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GENDER EQUITY IN THE HIGHER EDUCATION OF VIETNAM
A CASE STUDY OF WOMEN FACULTY AT VIETNAM
NATIONAL UNIVERSITY (VNU) - HA NOI
by
NGUYEN THI NGOC BICH
A DISSERTATION
Presented to the Department of Educational Leadership,

Technology and Administration
and the Graduate School of the University of Oregon
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of
Doctor o f Philosophy
June 2000
UMI Number 9978593
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"Gender Equity in the Higher Education o f Vietnam: A Case Study of Women Faculty
o f Vietnam National University (VNU) —Ha Noi." a dissertation prepared by Nguyen
Thi Ngoc Bich in partial fulfillment o f the requirements for the Doctor of Philosophy
degree in the Department of Educational Leadership, Technology and Administration.
This dissertation has been approved and accepted by:
Dr. K^n Kempne/jChair of the Examining Committee
Committee in charge: Dr. Ken Kempner, Chair

Dr. Philip Piele
Dr. Shirley Clark
Dr. Sandra Morgen
Accepted by:
Vico'Provost and Dean o f the Graduate School
Ill
An Abstract of the Dissertation of
Nguyen Thi Ngoc Bich for the degree o f Doctor o f Philosophy
in the Department o f Educational Leadership, Technology

and Administration
to be taken June 2000
Title: GENDER EQUITY IN THE HIGHER EDUCATION OF VIETNAM:
A CASE STUDY OF WOMEN FACULTY AT VIETNAM NATIONAL
UNTVERSi; NOI
Approved:
empner
Recently, many international and national development programs have
acknowledged the importance o f gender issues. The current feminist theories,
however, are formed in developed countries. These theories need to be tested and
expanded in cross-cultural contexts, especially in developing countries. Viet Nam, as
a country in transition from a central-planned to market economy, is a special case for
such studies.
The purpose o f this study is to examine gender issue in higher education in
Viet Nam. Specifically, it focuses on four aspects: (a) the challenges facing women
faculty and graduate students in achieving gender equity, (b) policies adopted at VNU
to foster gender equity, (c) the effect o f doi moi (renovation towards market economic
development) policy on gender roles, and (d) potential solutions to achieve gender
equity issues in education in Viet Nam.
Reproduced with permission o f the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
To address these issues, an in-depth, interview-based study o f forty women
faculty, graduate students, and administrators at VNU was conducted. The interview
data were supplemented by government documents, classroom observations, and
public discussions at a conference on gender equity.
The study’s findings indicated that there is a significant gender inequity in
higher education in Viet Nam. This inequity resulted from two different tendencies.
First, the long history o f Confucianism and colonization has created social biases
against the role o f women. Second, the socialist ideology and formal government
policies have mistakenly conceptualized gender equity as sameness. Both o f these
tendencies reject the need to examine and achieve gender equity. The evidence is
found at all levels o f analysis-contextual, organizational, and individual.
This study suggests that having appropriate understandings of gender equity is
crucial for reform, especially for policy makers. Role models of successful women,
however, are needed. Unless the government makes a tangible investment, these issues
will remain forever a universal debate.
CURRICULUM VITA
NAME OF AUTHOR: Nguyen Thi Ngoc Bich
PLACE OF BIRTH: Ha Noi. Viet Nam
GRADUATE AND UNDERGRADUATE SCHOOLS ATTENDED:
University of Oregon
Georgetown University, Washington, DC
Ha Noi University (Viet Nam National University-Ha Noi now)
DEGREES AWARDED:
Doctor o f Philosophy in Education, 2000, University o f Oregon
Master o f Arts in International Studies, 1996, University o f Oregon
Certificate o f Advanced Intensive English Program, 1992, Georgetown
University
Bachelor o f Arts in Vietnamese literature, 1980, Ha Noi University
AREAS OF SPECIAL INTEREST:
Higher Education
Vietnamese Classical Literature and Culture
Women’s Studies, Gender Issues
PROFESSIONAL EXPERIENCE:
Teaching Assistant, Department o f Educational Leadership, Technology and

Administration, University o f Oregon, Eugene, Spring 2000
Teaching Assistant, Southeast Asian Language Program. University o f Oregon,

Eugene, 1993-98
Member of Advisory Council, Center for Women’s Studies, Viet Nam

National University of Ha Noi, 1998-2000
Instructor of Vietnamese Language, Southeast Asian Summer Studies Institute

(SEASSI), University o f Oregon, 1999
vi
Instructor of Vietnamese Language, Southeast Asian Summer Studies Institute

(SEASSI), University o f Oregon, 1998
Instructor o f Vietnamese Language, Southeast Asian Summer Studies Institute

(SEASSI), University o f Wisconsin, Madison. 1994

(SEASSI),University o f Washington, Seattle, 1993

(SEASSI),University o f Washington, Seattle, 1992
Member o f Viet Nam Research Interest Group (VN-RIG), the Center for the
Study o f Women in Society, University o f Oregon, Eugene, 1995-2000
Instructor o f Vienamese Language and Culture, Phnom Penh Institute of

Political Studies, Cambodia, 1986
Instructor o f Vietnamese Language and Culture, University o f Phnom Penh.

