interactions with Other Nutrients 539
Sources 509 Excretion 539

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cross the Forth. Even that part of his army which was discomfited by
the Earl of Mar, had nevertheless become possessed of the principal
standard of the enemy.
This day was fatal to the cause of the Chevalier in another part of
the kingdom. The large party of united Scots and English, under
Forster, had penetrated to Lancashire, without gaining any such
accessions of force as had been expected. On the 12th of November
they were assailed in the town of Preston by a considerable force
under General Willis, who had concentrated the troops of a large
district in order to oppose their march. For this day, they defended
themselves effectually by barricading the streets; but next day the
enemy was increased by a large force under General Carpenter, and
the unfortunate Jacobites then found it necessary to surrender, upon
the simple condition that they should not be immediately put to the
sword. Forster, Kenmure, Nithsdale, Wintoun, and Mackintosh, with
upwards of a hundred other persons of distinction, including a brave
and generous young nobleman, the Earl of Derwentwater, were taken
prisoners. The common men, in number about fourteen hundred,
were disposed about the country in prisons, while their superiors
were conducted to London, and, after being exposed in an
ignominious procession on the streets—a mark of the low taste as
well as of the political animosity of the time—imprisoned in Newgate
on a charge of high treason.
The affairs of the Chevalier now began to decline in Scotland. The
Earl of Sutherland, having established a garrison at Inverness,
afforded to the Earl of Seaforth and the Marquis of Huntly an excuse
for withdrawing their forces from Perth. Some of the other clans
went home to deposit their spoil, or because they could not endure to
be taunted for their bad behaviour at Sheriffmuir. The army being
thus reduced to about four thousand men, various officers began to
think of capitulating with the Duke of Argyle. To this there was one
serious objection. In compliance with a pressing invitation which
they had despatched in better times, they were daily expecting their
prince to arrive amongst them. Nevertheless, the Earl of Mar was
compelled to open a negotiation with the royalist general. In answer
to their message, the duke informed them that he had no power to
treat with them as a body, but would immediately send to court to
ask for the required instructions. They were in this posture when the
unfortunate son of James VII. landed (December 22) at Peterhead,
and advanced to the camp to put himself at their head. The Earl of
Mar and some other officers went to Fetteresso to meet him, and to
apprise him of the present state of his affairs. Although greatly
dejected by what he heard, and much reduced in health by a severe
ague, he resolved to establish himself in royal state at Perth, in the
hope of reanimating the cause. Advancing through Brechin and
Dundee, he entered Perth in a ceremonious manner on the 9th of
January; but he could not conceal his mortification, on finding how
much his forces were reduced in number. It was, nevertheless,
determined that he should be crowned at Scone on the 23d. If he was
disappointed with his adherents, they were no less so with him.
Whether from natural softness of character, or through the influence
of his late malady, or from despair of his present circumstances, he
appeared exceedingly tame and inanimate; quite the reverse, in every
respect, of the bold and stirring chief required for such an enterprise.
The Duke of Argyle, having now received large reinforcements
from England, besides three thousand Dutch troops, sent in terms of
the treaty of Utrecht, found himself as superior in numbers to the
Earl of Mar as that general had been to him in the early part of the
campaign. On the 23d of January, the day on which the Chevalier
was to have been crowned, the royalist troops commenced their
march upon Perth, through deep snow. To retard their progress, all
the villages upon the road were burned by the insurgents. It was now
debated at Perth whether they ought to remain within the town and
defend themselves against the royal forces, who, in this weather,
must suffer severely in the fields, or to march northward and
disperse. A great part of the clans were anxious in the highest degree
for a battle with the duke; but the safety of the Chevalier’s person
was a consideration which precluded all desperate hazards. It was
resolved to vacate Perth. Accordingly, on the 30th of January, a day
ominous to the House of Stuart, from its being the anniversary of the
death of Charles I., the remains of the Highland army deployed
across the river, then covered with thick ice, and marched to Dundee.
The duke entered the town with his vanguard, only twelve hours
after the rear-guard of the insurgents had left it. But the state of the
roads rendered it impossible for him, with all the appurtenances of a
regular army, to overtake the light-footed mountaineers. He followed
on their track towards Aberdeen, at the distance of one or two
marches behind them. At Montrose, the Chevalier and the Earl of
Mar provided for their own safety by going on board a French vessel.
The army, which had been fast declining by the way, was finally
disbanded on the 7th of February at Aberdeen, after which every
man shifted for himself. Thus ended the insurrection of 1715, an
enterprise begun without concert or preparation, and which
languished so much throughout all its parts, that it could hardly be
considered in any other light than as an appearance of certain friends
of the House of Stuart in arms.
The Earl of Derwentwater and the Viscount Kenmure were the
only individuals of distinction who suffered death for this rebellion.
They were beheaded on Tower Hill on the 24th of February. All the
rest of the noblemen and gentlemen taken at Preston either made
their escape from Newgate, which on this occasion manifested a
peculiar irretentiveness, or were pardoned. About twenty inferior
persons were executed. There were, however, at least forty families of
distinction in Scotland whose estates were forfeited. It is to be
mentioned, to the honour of the Argyle family, that they counselled
lenient measures, and set the example by not taking advantage of the
law against such of their vassals as had forfeited their estates into
their hands as superiors.
The miserable failure of this effort for the House of Stuart, and its
dismal consequences, neither allayed the wishes nor extinguished
the hopes of the Jacobite party. Firm in the principle of hereditary
right, convinced that the prosperity and happiness of the country
could only be secured through their legitimate prince, seeing in every
