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Solving Urban Infrastructure
Problems Using Smart City
Technologies
Solving Urban
Infrastructure Problems
Using Smart City
Technologies
Handbook on Planning, Design,
Development, and Regulation

Edited by

John R. Vacca
Elsevier
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The Boulevard, Langford Lane, Kidlington, Oxford OX5 1GB, United Kingdom
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In memory of Michael Erbschloe (1951 2019).
Contents

List of contributors xvii

About the editor xxi
Foreword xxiii
Preface xxv
Acknowledgments xxxi

Part I Overview of smart cities and infrastructure

technologies: a comprehensive introduction 1
1 Introduction to the critical success factors of E-government
adoption of the utilization of emerging smart cities technologies 3
Nasser A. Saif Almuraqab
1.1 Introduction 3
1.2 E-government and M-government 4
1.3 M-government adoption in developing countries 5
1.4 Smart government in developing counties: the case of
United Arab Emirates 6
1.5 Conceptual model of smart government adoption 9
1.6 Conclusion and future research 9
1.7 Summary 10
1.8 Chapter review questions/exercises 11
References 12

2 Smart-city infrastructure components 17

Amir Hoshang Fakhimi, Ali Hossein Khani and
Javad Majrouhi Sardroud
2.1 Introduction 17
2.2 Smart-city definitions 18
2.3 Smart-city key foundations (PILARS) 20
2.4 Smart-city infrastructure platforms and domains 21
2.5 Summary 47
2.6 Chapter review questions/exercises 48
References 50

3 Smart buildings and urban spaces 55

Zheng Ma, Bo Nørregaard Jørgensen and Joy Dalmacio Billanes
3.1 Introduction 55
viii Contents

3.2 Smart building systems 57

3.3 Building types in the urban space 60
3.4 Permits and standards for smart buildings 66
3.5 Smart building market potentials 72
3.6 Summary 80
3.7 Chapter review questions/exercises 81
References 83

4 Urban mobility systems components 89

Doaa M. El-Sherif
4.1 Introduction 89
4.2 Mobility, transportation, and accessibility 89
4.3 Evolution of urban mobility 91
4.4 Types of transit systems 93
4.5 The urban mobility challenge 94
4.6 Urban mobility in the context of sustainability 95
4.7 Urban mobility in the smart-city age 98
4.8 Summary 104
4.9 Chapter review questions/exercises 104
References 106

5 Coupling of the mobility and energy infrastructures

as urban mobility needs evolve 107
Andreas Pfeiffer, Alexandra Burgholzer and Dilara Kanag
5.1 Introduction 107
5.2 Trends that shape urban mobility 109
5.3 An answer from energy and mobility sectors to urbanization
and clean trends 110
5.4 Examples of urban mobility components 114
5.5 Action recommendations for regulators 118
5.6 Outlook 121
5.7 Summary 123
5.8 Chapter review questions/exercises 124
References 126

6 Smart urban mobility traffic control system components 129

Michela Longo, Wahiba Yaici and Federica Foiadelli
6.1 Introduction 129
6.2 Electric mobility 130
6.3 Types of electric vehicles 132
6.4 Electric vehicle supply equipment 135
6.5 Electric vehicle charging modes 135
6.6 Summary 138
6.7 Chapter review questions/exercises 139
References 141
Contents ix

7 Urbanization and smart cities 143

Ritu Mohanty and Bipin Pradeep Kumar
7.1 Introduction 143
7.2 The future of urbanization and need for the smart city 143
7.3 IoT- and ICT-led initiatives as enablers of smart cities 145
7.4 Smart cities, urban planning, and policy 147
7.5 Challenges and opportunities of smart cities 151
7.6 Conclusion 154
7.7 Summary 155
7.8 Chapter review questions/exercises 156
References 158
8 Priority activities for smart cities and the infrastructure 159
Cathryn Peoples
8.1 Introduction 159
8.2 Background information 161
8.3 Generating the market 162
8.4 Blocks to the market 163
8.5 Expanding the market 166
8.6 Greening the market 167
8.7 Enablers 169
8.8 Training and involving stakeholders 173
8.9 Summary 176
8.10 Chapter review questions/exercises 177
References 179

Part II Planning, design, development and management

of smart cities and infrastructure technologies 183
9 Open Data for smart cities 185
Bipin Pradeep Kumar
9.1 Introduction 185
9.2 The rise of urban data 186
9.3 Open Data, Big Data, Linked Data, and Linked Open Data 187
9.4 More about Open Data 190
9.5 National paths to open data 194
9.6 Open Data value chain 196
9.7 Eliminating silos by sharing or Open Data 202
9.8 Data marketplaces 204
9.9 Conclusion 206
9.10 Summary 207
9.11 Chapter review questions/exercises 207
Acknowledgments 209
References 209
x Contents

10 The role of citizens in smart cities and urban infrastructures 213

Carles Agustı´ Hernàndez
10.1 Introduction 213
10.2 Smart city 213
10.3 Citizens 214
10.4 Urban infrastructures 214
10.5 From passive citizen to active citizens 215
10.6 Open government 217
10.7 Governance 218
10.8 Technological governance 219
10.9 Hybridizations and changes in citizen governance 219
10.10 Citizens in the city and urbanism in smart-cities world 221
10.11 Practical cases 223
10.12 Corruption and urbanism 228
10.13 Transparency and citizen role in urbanism and infrastructures 228
10.14 Superation of citizen participation topics 230
10.15 Summary 232
10.16 Chapter review questions/exercises 232
References 234

11 Smart city and metropolitan governance 235

Mats Andersson
11.1 Introduction 235
11.2 How can cities benefit from cooperation on the smart city
subject in a metropolitan area? 236
11.3 What metropolitan governance arrangement is needed? 237
11.4 What are the obstacles to collaboration across jurisdictions? 241
11.5 Application of the intermunicipal cooperation arrangement 242
11.6 Summary 243
11.7 Chapter review questions/exercises 244
References 246

Part III Renewable energy technologies for

smart cities and the critical infrastructure 247
12 Distributed energy in smart cities and the infrastructure 249
Essam E. Khalil
12.1 Introduction 249
12.2 Smart cities 250
12.3 Instrumental procedures in smart cities 252
12.4 A selection of smart cities standards 255
12.5 Energy strategy 255
12.6 Factors affecting energy in smart city 257
Contents xi