1982-83
Faculty Member-Lecturer, Department of Vietnamese Studies, Ha Noi

University, 1980-91
AWARDS AND HONORS:
Scholarship of the International Trade and Development Graduate, 1998-99
Fellowship Program, Oregon State System o f Higher Education, 1998
Fellowship of Viet Nam Research Interest Group (RIG). 1998
Fellowship of Viet Nam Research Interest Group (RIG). 1997
Research Fellowship o f Graduate School, University o f Oregon, 1997
Nominee, Graduate Teaching Fellow Award for Outstanding Teaching, o f

Oregon, Eugene, 1996
GRANTS:
Jane Grant Scholarship of the Center for the Study of Women in Society to
Complete the Dissertation, 1999-2000
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I would like to acknowledge and honor all American and Vietnamese
colleagues and friends who have been engaged in this study with me at different
moments. I am grateful to my Advisor, Dr. Ken Kempner and Committee Members.
Dr. Philip Piele, Dr. Sandra Morgen, and Dr. Shirley Clark for their valuable advice
and comments. This research would never have been possible without their guidance,
support and encouragement.
I want to express my deepest thanks to the University o f Oregon (UO),
especially the Graduate School and the Center for Women’s Studies. I highly
appreciate the support from the Center for Asian and Pacific Studies, Office o f
International Educational Exchange, Viet Nam-UO Sister Project, Oregon University
System and my department, Educational Leadership, Technology and Administration.
The heightened awareness o f the Vietnamese government leaders, Viet Nam
Women’s Union, Viet Nam National University (VNU)-Ha Noi’s administrators, and
the VNU Center for Women’s Studies, as well as the social researchers on gender
issues needs to be recognized. They are the possible and open doors necessary to
develop this qualitative research.
I also would like to express my appreciation and love to Mrs. Toby Deemer,
whose ideas, affection, support and conversations have challenged and sustained me
over the several difficulties. Finally, this study is dedicated to my parents, Nguyen Cat
Vuong and Ly Thi Chung, my family, Professor Dang Thanh Le, Chair o f Advisory
Council of the VNU Center for Women’s Studies, and all Vietnamese sisters, who
remind me daily o f reasons for doing this work.
IX
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Chapter Page
I. INTRODUCTION ................................................................................ 1
The Significance o f Studying Gender Equity

in Vietnamese E ducation............................................................ 3
Environment o f the S tudy ................................................................ 9
Research Questions ......................................................................... 11
Definitions of Terms and Some Aspects of
Vietnamese Equal Right L aw s................................................... 12
Structure of the Dissertation............................................................ 15
II. VIET NAM—GENERAL CONTEXT OF THE S T U D Y ................ 17
The Cultural B ackground................................................................ 17

Doi Moi Policy and Macro-Economic C o n te x t............................ 19
Overview o f the Viet Nam Educational Tradition
and Systems in Historical Perspective....................................... 20
III. RELEVANT LITERATURE R E V IE W .............................................. 30
Cultural Heritage of Gender Inequity in

Vietnamese S o c ie ty ..................................................................... 31
Historical Perspectives o f Research on Gender
Equity Issues in Viet Nam-An Overview .................................. 37
Reviewing a Vision o f Equity and Gender
Equity in E du catio n ..................................................................... 42
Some Aspects o f Multicultural Feminism and
Feminist Scholarship in Education ........................................... 46
The Inheritance o f Research on Gender in Education
in Developing Countries ............................................................ 51
Comparative Perspectives o f Capitalist and Socialist
Educational Systems and Equity o f Higher
Education Under a Socialist R e g im e ......................................... 54
Theory of Feminist Praxis—a Realistic R eflection........................ 58
IV. M ETHOD OLO GY ................................................................................ 62
Theoretical Framework .................................................................. 62

Research D esig n ............................................................................... 69
Site Selection and R ationale............................................................ 71
Data Collection................................................................................. 73
X
Page
Advantages and Limitations of the S tudy....................................... 80

Interpretation o f D a t a ....................................................................... 82
V. DATA ANALYSIS................................................................................ 85
T h em es............................................................................................... 85
Research Experience ....................................................................... 86
Revisiting the Population and the
Purpose o f the Study ................................................................... 88
Findings and D iscussions................................................................ 91
Participants’ Recom mendations...................................................... 127
VI. CONCLUSIONS, IMPLICATIONS,

AND R EFLEC TIO N S..................................................................... 140
Summary o f the Findings’ Key P o in ts........................................... 140

Conclusions ...................................................................................... 147
Implications ...................................................................................... 152
Recommendations for Future R esearch ......................................... 167
Researcher’s Reflections ................................................................ 168
APPENDIX
A. VIET NAM NATIONAL UNIVERSITY