shortcoming and error of the reigning house and ministry
confirmation of their doctrines, they never once faltered in believing
that a restoration was worthy of a civil war. They only admitted now,
that, for success, the assistance of some foreign state was
indispensable.
Unfortunately for the hopes of the party, the favour of France for
the Stuart cause was at this time lost, in consequence of the necessity
which the Regent Orleans felt himself under of cultivating the
alliance of Britain, that he might strengthen himself against the
Spanish branch of the House of Bourbon. Even a home could no
longer be afforded by France for the unfortunate son of James VII.;
and it now occurs, as a curious instance of the vicissitudes of fortune
among historical persons, that the diplomate who negotiated for his
expulsion beyond the Alps (the Earl of Stair) was the grandson of one
whom James VII. had driven to Holland little more than thirty years
before.
Rather oddly, while the Stuart party lost France, prospects opened
to them in quarters wholly new. It pleased the half-crazed Charles
XII. of Sweden to take umbrage at George I. for aid given to some of
his enemies; and he formed the resolution to dethrone the British
monarch, and replace his rival. There was only a total want of ships
of war and transports for effecting this object. Even from the great
rival of the Swede, Peter of Russia, some hopes were at one time
entertained. At length, Spain, under the ambitious politics of her
celebrated minister Alberoni, found it for her interest to take up in a
decided manner the cause of the Stuart. In spring 1719, an
expedition, comprehending a few companies of infantry and a
considerable quantity of arms, passed from St Sebastian to the isle of
Lewis, under the care of the Earl Marischal and the Marquis of
Tullibardine, designing to raise and arm the Highland clans. A
landing was effected in Loch Alsh amongst the friendly Mackenzies,
whose chief, the Earl of Seaforth, accompanied the expedition, and
very quickly there were a thousand natives in arms, in addition to the
Spanish companies. But a foreign force of such a trivial character was
quite insufficient to induce a general rising. While the Jacobite chiefs
lingered in Glenshiel, with only about fifteen hundred men in arms, a
government force of rather superior numbers was conducted
northward by General Wightman. It would have been easy to prevent
this force from entering the Mackenzie country; but no attempt to
that effect was made. The two parties came into conflict on the 11th
of June, and the royal commander had 142 men killed and wounded,
without accomplishing a decisive victory. It was seen, however, by
the Jacobite chiefs, two of whom were wounded, that nothing more
could be effected at present; and it was therefore arranged that the
Spanish troops should next day surrender themselves, while the
Highlanders should disperse. General Wightman was happy to carry
southwards 274 Spanish prisoners, without attempting to inflict any
punishment upon the rebels.
For some years afterwards, the agents of the Stuart prince were
actively engaged in keeping up his interest in Scotland. A large
proportion of the Highland clans and of the Lowland nobility and
gentry, along with the entire body of the Episcopalian clergy, were
his friends; but with the great bulk of the Presbyterian middle classes
his pretensions found little favour, and in the constantly increasing
comfort of the people through the pursuits of peaceful industry his
chance was always becoming less. Having married a Polish princess,
he became in 1720 the father of a prince named Charles Edward, who
was destined to make one last and brilliant, but unsuccessful effort
for the restoration of the family.
King George I., dying in June 1727, was quietly succeeded by his
son George II., with little change in the Whig set of statesmen by
which the affairs of the country had long been conducted. During the
latter years of the first Hanover sovereign, the Duke of Argyle and his
brother, the Earl of Ilay, were the men of chief influence in Scotland.
It was a period remarkable in several respects, but particularly for
the first decided development of the industrial energies of the
people, and for considerable changes in their manners and habits.
For a number of minor incidents, verging or trenching on the domain
of political history, reference must be made to the chronicle.
The strong sense of religious duty at this 1714. Oct.
time connected with the observance of
Sunday, is strikingly shewn in the conduct of the deputation sent by
the Church of Scotland to present a loyal address to George I. on his
accession. Reaching Barnby Moor on a Saturday night, and finding
there was no place of public worship which they were ‘clear’ to attend
within a reachable distance, ‘we resolved,’ says Mr Hart, ‘to spend
the Lord’s Day as well as we could. So each having retired alone for
some time in the morning, we breakfasted about ten of the clock, and
after that Messrs Linning, Ramsay, Adams, Mr Linning’s man, and I,
did shut our chamber-door, and went about worship. I read, sung,
and prayed, and then we retired again to our several chambers, and
met about two of the clock, and Mr Ramsay read, sung, and prayed;
and after that we retired to our several chambers, and met between
four and five, supped, and, after supper, Mr Linning read, sung, and
prayed, and after we had sat a while we retired, and so prepared for
bed. Thus we spent the Lord’s Day at Barnby Moor.’
It may be imagined that no small distress was given to the clergy
generally two years after, when it was reported that Mr William
Hamilton and Mr William Mitchell, in returning recently from
London, had travelled post on a Sabbath-day, with the horn
sounding before them. The presbytery of Edinburgh took up the case
in great grief and concern, and called the two reverend brethren to
give an explanation of their conduct, which fortunately they were
able to do very satisfactorily. Arriving at Stilton on a Saturday night,
and finding there was no accommodation for the next day but in a
public-house, while there was no place where they could rightly join
in worship nearer than Stamford—that is to say, no Presbyterian or
dissenting meeting-house—they had been induced to start on their
journey to the latter place next morning, when, as they were upon
post-horses, it was a matter of course, and needful for safety, that
they should have a boy going before to blow a horn. The presbytery
was satisfied; but one strenuous brother, Mr James Webster, who
was not distinguished by a charitable temper, or much moderation of
words, broke out upon them on this score in his pulpit—not in a
sermon, but in the course of his prayer—and was rebuked on this
account by the presbytery.[467]