12.7 Smart-city hacking 259

12.8 Energy efficient designs of sustainable buildings 260
12.9 Summary 265
12.10 Chapter review questions/exercises 266
References 267

13 Energy efficient automated warehouse design 269

Melis Küçükyaşar, Banu Yetkin Ekren and Tone Lerher
13.1 Introduction 269
13.2 Literature review 272
13.3 System description and model assumptions in the system 273
13.4 Simulation modeling of the system 277
13.5 Results and discussion 279
13.6 Suggested future works 288
13.7 Summary 288
13.8 Chapter review questions/exercises 289
Acknowledgment 291
References 291

14 Smart utilities 293

Tuncay Ercan and Mahir Kutay
14.1 Introduction 293
14.2 Smart solutions 295
14.3 Electricity 300
14.4 Water 312
14.5 Natural gas 318
14.6 Summary and business models for utility industry 321
14.7 Chapter review questions/exercises 323
References 325

Part IV Standardization and regulation of technologies

and security for smart cities and the critical infrastructure 329
15 Smart cities and infrastructure standardization requirements 331
Neena Pahuja
15.1 Introduction 331
15.2 Data monetization: open data to increase community
engagement 332
15.3 Smart-city technology architecture 333
15.4 Smart-city application architecture 335
15.5 Smart energy and light 343
15.6 Gearing-up for smart health in cities 343
15.7 City services’ architecture and assets management 346
15.8 Smart-city data democracy architecture 350
xii Contents

15.9 Security, privacy, and business continuity concerns of data hub 354
15.10 Summary 355
15.11 Chapter review questions/exercises 355
References 357

16 Securing smart-grid infrastructure against emerging threats 359

Daisuke Mashima
16.1 Introduction 359
16.2 Emerging cyber threats targeting smart grid 360
16.3 Security solutions for protecting smart grid 361
16.4 Supervisory control and data acquisition command
authentication as additional line of defense 365
16.5 Summary 377
16.6 Chapter review questions/exercises 378
References 380

Part V Smart grid technologies for smart cities and the

critical infrastructure 383
17 Components of the smart-grid system 385
Baseem Khan, Habtamu Getachew and Hassan Haes Alhelou
17.1 Introduction 385
17.2 Components of smart grid 385
17.3 Summary 393
17.4 Chapter review questions/exercises 393
References 395

18 Introduction to energy management in smart grids 399

Essam E. Khalil
18.1 Introduction 399
18.2 Elements of the smart grid 401
18.3 Energy management 401
18.4 Energy management in operational functions 402
18.5 Energy management challenges 403
18.6 Energy management standards 406
18.7 Summary 407
18.8 Chapter review questions/exercises 407
References 409

19 DER, energy management, and transactive energy networks

for smart cities 411
Satyam Bheemarasetti and Ravi Prasad Patruni
19.1 Introduction 411
19.2 TEN for smart cities—stakeholders, market forces, and
technologies 412
Contents xiii

19.3 DER: distributed energy resources 414

19.4 Evolution of key subsystems for transactive energy 415
19.5 Digital systems and components—10 enablers 418
19.6 Smart TE microgrids 424
19.7 Markets and operators (short and long term) 426
19.8 Transactive energy strategy and challenges 427
19.9 Summary 429
19.10 Chapter review questions/exercises 429
References 431

20 Managing the generation and demand inside the

smart-grid structure 433
Baseem Khan, Esayas Gidey, Habtamu Getachew
and Hassan Haes Alhelou
20.1 Introduction 433
20.2 Energy management techniques in smart grid 436
20.3 Smart energy management system 439
20.4 Summary 443
20.5 Chapter review questions/exercises 443
References 445

21 Introduction to energy management in smart grids 447

P. Lazzeroni, M. Repetto and H. Gabbar
21.1 Introduction 447
21.2 Energy management system: the optimization
procedure XEMS13 449
21.3 Case study 454
21.4 Summary 469
21.5 Chapter review questions/exercises 470
References 472

22 Hybrid renewable energy systems, load and generation

forecasting, new grids structure, and smart technologies 475
Aliona Dreglea, Aoife Foley, Ulf Häger, Denis Sidorov
and Nikita Tomin
22.1 Introduction 475
22.2 Summary 480
22.3 Conclusions 480
22.4 Chapter review questions/exercises 480
References 482

23 Smart lighting for smart cities 485

Matthew Palmer and Ronald Gibbons
23.1 Introduction 485
23.2 Smart lighting basics 485
xiv Contents

23.3 More advanced concepts 492

23.4 Smart lighting example 494
23.5 Potential challenges 495
23.6 Summary 496
23.7 Chapter review questions/exercises 497
References 499

Part VI Recommended technologies and solutions

for smart cities and the critical infrastructure 501
24 Smart cities critical infrastructure recommendations and solutions 503
Tuncay Ercan and Mahir Kutay
24.1 Introduction 503
24.2 Critical city infrastructures 504
24.3 Communications 508
24.4 Energy (electricity, gas, and oil) 512
24.5 Water 520
24.6 Public transportation 525
24.7 Emergency services 529
24.8 Summary 534
24.9 Chapter review questions/exercises 536
References 538

25 The city as a commons: the concept of common goods 543

Marco Buemi
25.1 Introduction 543
25.2 Defining the topic 544
25.3 The commons and the OECD 546
25.4 The commons and the European Union 546
25.5 Coproduction and the European Social Fund 547
25.6 The Bologna regulation on public collaboration for
urban commons: theoretical basis 548
25.7 Italy and the commons 551
25.8 The Bologna regulation on public collaboration for urban
commons 552
25.9 From the commons to the city as a commons 553
25.10 The cocity index 554
25.11 Urban innovative action in the city of Turin 555
25.12 The city of Verona and subsidiarity pacts with active citizens 557
25.13 The commons and civic crowdfunding 558
25.14 Best Italian practices in matching public funds with
private ones: the city of Milan and Turin 559
25.15 The role of institutions in promoting civic crowdfunding 561
25.16 Summary 561
Contents xv