(VNU) B R O C H U R E ................................................................... 170
B. HUMAN SUBJECT APPROVAL FORM AND

LETTER OF INVITATION TO
PARTICIPATE IN STU D Y ........................................................ 179
SELECTED REFEREN CES.................................................................................. 185
xi
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure Page
1. The Percentage o f Women Teachers/Scholars in the

School Year 1994-95 by Type o f Educational
Institutions, Degrees and Positions .............................................. 5
2. Organizational Structure o f Viet Nam’s Education

and Training S ystem ........................................................................ 23
3. Higher Education in the Feudal System of Viet Nam

(1076-1900) ..................................................................................... 24
4. Higher Education Under French Colonialism

(1919-1945) ..................................................................................... 25
5. Higher Education in North Viet Nam (1954-1975) ........................... 26
6. Educational Purses o f Selected Countries (Percentage of

the National Budget) ...................................................................... 28
7. VNU Women and Men at the High Professional R anks.................... 72
8. Participants' P ro file................................................................................ 76
9. Statistics o f VNU Full-Academic Faculty ......................................... 89
10. Qualification by Gender D ivision........................................................ 89
11. Equity Education—A Multi-Dimensional C o n c e p t.......................... 145
12. Current Status o f Gender Equity in Viet Nam ................................... 146
1
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
An equitable educational system does not only consider equal outcomes, but
analyzes the worth o f those outcomes in terms o f ensuring a meaningful and
productive life for individuals and society. (Fred Rodriguez, 1990, p. 33)
In reviewing the World Bank’s projects, Halil Dundar and Jennifer Haworth
(1993) have shown that economic and social returns from women’s higher education
encompass not only fertility, child health, nutrition and schooling, but also an increase
in productive opportunities, regional and occupational mobility, and upward income
mobility o f the household. The effects go beyond the women and their families,
contributing to long-term poverty alleviation in the society as a whole.
Gender equity is not only a matter o f social justice, but of good economics as
well. In general, although the gender gap is narrowing globally, more women than
men remain illiterate. Women tend to be less educated than men, to work more hours,
and to be paid less. Women are also left behind in educational training, scientific
knowledge, and technological literacy, and are therefore at a disadvantage in meeting
the demands of a market economy in the Information Age. Gender disparity creates
inefficiencies and lowers the potential well-being of society.
In the conference, “The Assessment o f Vietnamese Women’s Advancement in
10 years [1985-1995]” (Ha Noi, February 23-25, 1995), the Vice President o f Viet
Nam. Mrs. Nguyen Thi Binh, addressed the great contributions of Vietnamese women
to the struggle for national liberation and construction. The Vice President declared,
“the State should, together with various political and social organizations, supervise
2
and urge the implementation o f policies regarding women, create better conditions for
women to develop their potentials and contribute more and more to the country’"
(Le Thi & Do Thi Binh, 1997, p. 15).
Since 1986, in response to the Doi Moi (renovation) policy of the Vietnamese
Communist Party and State, Vietnamese women have actively participated in all
economic, cultural and social domains. In order to be employed and to have high-
income jobs in the market economy, however, both male and female laborers need
higher educational and technological knowledge and, increasingly, professional skills.
Acknowledging women’s great contributions, as well as the nation’s respect for them,
the Vice President, as well as many other leaders and conference participants, also
called for proper investment in education and training to foster the professional skills
o f female workers in various fields.
Rising awareness and acknowledgment o f the role o f gender inequity in
education is reflected in the literature more frequently today than in Viet N am ’s past.
Some aspects o f higher education—quality, cost, efficiency, subsidization, and the
like—have been investigated by scholars. No study has examined in depth, however,
the gender equity aspects of higher education that expand our understanding o f gender
equity and how it specifically manifests itself in Viet Nam’s norms, beliefs, values,
behaviors, and social structures. For many decades, Vietnamese women have been
satisfied with legal equal rights and did not openly acknowledge either the existence o f
male privileges and resulting inequalities, or the relatively simple equal opportunity
approaches to women’s empowerment. Solving gender inequity and searching for
gender equity in Vietnamese education is very important as a path for opening
opportunities for women’s development. This is an extraordinary task that requires
■*%
3
policy makers and scholars to critically examine the real situation o f women in higher
education and in modem society in order to reinforce equity.
The Significance of Studying Gender