For many years after the Revolution, the 1715. Feb.


sombre religious 1715.
feelings of the
community forbade even an attempt at the revival of theatrical
performances. If there was anywhere an inclination to see
Shakspeare, Otway, Congreve, or Addison, put into living forms on
the stage, it was restricted to the same obscurity in the breast which
entertained it, as devotion to the mass or doubts regarding
witchcraft. The plays and other examples of light literature of the age
of Anne did at length begin to find their way from London to
Edinburgh, there to meet a not wholly ungenial reception from at
least that portion of society which professed Episcopacy, not to speak
of a certain minority of the gay, who have usually contrived to exist
even amidst the most gloomy puritanism. Time, moreover, was
continually removing the stern men of the seventeenth century, to be
replaced by others of gentler convictions. The natural love of
amusement began to assert itself against the pride of asceticism and
self-denial. Englishmen were constantly coming in as government
officers, or in pursuit of business, and bringing with them new ideas.
Thus it came to pass that, about the beginning of the Hanover
dynasty, Scotland began to think that it might indulge now and then
in a little merriment, and no great harm come of it. It must be
owned, however, that during much of the eighteenth century, there
was great truth in a simile employed in the preface to a play
published in Edinburgh in 1668, which likened the drama in
Scotland to ‘a swaggerer in a country church.’[468]
The very first presentment of any public theatricals that can be
authenticated, occurred in the early part of 1715, just before the
breaking out of the unfortunate insurrection. We know little about it
besides that a corps was then acting plays at the Tennis Court, near
Holyrood Palace.[469]
‘We have now,’ says a contemporary letter-writer, ‘got a playhouse
set up here in the Tennis Court, to the great grief of all sober good
people; and I am surprised to see such diversions as tend so much to
corrupt men’s manners patronised and countenanced by some of
whom I expected better things.... Mr Webster and several other
ministers have given a testimony against them; and for so doing are
mocked by a great many that you would 1715.
scarce suspect. Particularly, Mr Webster is
very much cried out against for saying no more but that whoever in
his parish did attend these plays should be refused tokens to the
sacrament of the Supper.’[470]
The presbytery of Edinburgh was alive to the danger of allowing
stage-plays to be acted within their borders, and adverted to the
Canongate theatricals in great concern on the 23d of March 1715.
‘Being informed,’ they said, ‘that some comedians have lately come to
the bounds of this presbytery, and do act within the precincts of the
Abbey, to the great offence of many, by trespassing upon morality
and those rules of modesty and chastity which our holy religion
obligeth all its professors to a strict observance of, therefore the
presbytery recommends to all their members to use all proper and
prudent methods to discourage the same.’[471] It is at the same time
rather startling to find that three of the ministers who went as a
deputation to pay the respects of the Church of Scotland to George I.
on his accession in 1714—namely, Mitchell, Ramsay, and Hart—went
at Kendal to see the comedy of Love for Love acted.
A celebrated total eclipse of the sun, Apr. 22.
which happened about nine o’clock in the
morning of this day, made a great impression in Scotland, as in other
parts of Europe, over which the entire shadow passed. The darkness
lasted upwards of three minutes, during which the usual phenomena
were observed among the lower animals. The Edinburgh bard, Allan
Ramsay, heralded the event with a set of verses, embracing all the
commonplaces connected with it; adding,
‘The unlearned clowns, who don’t our era know,
From this dark Friday will their ages shew,
As I have often heard old country men
Talk of Dark Monday[472] and their ages then.’