25.17 Chapter review questions/exercises 562

References 564

Part VII The future of smart cities and the critical

infrastructure 569
26 Resilient future energy systems: smart grids, vehicle-to-grid, and
microgrids 571
Alexander Domyshev, Ulf Häger, Daniil Panasetsky, Denis Sidorov
and Pantelis Sopasakis
26.1 Introduction 571
26.2 Optimization of urban electric grids with EV charging
load and V2G generation 576
26.3 Resilient operational control of microgrids 584
26.4 Smart grids and digital twins 589
26.5 Summary 590
26.6 Chapter review questions/exercises 591
References 593

27 Future of connected autonomous vehicles in smart cities 599

Hossam Gaber, Ahmed M. Othman and Abul Hasan Fahad
27.1 Introduction 599
27.2 Components of smart city 600
27.3 Connected and autonomous vehicle functional architecture 601
27.4 CAV and smart mobility 605
27.5 CAV and smart energy 605
27.6 CAV and smart home 606
27.7 CAV and smart health 607
27.8 CAV testing and verification platform 607
27.9 Summary 609
27.10 Chapter review questions/exercises 609
References 611

28 Future developments in vehicle-to-grid technologies 613

Michela Longo, Wahiba Yaici and Federica Foiadelli
28.1 Introduction 613
28.2 Smart grid 615
28.3 Vehicle to grid 616
28.4 State-of-the-art of the V2G 618
28.5 Charging/discharging strategy 623
28.6 Summary 626
28.7 Chapter review questions/exercises 627
References 628
xvi Contents

29 Designing inclusive smart cities of the future: the Indian context 631
Charru Malhotra, Vinti Manchanda, Anushka Bhilwar and Aniket Basu
29.1 Introduction 631
29.2 Review of literature 633
29.3 Learning from existing global implementations 637
29.4 Understanding Indian context 640
29.5 Proposed conceptual model of an inclusive smart city 644
29.6 Recommendations 648
29.7 Summary 653
29.8 Chapter review questions/exercises 654
References 656

Part VIII Appendices 661

Appendix A: List of top smart cities and critical infrastructure
implementation and deployment companies 663
Appendix B: List of smart cities and critical infrastructure
products/projects 681
Appendix C: List of smart cities and critical infrastructure standards 685
Appendix D: List of miscellaneous smart cities and critical
infrastructure resources 693
Appendix E: Smart cities and critical infrastructure frequently
asked questions 695
Appendix F: List of smart cities and critical infrastructure case studies 699
Appendix G: Answers to review questions/exercises, hands-on projects,
case projects, and optimal team case project by chapter 703
Appendix H: Glossary 753

Index 757
List of Contributors

Hassan Haes Alhelou Tishreen University, Latakia, Syria

Nasser A. Saif Almuraqab Dubai Business School, University of Dubai, United

Arab Emirates

Mats Andersson Urban Management Consultant, San Francisco, United States

Aniket Basu Indian Institute of Public Administration, New Delhi, India

Satyam Bheemarasetti NeoSilica Technologies Pvt. Ltd. Cyber Towers, Hi-Tech

City, Hyderabad, India

Anushka Bhilwar Shallate Service Pvt. Ltd, New Delhi, India

Joy Dalmacio Billanes Department of Business Development and Technology,

Aarhus University, Herning, Denmark

Marco Buemi Turin, Italy

Alexandra Burgholzer E.ON Solutions GmbH, Essen, Germany

Alexander Domyshev Melentiev Energy Systems Institute of Siberian Branch of

the Russian Academy of Sciences (ESI SB RAS), Irkutsk, Russia

Aliona Dreglea Energy Systems Institute, Russian Academy of Sciences, Irkutsk

National Research Technical University, Irkutsk, Russia

Banu Yetkin Ekren Department of Industrial Engineering, Yasar University

Doaa M. El-Sherif Urban Training and Studies Institute “UTI”—Housing and

Building National Research Center “HBRC,” Cairo, Egypt

Tuncay Ercan Faculty of Engineering Universite cad., School of Applied

Sciences, Yasar University, Izmir, Turkey

Abul Hasan Fahad University of Ontario Institute of Technology (UOIT),

Oshawa, ON, Canada
xviii List of Contributors

Amir Hoshang Fakhimi Department of Civil Engineering, Kashan University,

Islamic Azad University, Kashan, Iran

Federica Foiadelli Politecnico di Milano, Milan, Italy

Aoife Foley Queens University Belfast, Belfast, United Kingdom

H. Gabbar Energy Systems and Nuclear Science Research Centre (ERC), North
Oshawa, Ontario, Canada

Hossam Gaber University of Ontario Institute of Technology (UOIT), Oshawa,

ON, Canada

Habtamu Getachew Hawassa University, Awassa, Ethiopia

Ronald Gibbons Virginia Tech Transportation Institute, Center for Infrastructure

Based Safety Systems, Blacksburg, VA, United States

Esayas Gidey Hawassa University, Awassa, Ethiopia

Ulf Häger Institute of Energy Systems, Energy Efficiency and Energy Economics,
TU Dortmund, Germany

Carles Agustı́ Hernàndez Open Government Presidency Area, Barcelona, Spain

Bo Nørregaard Jørgensen SDU Center for Energy Informatics, The Maersk Mc-
Kinney Moller Institute, University of Southern Denmark, Odense, Denmark

Dilara Kanag E.ON Solutions GmbH, Essen, Germany

Essam E. Khalil Faculty of Engineering, Cairo University, Cairo, Egypt

Baseem Khan Hawassa University, Awassa, Ethiopia

Ali Hossein Khani Department of Civil Engineering, Central Tehran Branch,

Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran

Melis Küçükyaşar Department of Industrial Engineering, Yasar University

Bipin Pradeep Kumar Gaia Smart Cities Solutions Pvt Ltd, Mumbai, India

Mahir Kutay Faculty of Engineering Universite cad., School of Applied Sciences,

Yasar University, Izmir, Turkey

P. Lazzeroni LINKS Foundation, via Pier Carlo Boggio, Torino, Italy

List of Contributors xix

Tone Lerher Faculty of Mechanical Engineering, University of Maribor

Michela Longo Politecnico di Milano, Milan, Italy

Zheng Ma SDU Health Informatics and Technology, The Maersk Mc-Kinney

Moller Institute, University of Southern Denmark, Odense, Denmark

Charru Malhotra Indian Institute of Public Administration, New Delhi, India

Vinti Manchanda Shallate Service Pvt. Ltd, New Delhi, India

Daisuke Mashima Advanced Digital Sciences Center, Illinois at Singapore Pte

Ltd, Singapore, Singapore

Ritu Mohanty Padora Urban Design, Mumbai, India

Ahmed M. Othman University of Ontario Institute of Technology, and Zagazig

University, Oshawa, ON, Canada

Neena Pahuja ERNET India, Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology,