Equity in Vietnamese Education
Contemporary Situation
Over the course of Vietnamese history, particularly the one thousand-year
period o f Chinese domination when Confucian norms prevailed, women were not
considered equal to men. Furthermore, Vietnamese women were barred from any
formal higher education in feudal times. In the early twentieth century, under French
colonialism, a small number of daughters of urban elites began to experience formal
higher education. According to the Vietnamese historian, Phan Huy Le (1987,
pp. 2-3). only two women obtained the Ph.D. degree during the periods o f feudal and
colonial regimes. They were Nguyen Thi Due and Hoang Thi Nga. Nguyen Thi Due,
who lived in the lb* century, pretended to be a man and passed the national exam for
the Ph.D. degree with the highest grade. Her degree was revoked when the King’s
staff found out that she was a woman. Nga was the only woman university faculty
member during the French colonial period.
The August 1945 Revolution and the 1946 Constitution that followed the
establishment o f the Socialist Republic o f Viet Nam made discrimination in education
and employment on the basis of sex or race illegal. Legal equality brought many
advantages to the women o f Viet Nam, but the legacy o f many centuries o f gender
discrimination has been difficult to overcome. The dramatic under-representation o f
4
women as faculty in higher education, especially those with post-graduate degrees,
remains a serious problem (Viet Nam Women’s Union. 1996).
Today, Viet Nam is undergoing dramatic economic and social changes as a
result of doi moi (the renovation process since 1986), a set o f policies which center on
the shift to a market economy. The State continues to give high priority to protection
o f women’s rights, yet disparities and inequalities continue to exist, and new issues are
emerging for women in the wake o f economic restructuring (Dang Kim Nhung, 1997;
Pham Thi Tran Chau, 1995; Viet Nam National Education Trade Union. 1994).
Responding to the United Nations’ Decade for Women declaration on February
12, 1985, the Council of Ministers o f Viet Nam established the National Committee o f
Vietnamese Women’s Decade (Decision No. 41-Council of Ministers). Eight years
later, looking towards the World Conference on Women in Beijing, China (April 4-15,
1995), the government o f Viet Nam officially proclaimed its strategy to advance the
cause of Vietnamese women until the year 2000 and on into the 21st century. On
February 25, 1993, the Prime Minister and government of Viet Nam reorganized the
National Committee of Vietnamese Women’s Decade to be the National Committee
for the Advancement of Vietnamese Women (Decision No. 72-Govemment). On
November 7, 1994, the Prime Minister instructed all levels o f government, from local
to the central government, to establish a plan o f action and devote enough resources to
invest in the advancement o f women with the following goals:
• Create jobs, increase salaries, help women to erase famine and poverty;
• Expand educational facilities, opportunities for women, totally eradicate
illiteracy among women;
• Improve the health o f women;
Increase the participation o f women in leadership and managerial
positions; and
• Increase the training of women already in managerial and leadership
positions. (Instruction No. 646-Prime Minister Office)
5
In January 1996, the action plan’s proposal for the advancement o f women in
education and training of the Ministry o f Education and Training was initiated. The
first part o f this proposal, entitled “Survey o f the current education’s status which
relates to gender,” demonstrates that the percentage o f female to male teachers drops
significantly from the lower to the higher levels of education (Figure I).
Elementary school 76.47

Middle school 68.34
High schools 49.43
Vocational schools 21.1
Middle technical schools 44.8
Colleges. Universities 32.5
Professors and Associate Professors 4.5
Masters 11
Doctors (Ph.D.) 6
Leaders at the Ministry level 0
FIGURE 1. The percentage of women teachers/scholars in the school year 1994-95

by type o f educational institutions, degrees and positions. (Viet Nam
Women’s Union, 1996, p. 7)
While documenting the problem, the proposal did not analyze the reasons or
causes for this problem. The other two parts of the proposal, “The main tasks o f the
1996 plan” and “The targets of the year 2000,” were mainly concerned with the
measurable goal o f increasing equity between male and female students for middle and
high schools. The specific goal is to make the female population equal to male, by
increasing by 2% the number of female students every year, and standardizing and up
grading women teachers in such schools (30% o f middle schools’ women teachers
should have the B.A. degree from the Pedagogy College, for example). Establishing a
scholarship foundation for talented women at every school level and doubling the 1995
proportion o f Master and Ph.D. candidates among women in 1996 were also targeted
(150 to 200 every year). The priority for training and improving the living and
6
working conditions of women teachers was also highlighted in the general statements
for some specialized departments, though not in the specific action plans.
According to statistical data from the Ministry o f Labor, War Invalids and
Social Affairs, 1995. Vietnamese woman account for about 52% o f the population and
52 percent o f the labor force in 8 o f 19 branches o f labor. Moreover, 48% o f the
population o f Viet Nam today is under 20 years old (Dang Bich Ha, 1997). That
means the girls under 20 constitute roughly one-quarter o f Viet Nam ’s population
(more than 78 million now). Girls and young women are not just Viet Nam’s future,
they are a significant part o f its present. They need to have good models from their
preceding generations and, with excellent training, women have the potential to make
important contributions to the country’s development.
Following centuries of colonialism, decades o f war and ten years of deep
political, economic, and social crisis after unification in 1975, the current renovation
process in Viet Nam is complex and an enormous challenge for the whole nation. A
number o f new policies are being implemented in different areas and some
encouraging results have been achieved, but other serious problems have emerged.
For example, as in many other developing countries in the process o f economic
transition, the gap between rich and poor has widened, and gender inequities are
increasing. Many women cannot catch-up, and thereby fall behind the pace of
competition prevalent in a market economy. Furthermore. Viet Nam is facing a
profound internal and external brain drain by lacking effective human resource and
management strategies (Bich Ha, 1994).
Ten years after 1986, the government of Viet Nam recognized that, more than
ever, the doi moi policy’s prospects for success could not be separated from the
7
development o f human resources. Since 1945, President Ho Chi Minh and
Vietnamese leaders have used the educational system as a cradle “to cultivate men for
the interests of a hundred years” (Ho Chi Minh's letter to welcome the first new school
year of Socialist-Republic Viet Nam, September 5, 1945). This concept was
reemphasized in the message of Prime Minister Vo Van Kiet to the International
Conference on Higher Education in the 21st Century: Mission and Challenge in
Developing Countries, which was held in Ha Noi, May 14, 1996,
In this situation, education in general, and higher education in particular, has an