Whiston, in his Memoirs, relates what will be to philosophical


persons an amusing anecdote of this eclipse. When the accounts of it
were published beforehand in the streets of London, telling when it
would commence, and that it would be total, a Mohammedan envoy,
from Tripoli, thought the English people were distracted in
pretending to know what God Almighty 1715.
would do; which his own countrymen could
not do. ‘He concluded thus, that God Almighty would never reveal so
great a secret to us unbelievers, when he did not reveal it to those
whom he esteemed true believers. However, when the eclipse came
exactly as we all foretold, he was asked again what he thought of the
matter now; his answer was, that he supposed we knew this by art
magique; otherwise he must have turned Christian upon such an
extraordinary event as this was.’

Mr James Anderson, so honourably July.


known as editor of the Diplomata Scotiæ,
was rewarded for his public services by the appointment of Deputy
Postmaster-general, in place of George Mein. A mass of his
correspondence, preserved in the Advocates’ Library, makes us
acquainted with the condition in which he found postal matters, and
the improvements which he effected during two or three subsequent
years.
We learn that the horse-posts which existed many years back on
some of the principal roads, had, ere this time, been given up, and
foot-runners substituted, excepting perhaps upon what might be
called the aorta of the system, from Edinburgh to Berwick. In this
manner direct bags were conveyed as far north as Thurso, and
westwards to Inverary. There were three mails a week from
Edinburgh to Glasgow, and three in return; the runners set out from
Edinburgh each Tuesday and Thursday, at twelve o’clock at night,
and on Sundays in the morning, and the mails arrived at Glasgow on
the evening of Wednesday and Friday, and on the forenoon of
Monday. For this service the Post-office paid £40 sterling per
annum, but from the fraudulent dealing of the postmaster of Falkirk,
who made the payments, the runners seldom received more than
from £20 to £25.
‘After his appointment, Mr Anderson directed his attention to the
establishment of horse-posts on the western road from Edinburgh.
The first regular horse-post in Scotland appears to have been from
Edinburgh to Stirling; it started for the first time on the 29th
November 1715. It left Stirling at two o’clock afternoon, each
Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday, and reached Edinburgh in time
for the night-mail to England. In March 1717, the first horse-post
between Edinburgh and Glasgow was established, and we have the
details of the arrangement in a memorial addressed to Lord
Cornwallis and James Craggs, who jointly filled the office of
Postmaster-general of Great Britain. The 1715.
memorial states that the “horse-post will set
out for Edinburgh each Tuesday, and Thursday, at eight o’clock at
night, and on Sunday about eight or nine in the morning, and be in
Glasgow (a distance of thirty-six miles by the post-road of that time)
by six in the morning on Wednesday and Friday in summer, and
eight in winter, and both winter and summer will be on Sunday
night.” There appears to have been a good deal of negotiation
connected with the settlement of this post, in which the provost and
bailies of Glasgow took part. After some delay, the matter appears to
have been arranged to the satisfaction of all parties.
‘A proposition was made at this time to establish a horse-post
between Edinburgh and Aberdeen, at a cost of £132, 12s. per annum,
to supersede the foot-posts, which were maintained at a cost of £81,
12s. The scheme, however, appears not to have been entertained at
that time by the Post-office authorities.
‘In the year 1715, Edinburgh had direct communication with sixty
post-towns in Scotland, and in the month of August the total sum
received for letters passing to and from these offices and Edinburgh,
was £44, 3s. 1d. The postage on letters to and from London in the
same month amounted to £157, 3s. 2d., and the postage for letters
per the London road, amounted to £9, 19s., making the total sum for
letters to and from Edinburgh, during that month, amount to £211,
5s. 3d.—equal to £2535, 3s. per annum.
‘In 1716, the Duke of Argyle, who had then supreme control in
Scotland, gave orders to Mr Anderson to place relays of horses from
Edinburgh to Inverness, for the purpose of forwarding dispatches to,
and receiving intelligence from, the army in the Highlands under
General Cadogan. These posts worked upon two lines of roads—the
one went through Fife, and round by the east coast, passing through
Aberdeen; the other took the central road viâ Perth, Dunkeld, and
Blair Athole. These horse-posts were, however, discontinued
immediately after the army retired.’[473]
In October 1723, the authorities of the Edinburgh Post-office
announced a thrice-a-week correspondence with Lanark, by means
of the horse-post to Glasgow, and a runner thence to Lanark. The
official annonce candidly owns: ‘This at first sight appears far about’
(it was transforming a direct distance of thirty-one miles into sixty-
six). But ‘the Glasgow horse-post running all night makes the
dispatch so quick, that the letters come this 1715.
way to Lanark in twenty, or at most twenty-
two hours, and from Lanark to Edinburgh in twenty-four hours at
most.’