New Delhi, India

Matthew Palmer Virginia Tech Transportation Institute, Center for Infrastructure

Based Safety Systems, Blacksburg, VA, United States

Daniil Panasetsky Melentiev Energy Systems Institute of Siberian Branch of the

Russian Academy of Sciences (ESI SB RAS), Irkutsk, Russia

Ravi Prasad Patruni NeoSilica Technologies Pvt. Ltd. Cyber Towers, Hi-Tech
City, Hyderabad, India

Cathryn Peoples Ulster University, Londonderry, United Kingdom

Andreas Pfeiffer CUT POWER AG, Essen, Germany; RWTH Aachen University,
Essen, Germany

M. Repetto Politecnico di Torino - Dipartimento Energia “Galileo Ferraris,” Corso

Duca degli Abruzzi, Torino, Italy

Javad Majrouhi Sardroud Department of Civil Engineering, Central Tehran

Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran

Denis Sidorov Melentiev Energy Systems Institute of Siberian Branch of the

Russian Academy of Sciences (ESI SB RAS), Irkutsk, Russia; Irkutsk National
Research Technical University, Irkutsk, Russia; Institute of Energy Systems
Russian Academy of Sciences (SB), Irkutsk, Russia
Another random document with
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is not every yam, however, which is esculent; and some are so “hot”
that even the smallest portion of one applied to the mouth will
severely blister the mucous membranes. Here again the expert
knowledge of the native is of inestimable service to the
inexperienced, for it is he who can at a glance tell which is fit for
consumption and which is not; and it is he who can treat some of the
peppery varieties in such a way as to eliminate the objectionable
taste. Some kinds he discards entirely because he knows that, if he
ate them, they would cause a painful “fire in the anus.”
Within a somewhat restricted area, extending from north of the
Musgrave Ranges eastwards to the Depôt Sandhills, a fungus exists,
which is known to the Aluridja and Wongapitcha as “widida,” and to
the Arunndta as “oridja.” In general appearance it is much like the
European truffle, and, like it, grows mostly below the surface of the
ground; indeed it is difficult for the untrained eye to detect a widida,
except under the direction of an aboriginal. At times one finds old
sweetish juice. The inner layer of the shell is white, soft, and
specimens showing above the ground, which have been exposed by
wind or rain, but when this is the case, the fungus is not really fit for
consumption, because its richness will have attracted many
blowflies, and it will, in consequence, be teeming with maggots. A
few specimens of this interesting fungus were collected by me and
submitted to Mr. A. Grant, of Sydney, who determined it to be a
species of Scleroderma. The widida may be eaten raw, but more
commonly they are cooked in hot ashes.
In the mulga country of the Flinders Ranges, and all over central
Australia, a species known as Marsdenia Leichhardti is rather
common. It is a creeper with slender stalk and smallish, elongate
leaves, and bears a pear-shaped fruit, consisting of a thin green
skin, which encloses a mass of silky seeds. When broken the plant
exudes a thick milky sap. The fruit, stalks, and leaves of the plant are
eaten; they have quite an agreeable, sweetish taste. The
Wongapitcha call the plant “päuya,” the Arunndta “langu,” whilst in
the Flinders Ranges the recognized name for it is “kaula.” On
account of the shape of its fruit, this plant is referred to by the
settlers as “native pear.”
 Gall nuts and excrescences, when obtainable, are also on the
daily menu. The most popular is one which is found on the twigs of
the mulga. It is usually referred to by the settlers as “mulga apple,”
and grows up to the size of a walnut. The whole of the growth, with
the exception of a small kernel-like structure, containing the insect, is
edible. The taste, though slightly eucalyptine, might be compared
with that of a “tasteless apple.” The Wongapitcha call the mulga
apple “jarrulge,” and the Arunndta “takul.”
Another variety of gall nut is found on the smaller branches of the
Bloodwood (Eucalyptus corymbosa), and is, in consequence, spoken
of as the “bloodwood apple.” It is a nodular, warty, and woody
growth, about the size of a billiard ball, the inside of which is hollow
and contains, besides the parasite, a sweetish juice. The inner layer
of the shell is white, soft, and edible; the whole reminding one of a
miniature cocoanut.
 CHAPTER XVI
BEVERAGES

Honey solution—Pandanus cider—Human blood.

Although, naturally, the principal and practically only drink of the

various tribes is water, there are one or two special beverages
deserving of notice. In central Australia, the Aluridja, Arunndta, and
Wongapitcha collect many handfuls of Eremophila flowers,
commonly called honeysuckle by the local white settlers, in their bark
food-carriers, on to which they pour a quantity of water. The flowers
are stirred around for a while with a stick and then skimmed off with
a piece of bark or by hand. The drink is ready for consumption
immediately after; it has a slightly sweetish taste, and is relished by
young and old. Another source of nectar is the beautiful red flower of
Brachysema Chambersii, which grows in abundance in the sandhills
both north and south of the MacDonnell Ranges and is known by the
Arunndta as “aumba.”
On the north coast of Australia, the wild-bee honey is upon
occasions dissolved in water and drunk. This is nearly always done
when the comb, obtained in the first place, is mixed with sand and
grit, or when the honey is absorbed in the fibres of the collecting
implement described above (page 146).
The Roper River tribes pick the large fruits of the corkscrew palm
or pandanus, which are not unlike pineapples in appearance, but
very hard and stringy, and, after bashing them between heavy
stones, they keep them immersed in water for some time before they
drink the solution. The water absorbs the sweetly stringent juice and
produces a refreshing toddy. It being necessary to keep the fruit in
water for some time to extract as much of the palatable ingredient as
possible (it may be, for that matter, that the natives leave the solution
behind in a cooleman, while they go on a hunting tour, returning for it
in the course of some days’ time), opportunity is given for the
solution to start fermenting; a mild pandanus-cider is the result. It
actually happens that upon great festive occasions, when large
quantities of this beverage have been made some time beforehand,
the natives imbibe more than ordinarily, and thereby bring
themselves into a condition of indubitable merriment. The Katherine
and Victoria River tribes make a similar beverage, but do not store it
for any length of time. This is the only instance I am aware of where
Australian natives, intentionally or unintentionally, make an
intoxicating drink.
When men are on a long-distance stage, as, for instance, during a
drought, when water is scarce and the sun is relentlessly fierce, they
are occasionally obliged to resort to the old tribal custom of drinking
each other’s blood to escape perishing of thirst. They open a vein in
the arm and collect the blood in a cooleman, or they allow one or
more of their companions to drink straight from the wound. In certain
cases of sickness blood is also given to the patient to drink.
 CHAPTER XVII
PITJURI