extremely important mission. The developing countries have only one method
to escape their poverty, and to reduce the economic gap that distances them
from the developed countries. They must learn to rely on the human resources,
to institute training programs o f high quality, and to develop the intellectual
potential of the nation. They must learn to accept and foster creativity, in order
to contribute to the modem advances in science and technology.
The government o f Viet Nam has always held the human element in
high regard, accepting it as the leading method to assure the success o f the
national construction and defense. The government o f Viet Nam views the
people as both the driving force and the objective o f socio-economic
development. Therefore, it holds, as its highest priority in its national policies,
the development o f education and training as a means to raise the intellectual
levels and working potentials of the people.
If institutions of higher education are the essential tool to empower a nation’s people
and prepare human resources for the nation’s development, then these institutions
must treat men and women equally and be responsible for reducing gender inequality.
To meet this goal, they must promote women’s self-estimations o f their intelligence
and foster high expectations for career development, and create an effective model o f
intentional design for the empowerment and transformation o f women.
Theoretical Perspectives
One of the effects o f globalization over the last two decades has been a new
visibility of women’s issues on the world stage. Witness the large numbers o f
8
international conferences on topics such as violence against women, women’s health,
reproductive politics, and population control. At the same time, as Alexander and
Mohanty (1997, p. xv) note, feminism has been quantified for consumption within the
global marketplace o f ideas. These authors call this “freemarket feminism” and take
issue with this freemarket feminism to design women’s vision of democratic futures.
The experiences, histories, and self-reflections of feminists o f color and the Third-
World remain at the center o f this vision, but complex geopolitical and transnational
shifts over the last decade continue to confound feminist praxis in comparative
perspective.
One approach to addressing this complexity and the challenges transnational
feminist praxis raises is to deliberately focus on questions o f gender, cross-cultural
relations and equity in order to gain a better understanding o f the various constructions
o f transnationalization. Alexander and Mohanty (1997) find anticolonialist feminist
democracies require thinking transnationally and, in a world increasingly reconfigured
by global economic and political processes, transnational democracy is as necessary as
national democracy. Equitable systems, however, rely on a strong educational system
and in a postcolonial country like Vietnam, equality in education is a necessary first
step.
The need for investment in education is hardly a new topic in the social
sciences, much less for feminist scholarship; educational inequality is a long-standing
topic in the U.S. and other countries. But we cannot read across cultures without a
deep understanding o f the particular historical, cultural, and political-economic
conditions o f each country. As Alexander and Mohanty (1997) observe:
9
To talk about feminist praxis in global contexts would involve shifting the unit
o f analysis from local, regional, and national culture to relations and processes
across cultures. Grounding analyses in particular, local feminist praxis is
necessary, but we also need to understand the local in relation to larger, cross
national processes.. . .The practices o f democracy, justice, and equality, for
example, would not be subsumed within the white, masculine, definition o f the
U.S. (p. xix)
As I mentioned, recently in Viet Nam, government officials and academics
have used “gender” to address the role o f women in human resource development. No
systematic research and analysis, however, have clarified the root causes o f the
problem in the Vietnamese context, especially the effect o f the renovation (doi moi)
policy towards market economy while retaining socialist orientation. If institutions o f
higher education are an essential tool to prepare human resources for the nation’s
development, then these institutions must be responsible for reducing gender
inequality. To meet this goal, they must create an effective model for empowerment
and transformation that encourages intelligent women and fosters high expectations
for career development. The qualitative methodology and issues o f feminist
democracy and decolonization are used in my study to develop a post-colonial analysis
o f gender equity in Vietnamese higher education.
Environment o f the Study
During the past two decades, many international and national development
programs have begun to take seriously an analysis o f gender. This positive
development has been in response to the powerful analyses conceived by women and
feminists around the globe. As Viet Nam struggles to meet the challenges o f doi moi,
scholars and government officials have begun to turn to a consideration o f “gender
equality,” a Western term that has been imported to Viet Nam. The word “gender”
10
(gioi) has been used in many recent government documents and in the field of social
science in Viet Nam. For example, Mrs. Truong My Hoa, President o f the Viet Nam
W omen’s Union and President of the National Committee for the Advancement o f the
Vietnamese Women to the Year 2000, exemplifies its use in a 1996 speech:
Our mission is to determine the main difficulties and obstacles to the