Two Renfrewshire gentlemen, of whose July 18.


previous dealings with each other in
friendship or business we get but an obscure account, came to a
hostile collision in Edinburgh. Mr James Houston, son of the
deceased Sir Patrick Houston of that Ilk, was walking on a piece of
pavement called the Plainstones, near the Cross, when Sir John
Shaw of Greenock came up with a friend, and the two gentlemen,
designedly or not, slightly jostled each other. Mr Houston put his
hand to his sword, but had not time to draw it before Sir John fell a-
beating him about the head and shoulders with his cane, which,
however, flying out of his hand, he instantly took to his sword, and
before the bystanders could interfere, passed it twice through Mr
Houston’s body.
It was at first thought the man was slain outright; but he was
surviving in a sickly state in the ensuing January, when he raised a
criminal prosecution against the knight of Greenock, and succeeded
in obtaining from him a solatium to the amount of five hundred
pounds.[474]

On the breaking out of the Rebellion this Sep.


month, there was a run upon the Bank of
Scotland, rather encouraged by the directors than otherwise, from a
desire to escape the responsibility and danger of keeping money
during such a critical time. When the whole coin was drawn out, the
Bank rendered up about thirty thousand pounds of public money
which lay in its hands, that it might be lodged in the Castle, and then
very calmly stopped payment, or rather discontinued business,
intimating that their notes should bear interest till better times
should return. In May 1716, the troubles being over, the Bank began
to take in their notes and resume business as usual.[475]

At this crisis, when a formidable Sep. 29.


insurrection was breaking out, the officers
intrusted with the support of the government were not in the
enjoyment of that concord which is said to give strength. The Justice-
clerk (Cockburn of Ormiston) was on bad terms with both the Earl of
Ilay and the Lord Advocate, Sir David 1715.
Dalrymple. The animosity between two of
these men came to a consummation which might be said to prefigure
the celebrated wig-pulling of Sir Robert Walpole and Lord
Townshend. The Earl of Ilay writes at this date from Edinburgh:
‘There has happened an accident which will suspend the Justice-
clerk’s fury against me; for he and the King’s Advocate have had a
corporal dispute; I mean literally, for I parted them.’[476]

Oct. 18.
In a letter of this date, written at Musselburgh by the Rev. J.
Williamson, minister of that place, some recent domestic events are
alluded to—as ‘the lamentable murder of Doctor Rule last week by
Craigmillar’s second son, and the melancholy providence of a
jeweller’s servant, who was under some dejection for some time, and
did, on Monday last, immediately after sermon, at Leith, run into the
sea deliberately, and drown himself.’ There had been a new election
of Scots peers at Holyrood for the first parliament of the new reign,
and they were all of one sound loyal type—‘a plain evidence of our
further slavery to the English court.’ In reference to this, a fruit-
woman went about the Palace-yard, crying: ‘Who would buy good
pears, old pears, new pears, fresh pears—rotten pears, sixteen of
them for a plack!’[477]

Died, William Carstares, Principal of the Dec. 28.


University of Edinburgh, noted as having
been the intimate friend of King William, and his adviser about all
Scottish affairs; for which reason, and his influence over the fortunes
of the church, he was popularly known by the name of Cardinal
Carstares. It must ever be considered a great honour to the Church
of Scotland to have had the affectionate support of such a man. A
sufferer under the severities of the pre-Revolution government, he
inclined, when his day of power came, to use it with moderation. His
temperate counsels and practice are believed to have had a great
effect in smoothing the difficulties which at first surrounded the
Presbyterian establishment. His probity and disinterestedness have
been above all question. King William said ‘he had known him long
and well, and he knew him to be an Honest Man.’ In the midst of the
contentious proceedings of this period, to light upon the gentle
prudence, the unostentatious worth, and the genial unselfishness of
Carstares, has the effect of a fine, soothing 1715.
melody amidst discord. There are a few
anecdotes of this eminent man, which no one can read without
feeling his heart improved.
A newly widowed sister coming from the country to see him, when
he was engaged in consultations of importance with some of the
officers of state, he instantly left these personages and came to her;
insisted, against her remonstrances, on staying a short while with
her, and giving her a prayer of consolation; then, having appointed a
more leisurely interview, he returned with the tears scarcely effaced
from his countenance, to his noble company.
His charities, which were truly diffusive, were often directed to the
unfortunate Episcopal clergy. One, named Caddell, having called
upon him, he observed that the poor man’s clothes were worn out,
and discreditable to his sacred calling. Instantly ordering a suit to be
prepared for a man of Caddell’s size, he took care to have them first
tried upon his own person when his friend next waited upon him.
‘See,’ said he, ‘how this silly fellow has misfitted me! They are quite
useless to me. They will be lost if they don’t fit some of my friends.
And, by the by, I daresay they might answer you. Please try them on,
for it is a pity they should be thrown away.’ Caddell, after some
hesitation, complied, and found that the clothes fitted him exactly.
With his hard-wrung permission, they were sent home to him, and
he found a ten-pound note in one of the pockets.
It is said that many of the ‘outed’ clergy were in the custom of
receiving supplies, the source of which they never knew till Mr
Carstares’s death. At his funeral, two men were observed to turn
aside together, quite overcome by their grief. Upon inquiry, it was
found they were two nonjurant ministers, whose families, for a
considerable time, had been supported by the benefactions of him
they were laying in the grave.[478]
If the partisans of particular doctrines and formulæ were to try
occasionally upon each other the effect of kindly good offices such as
these, might they not sometimes make a little way with their
opponents, instead of merely exasperating and hardening them, as,
under existing circumstances, they almost invariably do?