Distribution of native tobacco—Collecting grounds—Native names—Pitjuri habit—

Preparation of leaves—Stimulating and comforting properties—Ash added to
liberate the alkaloid—Properties of piturine.

Most of the central Australian tribes have learned to recognize the

narcotic properties of the tobacco-like plant commonly called pitjuri.
All tribes, from the Wongapitcha eastwards to beyond the borders of
Queensland and New South Wales, know the value of the plant, and
even if it does not actually grow in the particular tribal area, its leaves
are obtained from adjoining tribes by barter. The Dieri, Yantowannta,
Wongkanguru, and Ngameni are all required to procure their
supplies from further north, because the plant does not grow in the
Cooper Creek district. The Arunndta, and latterly the Aluridja as well,
regularly collect as much pitjuri as they want in the valley of the
Finke and other gorges of the MacDonnell Ranges, whilst the
Wongapitcha have their resources in the Musgrave and Everard
Ranges.
The collecting grounds are as a rule owned by a circle of old men,
each of whom clearly defines his boundaries by placing a number of
stones upon the ground. A proprietor may give another person the
necessary permission to gather leaves on his plot according to
certain terms agreed upon. The owner usually takes a share of the
leaves, and, in addition, levies other articles in exchange for what the
collector has removed.
The plant is known by different names among different tribes; the
Arunndta call it “engulba,” the Wongapitcha “peturr,” and the Aluridja
either “mingul” or “warrakinna.” Scientifically it goes by the name of
Duboisia Hopwoodi.
 The leaves and stalks of pitjuri are chewed by both men and
women, and in many cases by children also. It cannot be denied,
once a person starts chewing pitjuri, he soon develops a craving for
it, like a habitual smoker does for tobacco. The usual plan is to
partially dry the leaves in the sun, or over warm ashes, on the spot,
and subsequently pack them into bundles to take home, with the
intention of storing them for future use. But once camp is reached,
the future aspect becomes entirely inconsequential, because so long
as pitjuri is known to be available, the supplies are drawn upon; the
result is that the larder soon becomes depleted.
The men have a way of their own when preparing the pitjuri. Some
of the dried leaves are ground between two stones and the powder
brushed on to a small piece of bark. Then a few twigs of acacia or
eucalypt bark are burned to white ash, which is mixed with the
powder, the whole being subsequently worked into a softish mass
with saliva. Of the final mixture a quantity is taken and rolled
between another dry leaf of the pitjuri, cigar-fashion; and it is ready
for mastication. A plug of pitjuri does not always remain the property
of one individual, especially when the supplies are running short, but
often passes from one mouth to another, until it has done the
necessary round. When not in use, the plug is secured behind the
owner’s ear, after the style an office clerk carries a pencil.
The natives admit the stimulating benefits they derive from
chewing, or, as they say, “eating,” of pitjuri, both when they feel off
colour or fagged after a strenuous day’s outing. On the other hand,
they look upon pitjuri-chewing in company as a social comforter,
which fosters mirthfulness and friendly fellow-feeling. When natives
meet, even though they be comparative strangers, an exchange,
loan, or presentation of pitjuri takes place, as a token of friendship. In
the same spirit, a native considers the gift of a stick of tobacco from
a European stranger, who, according to tribal ideas, unlawfully
passes over the hereditary boundary, as a mere formal obligation,
which expresses the intruder’s peaceable intentions.
The burnt acacia ash, which is added to the powdered leaf of the
pitjuri plant, has a somewhat important function to perform; and one
marvels at Nature having given the unsophisticated aboriginal the
hint to add it. One of the favourite species, which is burnt for the
purpose, is Acacia salicina. A. J. Higgin has determined by analysis
that the ash of this plant contains the astounding amount of 51.15
per cent. of calcium sulphate, mixed with a little carbonate of lime. It
is the alkali in this ash which liberates an alkaloid, known as piturine,
from the crushed pitjuri leaves when the two substances meet in the
presence of moisture supplied by the spittle; and this piturine is
much the same in its action as nicotine. An alkaloid is nowadays
manufactured from the leaves of the Australian plant which is used in
medicine as a powerful sedative and hypnotic. It is not difficult,
therefore, to understand why an emu, drinking from a water
poisoned with the leaf of pitjuri, should become stupefied. Vide page
139.
 CHAPTER XVIII
NAVIGATION

Floating log—Log rafts—Paddles—Outfit carried on board—Bark canoes of

different patterns—Used in southern and northern Australia—“Housing” of
canoes—“Dug-outs”—With or without outriggers—Sails.