advancement of women in all areas and to chart a plan of action and the ways
and means that are concrete and realistic. The main point o f our plan o f action
is the gender sensitivity in all activities of all agencies and at all levels. We
must do in such a way that every governmental office, every community
understands thoroughly the concept o f gender equity through all the phases in
the realization of our plan o f action [emphasis added].
The language and some of the strategies currently being considered to promote
gender equity in Viet Nam are one result o f a new openness in the country following
doi moi in the post-1986 period. With this openness, Vietnamese women and
women’s organizations have had extensive contact with Western and other Asian
wom en’s non-governmental organizations (NGOs). This in turn has led to increased
dialogue about paths to research and to achieve gender equity (Barry, 1996; La Nham
Thin, Le Thi Nham Tuyet, & Le Van Phung, 1995; Le Thi Nham Tuyet, 1990).
The word “gender” has been used as a borrowed concept from the international
feminist movement, as well as a sophisticated word with a political agenda. A full
understanding o f the concept does not yet exist in Vietnamese society, however, either
on a theoretical or practical level (Dang Thanh Le, 1997; Tran Thi Van Anh, 1997).
The issue o f gender equity is still new in Viet Nam, including in higher education.
While there are some quantitative studies that documents the continued scarcity o f
women in higher education, and especially in the high ranks of the sciences and
technology, there is a pronounced paucity o f research efforts to determine why this
situation persists and how it can be effectively solved.
11
Recent research efforts on gender equity in Viet Nam have been few in number
and unsophisticated in approach. As a result, these limited studies have been
insufficient to serve as a basis for rectifying the chronic gender imbalances in higher
education. It is therefore necessary to develop a better conceptual framework for
addressing this important issue in the hope o f developing strategies that might remedy
the problem. To achieve social equity in Viet Nam. a host of economic, cultural,
social, and political factors need to be addressed.
Research Questions
As in most other countries, women academics in Viet Nam are an elite group
among women. Nevertheless, there is abundant evidence that they are
disproportionately represented in lower levels and in less advantaged positions than
their male counterparts. These are longstanding inequities, which appear to have been
met with complacency by state agencies, institutions of higher education, and the
population at large.
Supporting the government policy for the advancement o f Vietnamese women
in particular and the human resource development strategy in general, my research
focused on one area of critical importance to the goal of social equity and gender
equity: educational equity. My primary research goals were (a) to assess the current
educational equity issues facing women in Vietnamese higher education, and (b) to
explore whether any strategies to further gender equity might serve as valuable policy
initiatives in Viet Nam. Based on the results of this research, I intend to propose a
theoretical orientation for Women’s Studies in Viet Nam.
12
The major questions being examined in this research focused on the present
situation of women faculty at Viet Nam National University-Ha Noi (VNU). The
following research questions guided the study:
1. What are the challenges facing women faculty and graduate students that
potentially stand in the way o f achieving gender equity?
2. What policies, if any, have been adopted at VNU to foster gender equity?
3. Does the implementation of doi mo\ (renovation towards market economic
development) policy affect gender equity?
4. What solutions to gender equity issues in education might be proposed that
would be consistent with Vietnamese culture?
Before presenting the structure o f the dissertation, terminology and current
legislation in Viet Nam on these matters require clarification, especially as they relate
to definitions o f equity and gender in education
Definitions of Terms and Some Aspects

o f Vietnamese Equal Right Laws
Equity in Education
The fair and equal treatment of all members o f our society who are entitled to
participate in and enjoy the benefits o f an education. (Rodriguez, 1990, p. 10)
Gender
Gender encompasses not only the concept o f sex, but also the social and
cultural meanings attributed to being female or male. Gender is the social
construction of sex. (Hilke & Conway-Gerhardt, 1994, p. 1)
13
Gender Equity in Education
Gender equity is the elimination o f sex-role stereotyping and sex bias from the
educational process, thus providing the opportunity and environment to
validate and empower individuals as they make appropriate career and life
choices. (Hilke & Conway-Gerhardt, 1994, pp. 1-2)
Scientists
From the Vietnamese perspective, the term “scientists” in this study refers to
scholars who have post-graduate degrees and work at universities or research
institutes.
West (or Western)
Since I am discussing the study in the English language, as Aihwa Ong (1994,
p. 379) points out, the West (or Western) is here taken to include European societies
under prewar British and postwar American hegemonic leadership.
Developing Country
I generally used the phrase “developing countries” for the nations o f Africa.
Asia, Latin America and the Middle East instead of the word “Third World countries”
in my discussion.
Legal Issues
The Vietnamese Revolution succeeded in 1945, and the Democratic Republic
o f Viet Nam was established. This was the first time that legislation decreed by the
government sanctioned equality between men and women. The 1946 legislation has
14
since been continuously revised and updated. The following are a few o f these laws,
which related to the equal rights of Vietnamese women:
• Total emancipation and all-sided development for women; women to enjoy