John Kellie, corporal in the Earl of Stair’s 1716. Apr. 21.


regiment, was put into the Edinburgh
Tolbooth for killing John Norton, sergeant of the same regiment, in a
duel near Stirling. He was liberated at the 1716.
[479]
bar, on the 23d July ensuing.
The fighting of duels by private soldiers, now never heard of,
seems then to have been not uncommon. The Edinburgh Courant of
February 16, 1725, states: ‘This morning, two soldiers of the regiment
that lies in the Canongate were whipped for fighting a duel.’

The Whig government of George I., May 21.


having now got the lay Jacobites effectually
put down, bethought itself of the clergy of the defeated party, the
Episcopalians, who had made several active demonstrations during
the late insurrection, and constantly stood in a sort of negative
rebellion, in as far as they never prayed for the king de facto. Under a
prompting from a high quarter, the Commissioners of Justiciary now
ordered the advocate-depute, Duncan Forbes, to proceed against
such of the Episcopal clergy in Scotland as had not prayed for King
George, or otherwise obeyed the late Toleration Act by registering
orders from a Protestant bishop. The consequent proceedings reveal
to us a curious view of the condition of Episcopacy at that time in
Edinburgh—at once comprehending a large number of clergy, and
existing in the greatest obscurity.
There were Mr William Abercrombie and Mr David Freebairn, Mr
Robert Marshall and Mr William Wylie, each described as ‘preacher
in the Episcopal meeting-house in Bailie Fyfe’s Close;’ Mr George
Johnston, Mr Robert Keith, and Mr Andrew Lumsdain, severally
described as ‘preacher in the Episcopal meeting-house in Barrenger’s
Close;’ Mr Jasper Kellie, ‘preacher in the Episcopal meeting-house
below the Fountain-well;’ Mr Thomas Rhind, ‘preacher in the
Episcopal meeting-house in Sandilands’ Close;’ Mr George Grahame,
‘preacher and user of the English Liturgy in his own house, to which
many do resort as an Episcopal meeting-house, in Canongate-head;’
Mr Andrew Cant, Mr David Lambie, Mr David Rankine, and Mr
Patrick Middleton, ‘preachers in the Episcopal meeting-house in
Skinner’s Close;’ Mr Henry Walker and Mr Patrick Home, each
described as ‘preacher in the Episcopal meeting-house in Todrig’s
Wynd;’ Mr Robert Calder, ‘preacher, sometimes in Edinburgh,
sometimes in Tranent’ [the reputed author of Scots Presbyterian
Eloquence Displayed]; Mr William Milne and Mr William Cockburn,
‘preachers in the Episcopal meeting-house 1716.
in Blackfriars’ Wynd’ [the latter probably he
who had lately been chased by the mob out of Glasgow]; Mr James
Walker, ‘preacher in the Episcopal meeting-house in Dickson’s
Close;’ Mr Alexander Sutherland, senior, and Mr Robert Chein,
‘preachers in the Episcopal meeting-house at the back of Bell’s
Wynd.’ Thus, we see there were ten places of worship in Edinburgh—
all in retired situations, and, strange to say, all within two hundred
yards or so of each other; having in all twenty-two ministers; being
considerably more than the number of the Established clergy then in
Edinburgh; but in what poverty they lived may be partly inferred
from the fact, that Thomas Ruddiman, the grammarian, when
attending an Episcopal meeting-house in Edinburgh in 1703, paid
only ‘forty shillings’ (3s. 4d.) for his seat for two years.[480]
Besides the twenty-two Edinburgh clergy, there were Mr Arthur
Miller, ‘preacher in the Episcopal meeting-house in Leith,’ and Mr
Robert Coult and Mr James Hunter, ‘Episcopal preachers in
Mussleburgh,’ all involved in the same prosecution.
The result of their trial was a sentence, applicable to all except Mr
William Cockburn, forbidding them to exercise their ministerial
functions till they should have fulfilled the requirements of the law,
and amerciating them in twenty pounds each for not praying for
King George. The only visible difference between the old
persecutions and this was, that there was a populace to howl in the
one case, and not in the other. However, the authorities were
humane. The magistrates of Edinburgh were content to see that
letters of ordination were registered. When the Prince of Wales,
acting as regent, some time after sent them a secretary of state’s
letter, complaining that the sentence was not fully carried out—the
object being to compel a praying for his father—the magistrates
applied for instructions to the commissioners of Justiciary, and were
told that, having once passed sentence, the court could do nothing
more in the case. So the Episcopal meeting-houses in Bailie Fyfe’s,
Barrenger’s, Sandilands’, and other closes went on as before.[481]

William Mure of Caldwell travelling with Aug.