We have on several occasions alluded to the fact that the natives

make use of some kind of craft while hunting and fishing. A few
remarks, therefore, upon aboriginal navigation in general may be
appropriate at this juncture.
The simplest type of float is no doubt the log of light timber used
along the north and north-east coast. The straight trunk of a
mangrove is selected, and from it a log is cut, about five or six feet
long, which is stripped of its branches. Where a river or an estuary
has to be crossed, such a log is slipped into the water and the native
lays his body over it, lengthwise, with his legs straddling it. With his
head and shoulders well above the surface of the water, the
swimmer propels himself along by means of his legs; occasionally he
also uses his arms, but then primarily for steadying his body above
the log. The natives maintain that this method gives them a certain
amount of protection against the attacks of crocodiles, since, when
viewed from below, the man and the log together resemble one of
the reptiles in form. For the same reason the lower thin end is often
left tapering to a point, to simulate the tail of a crocodile.
When two or three, or more, of these light logs of mangrove are
lashed together, a simple raft results—a type in frequent use along
the eastern shores and rivers of north Australia. The craft is
propelled by either a pole or a paddle, the man standing in the
former case and sitting in the latter.
The same contrivance is used when a man wishes to cross a river
or a bay, and carry his children or belongings across, without
swamping them. In this case, he usually swims alongside the raft
and propels it by powerful leg-strokes.
In the north-western corner of the Australian continent (i.e. the
King Sound—Glenelg River districts), navigation is undertaken in
large rafts. These are constructed as follows: From six to ten poles
are cut out of the trunks of a tall, straight-growing mangrove,
resembling a pine in shape. The poles are cut into twelve-foot
lengths, and are then trimmed longitudinally, so that they taper from
about one-quarter their length downwards, like an elongated club;
the two ends are pointed off. In their thickest part, the poles measure
about six inches in diameter. Two of these pieces are now laid upon
a level patch of ground, side by side, with the thick ends all pointing
in the same direction, and “nailed” together with stakes of hard
wood, at various distances along the entire length of the poles. The
remaining poles are linked to the original two in a similar way; and so
a strong platform results, in which the poles converge in the direction
of the thin ends like the arms of a fan. Another platform is
constructed exactly similar to the one just described. The only tools
used in the making of these structures are tomahawks and large
stone and shell scrapers.
All completed, one of the platforms is dragged down the beach
and floated; then the second is taken to the water and lifted so that it
rides upon the former with the converging ends reversed. The raft is
now ready for use (Plate XXII, 2).
Crudely fashioned paddles are used, about six feet long, and
similar to those of the Melville and Bathurst Islanders. The local
name for these is “kanbanna.”
One or two natives usually go out with a raft like this, and it is
astounding with what skill and celerity the clumsy-looking structure
can be handled and paddled along.
The local name for the raft is “kaloa.” The principal use to which it
is put is fishing and turtle-hunting; the mainland tribes moreover use
such rafts for general ferrying, when they make their periodic visits to
the islands included within their tribal possessions.
 One or two cushions of grass or reeds are laid upon the platform
before leaving, to afford dry seating accommodation; and the hunters
never go without taking a fairly solid fire-stick, which is stuck in an
upright position between two poles of the raft. A few spears and a
long harpoon (about ten feet long), with a barb at the pointed end,
are carried, the latter being secured to the raft by means of a good
length of rope. A heavy boomerang is also added to the outfit, with
which the hunters might kill the spoil when they haul it on deck.
Similar log-rafts are in use on some of the islands in the Gulf of
Carpentaria, but one platform only is constructed, and the logs are
simply lashed together with vines.
Any observant visitor to the River Murray will not fail even
nowadays, when much of the original timber has disappeared, to
observe the numerous trees, growing at or near the banks, from
which large sheets of bark have been removed years ago by the
local natives. The bark was used for making canoes. Sheets were
cut from the eucalyptus trees, measuring from twelve to twenty feet
in length by from three to four feet in width. These were laid
horizontally upon the ground and moulded into shape while hot
ashes were applied to them, the edges being propped up all round
while the bottom was kept more or less flat. Several stakes were
placed crosswise to keep the sides in position, both at the ends and
at the centre. One end was usually more pointed than the other and
slightly more elevated; this acted as the bow of the canoe. When
thoroughly dry, the craft was launched and carried up to six or seven
passengers. In addition, a small bed of clay was built upon the
bottom, which carried a fire. The canoe was propelled by a man, who
stood near the stern and either poled or paddled it along with a long
oar.
 PLATE XX

Kangaroo hunters, Aluridja tribe.

“It seems almost incredible that a native can approach a grazing kangaroo on a
more or less open plain to within spear-throwing distance....”