full equality with men in the economic and social fields; equal pay for equal
work; proper attention to be paid to women’s particular conditions,
pregnancy, childbirth, child rearing;
• Favorable conditions to be created for women to work, study and rest,
including establishment of maternity clinics, child-care centers,
kindergartens and other social welfare services.
• Full equality with men in the family, in conjugal relations, parental
authority, patrimonial relations, and inheritance rights;
• Further development o f women’s role as socialist collective masters of
society by training women cadres with the proper qualifications in respect
of cultural, scientific and technical standards, professional skills, and
political education. (UNESCO Principal Regional Office for Asia and the
Pacific, 1989)
Under Decision No. 163 issued by the Council of Ministers in 1988, the Central
Committee o f the Vietnamese Women’s Union consulted with and participated in
drafting laws, plans, and policies which related to women and children. Resolution
No. 04 o f the Political Bureau o f the Communist Party o f the Viet Nam Central
Committee, issued on July 12, 1993, acknowledged women’s role in the reformed
economy, and highlighted these major objectives: improving the spiritual and material
life of women, raising women’s status, and achieving equality for women. It also
emphasized that the liberation of women was the responsibility of the Party, the
Government, and the entire nation.
On May 16,1994, the Central Committee of the Vietnamese Communist Party
issued Instruction No.3 7, and it pointed out that “raising the percentage o f female
cadres participating in State management and socio-economic management is an
important task to achieve real equality and democracy for women.”
Today, as the country is shifting to a market economy, the State continues to
give high priority to the protection of women’s rights. This is reflected in the
15
countiy’s first Labor Code, in which a whole chapter (Chapter X) is reserved for
women's labor. On April 1996, the Government issued Decree No. 23 giving
guidelines for the implementation o f the Labor Code, and realization o f gender
equality.
Structure o f the Dissertation
The purpose of this chapter has been to set the tone and structure o f the
research. It described the starting points, the objectives and the research questions.
Chapter II introduces doi moi (renovation) policy, the geographical and historical
background o f Viet Nam at the present and in the past, the influences of
Confucianism, and the role o f wars and many invaders in changing the political, social
and economic situation. The main historical features o f Vietnamese educational
tradition, systems and reforms, specifically in the doi moi period were also the focus in
this part.
In Chapter III, I review literature on the theories o f feminism, gender and
education, which provides the analytical lenses for this study. The methodology and
approach used for this research are described in Chapter IV. This chapter consists o f a
description o f the research design and the place o f the research, which is Viet Nam
National University-Ha Noi (VNU) and its rationale. Furthermore, the methods used
for collecting data, the analysis and the advantages and limitations of the research are
mentioned in this chapter.
Chapter V presents the collection o f data obtained through the in-depth/face-to-
face interviews and the analysis o f these findings. Finally the conclusions o f this
16
research are presented in Chapter VI, followed by some recommendations for future
research applications, and personal reflections.
17
CHAPTER II
VIET NAM—GENERAL CONTEXT OF THE STUDY
The Cultural Background
The Socialist Republic of Viet Nam is located on the eastern part of the
Indochinese peninsula on the side of the East Sea. Viet Nam shares its border with
China to the north, Laos and Cambodia to the west, and covers an area of about 331,
000 square kilometers. It is composed of three main regions: the north, including the
Red River Delta; the Central Provinces, which contains the ancient capital, Hue; and
the South, which includes the Mekong River Delta. The two major cities are the
capital Ha Noi with about three million inhabitants in the north and Ho Chi Minh City,
formerly Saigon, with about four million inhabitants in the south.
Viet Nam is the home o f fifty-four ethnic groups. The present population o f
Viet Nam is about 76 million, with Kinh ethnic Vietnamese comprising over 85 per
cent, mainly living in the lowlands. The rest of the population, the most significant
being Muong, Tay, Thai, Khmer, Chinese, H’mong and Nung, live mainly in the
mountains. The official language is Vietnamese. Buddhism is the main religion, but
there are also significant numbers of Catholics, Confucians and Taoists, together with
two eclectic Buddhist branches, Cao Dai and Hoa Hao.
Viet Nam. for over a thousand years until 939 AD, was governed as a Chinese
province. Thereafter, Viet Nam, as a state frequently had to resist Chinese invasions.
Vietnam also absorbed Chinese culture, including the Confucian model of
18
Government. The expansion southwards, driven by population pressure, eventually
brought Viet Nam into conflict with the Khmer Empire (Cambodia o f the present day)
and with Thailand. In the early 18th century, not until the Nguyen regime (late 18th
century), did Viet Nam reach its present-day southern limit on the G ulf o f Thailand.
The Nguyen Anh dynasty (1802-1945) was unable to resist the expanding
influence of French colonialism, which by 1885 had brought Viet Nam under its rule.
The colonial domination helped to destroy the traditional culture o f the village,
undermined the authority of the feudal administration, and blocked the growth o f an
indigenous bourgeoisie. In these contexts the only way to fight against French colonial
rule was the communist-led movement with its ‘nothing left to lose’ stance. With the
Dien Bien Phu victory in 1954, the French were forced to leave North Viet Nam. At
the Geneva Conference. Viet Nam was divided into two zones: in the North, the
Democratic Republic o f Viet Nam, in the South, from the 17th parallel southwards.
This lead to a war o f independence in Vietnam that divided a nation and a people.
Some followed the North Viet Nam government, others the Sai Gon administration
that was supported by U.S. troops and financial assistance.
On the 30th o f April 1975, the Sai Gon administration collapsed. Viet Nam
was reunified. A new name was given to the unified Viet Nam. the Socialist Republic
of VietNam with Ha Noi as the Capital. The Communist Party o f Viet Nam still
remains the dominant political power in the country despite the modest downgrading
o f its role in the 1992 Constitution. Other important forces, the government, the army
and the state 1992 Constitution. Other important forces, the government, the army and
the state bureaucracy, are all subordinates to it. State institutions and mass
organizations, such as the Confederation of Trade Unions, The Women’s Union and
19
Youth Union, remain firmly entrenched by the Party to ensure their support o f
Government strategies and policies.
Doi Moi Policy and Macro-Economic Context
Toward the end o f the 1970s, it became evident that Viet Nam was going
through an economic and social crisis. In the early 1980s, Vietnamese leaders
readjusted their policy, with the aim o f getting the country out o f crisis. But the
leaders persisted in promoting the same political-economic values and continued to
apply the same management methods—a subsidized economy and “equal distribution’"
or egalitarianism o f resources that were used in the North during the war years. Since
the basic economic and political policy of the government had not changed, Viet Nam
fell into a deeper economic and social crisis.
In 1986, over a decade after the end of the American War in 1975, the
Communist Party o f Viet Nam decided to implement the doi moi policy, which means
“change to the new” (or renovation) with three important conclusions regarding its
leadership o f the country:
• The centrally planned economy did not work towards realizing the
following socialist ideals: prosperity, equality, freedom, and humanity.
• Economic reform must be undertaken to transform a planned, centralized,
and subsidized economy into a market economy managed by the State.
• The social life o f the people must be democratized. (The 6th Congress of
the Communist Party o f Viet Nam and Articles 15 o f the 1992 Constitution
of Socialist Republic Viet Nam)
Since the collapse o f their socialist system, former Soviet and Eastern
European states have adopted the idea that only radical reforms in the political system
will permit successful economic reform. In contrast, reform in the Socialist Republic
o f Viet Nam has concentrated on economic liberalization, while attempting to
20
maintain political stability, the socialist principles for which the country fought so
many years.
According to Viet Nam-Education Financing (A World Bank Country Study.
1997. p. 1), Viet Nam is one of the poorest countries in the World today, occupying
the fifth position (between Sierra Leone and Burundi) in the global list o f 132
economies ranked from low to high on income per capita. Viet Nam’s GNP in 1996 is
estimated to be $250 US per capita. Yet Viet Nam’s GNP growth rate has been at or
above 8 percent throughout the 1990s. It was 9.5 percent in 1995. This is “quite high
even by East Asia’s high standards, and astronomical by comparison with many low-
income economies,” as the World Bank (1997, p. 2) also concluded.
Overview of the Viet Nam Educational Tradition