a party of friends from Edinburgh to Ross-
shire, came the first stage—namely, to the Queensferry—in a coach,
and afterwards proceeded on horseback. Writing an account of his
journey to his wife, from Chanonry, August 1716.
30, he says: ‘We came in coach to the Ferry
on Friday; and though we were once overturned, yet none of us had
any misfortune.’ Probably Mr Mure considered himself as getting off
very well with but one overturn in a coach-journey of eleven English
miles. He goes on: ‘We came that night to Perth, where the Master of
Ross and Lady Betty met us. On Saturday, we came to Dunkeld, and
were all night with the Duke of Athole. On Sunday, after sermon, we
left the ladies there, and came to the Blair.’ The ladies probably had
scruples about Sunday travelling; but Mr Mure, although a man of
notedly religious character, appears to have had none. ‘On Monday,’
he adds, ‘we made a long journey, and went to Glenmore, where my
Lord Huntly’s fir-woods are. On Tuesday, we came to Kilravock’s
house [Kilravock], and yesternight came here, which is the first town
in the shire of Ross.’[482] Thus a journey of about 170 miles occupied
in all six days.
In April 1722, the king being about to visit Hanover, certain
Scottish lords, amongst others, were appointed to attend him. It is
intimated in a London paper of April 28,[483] that they set out from
Edinburgh for this purpose on the previous Monday, the 23d; and
‘the roads being laid with post-horses, they are expected here as to-
morrow.’ That is, the journey would occupy in the way of posting
from Monday to Sunday, or seven days. It was one day more than the
time occupied in a journey from London to Edinburgh by the Duke of
Argyle in September 1715, when he posted down in the utmost haste,
with some friends, to take command of the troops for the resistance
to the insurgent Earl of Mar.
It appears that about this time there were occasional packet-ships,
by which people could travel between Edinburgh and London. In
1720, the Bon Accord, Captain Buchanan, was advertised as to sail
for London on the 30th June, having good accommodation for
passengers, and ‘will keep the day, goods or no goods.’ Two years
later, the ‘Unity packet-boat of Leith’ was in like manner announced
as to proceed to London on the 1st September, ‘goods or no goods,
wind and weather serving, having good accommodation for
passengers, and good entertainment.’ The master to be spoke with in
the Laigh Coffee-house.[484] But this mode of transit was occasionally
attended with vicissitudes not much less 1716.
vexatious than those of the pious voyager of
the Æneid. For example, we learn from a paragraph in an Edinburgh
newspaper, on the 15th November 1743, that the Edinburgh and
Glasgow packet from London, ‘after having great stress of weather
for twenty days, has lately arrived safe at Holy Island, and is soon
expected in Leith harbour.’
During the decade 1720–30, return chaises for London, generally
with six horses, are occasionally advertised. The small amount of
travelling which then prevailed is marked by the fact, that we find
such a conveyance announced on the 11th of May to set out
homeward on the 15th or 16th, and on the 18th re-advertised as to go
on the 2d or 3d of June, no one having come forward in the interval
to take advantage of the opportunity. We find, however, in 1732, that
a periodical conveyance had at length been attempted. The
advertisement states, ‘that the Stage Coach continues to go from the
Canongate for London, or any place on the road, every Wednesday
fortnight. And if any gentleman want a by-coach, they may call at
Alexander Forsyth’s, opposite to the Duke of Queensberry’s Lodging,
where the coach stands.’
In May 1734, a comparatively spirited effort in the way of
travelling was announced by John Dale and three other persons—
namely, a coach to set out towards the end of this week [pleasant
indefiniteness!] for London, or any place on the road, to be
performed in nine days, or three days sooner than any other coach
that travels the road.’
The short space between the two populous towns of Edinburgh
and Leith must have been felt as a particularly favourable field for
this kind of enterprise; and, accordingly, a ‘Leith stage’ was tried
both in 1610 and 1660,[485] but on both occasions failed to receive
sufficient encouragement. In July 1722, we are informed that, on the
9th instant, ‘two stage-coaches are to begin to serve betwixt
Edinburgh and Leith, and are to go with or without company every
hour of the day. They are designed to contain six persons, each
paying threepence during the summer, and fourpence during the
winter for their fare.’

This day met at Edinburgh a set of Sep. 1.