A number of different types of canoes are in use on the north

coast, constructed out of one or more pieces of bark. In the Gulf
country, a piece of bark is freshly detached from a tree, folded along
its length, and laid upon the ground in a horizontal position. The
ends are then heated, to render them pliable, and securely clamped
between two upright stakes, and tied closely together above and
below the folded sheet. Stakes of a length equal to that of the
required width of the craft are next propped from side to side, to give
the canoe its shape, and the ends trimmed on either side with a
sharp stone-knife or fragment of shell. The bottom corners are
usually bevelled or rounded off. The edges are finally held together
by sewing them with strips of cane. Long, thin saplings, stitched
along the inner top edges of both sides, act as gunwales and
considerably strengthen the structure. One or two ties of lawyer cane
are stretched from side to side to prevent the bark from bulging in
the centre. When afloat, a native squats low in the canoe near the
stern and makes good headway by paddling with a small, oblong
piece of bark, first on one side and then on the other.
In some cases, the bark sides are stiffened by poking flexible U-
shaped hoops under the saplings which form the gunwales; and in
others the sides are kept in position by a number of such hoops,
together with stretchers and ties, without any special gunwale at all.
The Melville and Bathurst Islanders use large bark canoes up to
nearly twenty feet long, which they construct after the following
principle: A single sheet of bark is cut from either the woollybutt
(Eucalyptus miniata) or the stringybark (E. tetradonta) by chopping
through it circumferentially at two heights from the ground, the
distance between which represents the required length of the canoe
that is to be. Slitting this piece once vertically for the whole length, it
is removed by forcing the edge of a chisel-pointed stake under the
bark and levering it off. The outer surface of this piece of bark is
rough and becomes the inside of the canoe. Transverse cuts are
made about two feet from each end, and half the thickness of the
bark removed with a sharp bivalve shell (Cyrena). The ends, which
have by this treatment become pliable, are further softened by
holding them over a fire. The sheet is folded lengthwise along its
middle and clamped at its ends with stakes rammed vertically into
the ground. The bottom corner of the fold is bevelled off by one or
two sloping cuts, along which the two pieces are sewn together with
close, overcast stitches; then the pieces are stitched together
horizontally at the top corner, for a distance of three or four inches.
Thus secured, an angular or curved piece is cut away from the bark,
lying between the two sewn corners, in imitation of a fish-tail, and
neatly laced together with strips of the lawyer vine. Holes are
previously drilled through the bark with an awl made out of the leg-
bone of a wallaby. The joints are made secure by plastering them
with wild bees’ wax, and the corners are caulked with plastic clay
and fibre or resin. Along the top, inner edges of the canoe, on both
sides, thin, straight poles are lashed with “run on” stitches. These,
however, do not extend the whole length of the canoe, and, being
straight, do not enclose the stern and bow of the craft. In other
respects the structure is much the same as that in vogue in the Gulf
of Carpentaria country.
When not in use, the canoes are “housed” on a level piece of
ground under the overhanging branches of a banyan or other shady
tree. They are laid in a normal, upright position (not inverted), and
are kept so by short pieces of timber, which are propped against the
sides. The bark thus dries in the required shape and does not
become lopsided. Each canoe has its recognized place. When a
dense growth of mangroves skirts the foreshore, a regular approach
to the water is kept clear by cutting away the trees as they grow up.
The paddles are laid within the canoes.
When the occasion demands it, quite a large number of natives
may be carried in a canoe, but usually, when on a simple turtle or
dugong hunting expedition, two persons only man the craft. The
boatmen, while propelling the canoe, squat with their buttocks
resting upon the heels, and with their knees pressed against the
vessel’s sides. The weight of the bodies being thus well within, the
stability of the canoe is considerably increased.
Although these canoes are mostly used for navigating the various
rivers and estuaries of Melville and Bathurst Islands, and especially
Apsley Straits, occasionally, when wind and weather are favourable,
the natives venture far out to sea, and not infrequently do they make
the journey across to the mainland, some forty or fifty miles away,
where in former days they carried on a bitter warfare with the
Larrekiya and other tribes.
It is at times imperative that a canoe be attached to a hunting or
warring party, which is travelling overland and later might want to
drift down, or paddle up, a river or inlet to reach its destination.
Under such circumstances, six or eight men carry the craft upon their
shoulders as they walk alternately left and right of it.
 Paddles are made of hard wood, having a single, well-shaped
blade and a rounded handle. The edges of the blade are parallel, or
taper slightly towards the end, which is either square or rounded.
They are from three to five feet in length. When rowing, the natives
clasp the handle with both hands and dip the blade on one side or
the other, just as the steering requires it.
Certain north-eastern tribes of Queensland used to make their
canoes of two or three sheets of bark. In the first instance the sheets
would be stitched along the keel, and in the second a lenticular or
oval piece was inserted, which acted as a flat bottom.
Dug-outs are found all along the north coast, but it is very probable
that they are of foreign origin, presumably Melanesian or Polynesian.
A suitable tree having been felled, its ends are shaped and the
inside chopped, gouged, and burned out, so that only the outer walls
remain. Some very big boats of this description were seen in use
among the Larrekiya, and their seaworthiness was proved time after
time.
Some of the Queensland tribes attach one or two outriggers to
their canoes, which, of course, give them additional safety when by
chance they might be overtaken by a rough or choppy sea.
The Groote Islanders in the Gulf of Carpentaria carry a mast in the
centre of their dug-outs, to which they lash two long horizontal
bamboo-booms and spread a sail between them. This circumstance
is remarkable, since the Groote Islanders are among the least known
of the Australian tribes and have come less into contact with
Europeans than other tribes who might have learned the use of sails.
 PLATE XXI

1. Arunndta girl digging “Yelka.”

“The gins use “wanna” or yam-sticks, which they mostly hold in the fist of one
hand....”

2. Arunndta gin cleaning “Yelka” in bark pitchi.

“... all that is required to be done is to rub it between the palms of the two
hands....”
 CHAPTER XIX
DUELS

Bragging preferred to fighting—Duels frequent among the women—Petty

provocations—The “Kutturu”—Men use similar sticks and boomerangs for
striking purposes—Waddies and clubs described—The “Damatba”—Wooden
swords—Duels with reed spears—Stone dagger duels—Heavy spear duels—
Chivalrous methods—“Bone-pointing” and other methods of suggesting death
to an enemy—“Pointing” sticks—How the “boned” person is affected—
Counter-charm the only cure—The medicine man or “Nangarri”—His
witchcraft—The recovery.

Although under ordinary circumstances the aboriginal of Australia

is a peaceable, placid individual, who prefers to talk of what he could
do to his enemy rather than look for trouble in a hostile camp, yet,
being human, there are naturally extenuating circumstances, which
might thrust the obligation upon his shoulders to pick up arms and
fight for the sake of his individual honour or of his tribe’s safety. In
the former case a duel is arranged, in the latter a regular warfare is
waged, which might last a day or continue, off and on, for years at a
time.
Duels are perhaps more frequently fought among the women than
the men, the cause in most cases being trivial. A common
disturbance of the peace is brought on by petty theft. One woman
might, intentionally or otherwise, appropriate a small article
belonging to another. When the article is missed by the owner, an
argument ensues, which soon warms up to a strained pitch of
excitement. Abusive epitaphs become prolific, which repeatedly
embody references to excrement and other filth. Eventually the irate
hags can constrain themselves no longer and each produces her
fighting stick, known throughout central and northern Australia as
“kutturu.” Walking towards each other, and all the time striking the
ground in front of them, from left to right, and from right to left, the
women continue their vilification. In the Arunndta tongue this is
something after the following style: “Uttnarranduddi, uttnatikkia,
atutnia, arrelinjerrai!”
The ground is struck with the heavy sticks immediately in front of
the opponent’s feet, so vigorously that dust and dirt fly into the air. It
is not long before the foot of one of the gins is struck; and then the
fight begins. The gin that was hit immediately lifts her kutturu and
aims a blow at the head of the offender. But the latter in all
probability will have been prepared to ward off the blow.
The kutturu consists of a heavy “ironwood” stick, on an average
about three feet long and of circular section; it is bluntly pointed at
each end and usually has a carved decoration upon its surface. The
parrying party holds the stick with its pointed ends between her
palms, and, by moving or swaying it from side to side in an inclined
position, diverts the force of the impact from her head. The duellists
take it turn about to strike and parry. The head is the principal mark,
but it is not against the rules to aim at the fingers. When the latter
are struck, it not infrequently happens that one or two of them are
broken.
If the antagonist is too clever at warding off a blow, a gin might
occasionally alter her tactics and try to stab the head opposite her
with the point of the kutturu. If the attempt proves successful, a very
deep gash often results, followed by a prolific flow of blood. The
damaged gin wails aloud and drops her kutturu whilst she catches
the blood, which is pouring from her wound, in the hollow of her hand
and throws it in the other’s face.
The triumphant assailant does not take a mean advantage of her
“score,” but replies to the blood-slinging by rushing to the nearest
fire, from which she scoops a double handful of hot ashes to throw at
the lamenting one. This is by no means the end of the trouble, but
really incenses the combatants to more desperate action.
So soon as the wounded gin has overcome the shock, she plucks
fresh courage and again takes up the argument with her kutturu. The
fight continues until one of the gins receives a blow on the head
severe enough to disable her, or until both have kept the strife going
to a stage of complete exhaustion.
 When a gin has been disabled, and lies more or less in an
unconscious condition upon the ground, the victor stands over her,
triumphantly swinging her kutturu, whilst her tongue dispels the
hatred by talking incessantly without opposition.
During the whole time of this heated altercation, the camp has
been generally disorganized. Other women are vociferating wildly,
children are screaming, a few score dogs yelping, and the men are
sitting around quietly and gloomily, with their eyes turned from the
scene of the duel, and only occasionally exchanging a few words in
a subdued whisper.
The method the men adopt for settling their disputes among
themselves is not unlike that of the women, but more systematic.
They place themselves face to face upon a clear piece of ground,
with their kutturus in their hands, and about half a chain apart. After
the customary abusive preliminaries, the psychological moment
arrives, when one man rushes at the other carrying his weapon in
both hands behind his back, and, as he runs, preparing for a
monstrous blow. When he reaches to within striking distance of his
opponent, he pulls up short, and, with the momentum created by his
run behind him, deals an awful whack. But the other man has placed
himself in the defensive attitude, and, as the weapon falls, he springs
forwards and upwards to parry the blow destined to crash upon his
skull. The striker now retraces his steps and prepares to receive the
onslaught from the opposite side. This procedure of alternate attack
and defence continues until one of the men falls or both combatants
are thoroughly exhausted. All through the fight, however, there is a
wonderful display of power, agility, and chivalry, the figures of both
the striker and receiver being conspicuously graceful in their
movements (Plate XIII, 2).
Where the boomerang is known it, too, is extensively used, in
conjunction with the shield, by duellists to settle minor altercations.
The offended party throws one of his missiles into the camp of his
rival as a summons to the fight, whereupon the latter immediately
responds by throwing another back, and walks out into the open,
carrying with him a single boomerang and a shield. Both men now
start a war-dance, during which they gradually approach each other,
lifting their legs high in the knees, brandishing their boomerangs in
the air, and holding their shields in front of their bodies. After a while,
they close in; and the real fight begins. Whenever an uncovered spot
presents itself on either man, the opponent, with the quickness of
lightning, attempts to strike it with his weapon. The hands in
particular are selected as the best marks to quickly put the rival out
of action; and this opportunity is never missed when it presents itself
to the quick eye of the native.
Waddies and clubs of various forms are used all over Australia,
both with and without shields, to decide the rights or wrongs of
individual grievances.
There is no hard and fast line of demarcation between a waddy or
fighting-stick and a club. The original conception of either is a short
stick or truncheon, which is used both for beating and throwing.
The commonest form is a cylindrical rod of hard wood with a
smooth or vertically grooved exterior and rounded ends. It is either
straight or curved.
The Bathurst Islanders have a type similar to the above, but with a
slightly swollen distal end. The stick often carries a sharp spike,
which projects from the same end.
The largest fighting-sticks are to be seen in the Forrest River
district in the far north-western district of Western Australia,
measuring up to four and a half feet in length. The stick tapers from
the top towards the handle end, and has a flat face at either
extremity. A gripping surface is made by roughly incising the thinner
end all round for a distance of four or five inches.
A peculiar combination of implement with weapon was used by the
women of the lower River Murray tribes. It consisted of a stick with a
blade at one end and a knob at the other, the one moiety serving as
a digging stick, the other as a club.
Along the Cooper Creek, a large, stout baton of mulga, with a
globate knob at the handle end, was used by the Wongkanguru,
Yantowannta, and other tribes.
 Some very shapely clubs belonged to the Narrinyerri. They were
made of casuarina wood, and had a heavy, inflated head, which was
usually pointed off at the top. The handle was moderately thin and
had a number of circular grooves cut near its end to prevent the
hand from slipping when the wood was wielded. Further west, on the
Nullarbor Plains, the thick end was not pointed off, but, on the
contrary, was perceptibly flattened. In both types mentioned, the
surface was well smoothed and polished, although the clubs of the
coastal tribes along the Great Australian Bight were generally
longitudinally grooved.
A rather fanciful form of club, reminding one of the medieval
spiked clubs, was found in the possession of the fast disappearing
Yantowannta tribe at Innamincka. A stick, nearly two feet six inches
long, and circular in section, had an enlargement near the head-end,
which was deeply grooved vertically and, in the upper portion,
circumferentially also, the intersection of the grooves producing a
number of pointed prominences.
Used in conjunction with a heavy three-sided shield, the south-
eastern tribes of South Australia fought most of their duels with a
dangerous type of waddy, some two feet or more long, which had an
attenuated knob at the handle end and a flat, angular projection at
the opposite end; the latter was sharp and pointed. The weapon was
known as “lionila,” and, from our point of view, might be classed as a
battle axe.
In the Roebuck Bay district, a flat, hard-wood club is found, the
sides of which are straight and slightly tapering towards the handle
end; the edges being rounded off. One of the flat sides is usually
ornamented with an engraved geometrical pattern.
The Larrekiya and Wogait construct a flat throwing weapon, not
unlike a small cricket bat in shape, from six to twelve inches long,
which they call “damatba.” It has a short handle and very sharp
edges, and, being hurled at an enemy edgewise, it flies through the
air with a revolving motion. If any part of the native’s naked body is
struck with this weapon, a very deep wound is always inflicted, from