commissioners appointed under a late act
‘to inquire of the estates of certain traitors, and of popish recusants,
and of estates given to superstitious uses, in order to raise money out
of them for the use of the public.’ The first 1716.
and most prominent object was to
appropriate the lands of the Scottish nobles and gentlemen who had
taken part in the late insurrection for the House of Stuart. Four out
of the six commissioners were Englishmen, members of the House of
Commons, and among these was the celebrated Sir Richard Steele,
fresh from the literary glories he had achieved in the Tatler,
Spectator, and Guardian, from his sufferings in the Whig cause
under Anne, and the consolatory honours he attained under the new
monarch.
It was a matter of course that strangers of such distinction should
be honoured in a city which received few such guests; and doubtless
the government officials in particular paid them many flattering
attentions. But the commissioners very soon found that their
business was not an easy or agreeable one. There was in Scotland
plenty of hatred to the Jacobite cause; but battling off its adherents
at Sheriffmuir, and putting down its seminaries, the Episcopal
chapels, was a different thing from seeing an order come from
England which was to extinguish the names and fortunes of many
old and honourable families, and turn a multitude of women and
children out of house and home, and throw them upon the charity of
their friends or the public. Most of the unfortunates, too, had
connections among the Whigs themselves, with claims upon them for
commiseration, if not assistance; and we all know the force of the old
Scottish maxim—eternal blessings rest on the nameless man who
first spoke it!—that bluid is thicker than water.
It was with no little surprise and no little irritation that these
English Whig gentlemen discovered how hard it was to turn the
forfeited estates into money, or indeed to make any decent progress
at all in the business they came about. The first and most vexatious
discovery they made was, that there was a code of law and frame of
legal procedure north of the Tweed different from what obtained to
the south of it. The act was framed with a regard to the practices of
English law, which were wholly unknown and could not be
recognised in Scotland. Then as to special impediments—first came
the Scotch Court of Exchequer, with a claim under an act of the
preceding year, imposing a penalty of five hundred pounds and loss
of liferents and whole movables on every suspected man who did not
deliver himself up before a certain day: all of the men engaged in the
late insurrection had incurred this penalty; the affair came under the
Exchequer department; and it was necessary to discriminate between
what was forfeited by the one act and what was forfeited by the other.
There was something more obstructive, 1716.
however, than even the Scottish Exchequer.
The commissioners discovered this in the form of a body called the
Court of Session, or, in common language, ‘the Fifteen,’ who sat
periodically in Edinburgh, exercising a mysterious influence over
property throughout the country, and indulging in certain phrases of
marvellous potency, though utterly undreamed of in Southern
Britain. Here is how it was. The act had, of course, admitted the
preferable claims of the creditors of the traitors, and of those who
had claims for marriage and other provisions on their estates. On
petitions from these persons—in whose reality the commissioners
had evidently a very imperfect faith—this Court of Session had
passed what, in their barbarous jargon, they called sequestrations of
the said estates, at the same time appointing factors to uplift the
rents, for the benefit of the aforesaid persons in the first place, and
only the commissioners in the second. What further seemed to the
commissioners very strange was, that these factors were all of them
men notedly disaffected to the Revolution interest, most of them
confidential friends, some even the relatives, of the forfeited persons,
and therefore all disposed to make the first department of the
account as large, and the second as small, as possible. Nor was even
this all, for, as had been pointed out to them by some of the
Established clergy of Forfarshire, these factors were persons
dangerous to the government. For example, Sir John Carnegie of
Pitarrow, factor on the Earl of Southesk’s estate, was the man who,
on the synod of Angus uttering a declaration in 1712 for the House of
Hanover, had caused it to be burned at the head burgh of the shire.
John Lumsdain, who was nominated to the charge of the estates of
the Earl of Panmure, had greatly obstructed the establishment of the
church in the district, and proved altogether ‘very uneasy to
presbyteries and synods.’ Suppose the unruly king of Sweden should
land on the east of Scotland, there were all the tenants of those large
estates in the obedience of men who would hail his arrival and
forward his objects!
The general result was, that the commissioners found themselves
stranded in Edinburgh, as powerless as so many porpoises on
Cramond sands, only treated with a little more outward respect. One
proposal, indeed, they did receive (January 1717), that seemed at first
to be a Scottish movement in their favour—namely, an offer from the
Lord Advocate (Sir David Dalrymple), with their concurrence, to
commence actions in the Court of Session for determining the claims
of creditors; but, seeing in this only an 1716.
endless vista of vexatious lawsuits, they
declined it, preferring to leave the whole matter to be disposed of by
further acts of the legislature.[486]

By virtue of the treason-law for Scotland, Sep. 3.


passed immediately after the Union, the
government this day suddenly removed eighty-nine rebel prisoners
from Edinburgh to Carlisle, to be there tried by English juries, it
being presumed that there was no chance of impartiality in Scotland.
The departing troop was followed by a wail of indignant lament from
the national heart. Jacobites pointing to it with mingled howls and
jeers as a proof of the enslavement of Scotland—Whigs carried off by
irresistible sympathy, and unable to say a word in its defence—
attested how much the government did by such acts to retard the
desirable amalgamation of the two nations. Under the warm feeling
of the moment, a subscription was opened to provide legal defences
for the unfortunate Scotsmen, and contributions came literally from
all sorts and conditions of men. Even the Goodman of the Tolbooth
gave his pound. The very government officials in some instances
were unable to resist an appeal so thrilling.
The list includes the names of nineteen of the nobility—namely,
Errol, Haddington, Rosebery, Morton, Hopetoun, Dundonald,
Moray, Rutherglen, Cassillis, Traquair, March, Galloway, Kinnoull,
Eglintoune, Elibank, Colville, Blantyre, Coupar, and Deskford, all for
considerable sums. Amongst other entries are the following: Lady
Grizel Cochrane, £6, 9s.; the Commissioners of Excise, £7, 10s. 6d.;
Mr George Drummond, Goodman of the Tolbooth [Edinburgh], £1;
John M‘Farlane, Writer to the Signet, 10s. 9d.; the Merchant
Company, £5; the Incorporation of Goldsmiths, £5; the
Incorporation of Tailors, £5; the Incorporation of Chirurgeons, £5;

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