and Systems in Historical Perspectives
Proverbs, folk songs, tales and stories in folklore literature showed the
traditional thirst for knowledge of the Vietnamese people. We have, for example,
beautiful proverbs, such as: “without a teacher, one could hardly make a successful
life,” “if you want to cross a river, build a bridge, if you want your child to be good at
literature, love the teacher.” And for many modem decades, every Vietnamese has
been imbued with Ho Chi Minh’s popular statement, “For the benefit o f ten years,
plant trees; for the benefit o f a hundred years, cultivate people.”
Traditional education in Viet Nam, before the period o f French rule, was
mainly a product o f the many centuries o f Chinese influence over Viet Nam. As far
back as the 11th century, the first independent feudal state founded in Viet Nam had
established a national system of education with schools and classes in the capital and
some provinces. In fact, there were private, village schools at which local scholars
21
taught young boys Chinese characters, while at the provincial level government
schools candidates were prepared for the series o f competitive examinations to
complete formal education. These examinations, administered every three years and
conducted at both the provincial level and at the national level for outstanding
scholars, controlled entry into the ranks o f the mandarinate.
For many centuries until 1918. the learning materials were mainly the set of
four Confucian classics and the Confucian five classical Books o f Confucianism.
Materials emphasized cultivation o f high moral character and the study o f the wisdom
to be found in the Confucian classics. Education was given in Han (Chinese) script
and limited to rote learning of those classical tomes.
Under French domination, there was, at the beginning, what may be called a
“mixed education system” with French schools, Franco-Vietnamese Schools and
Confucian-feudal schools. After 1919, there were no more Confucian-feudal schools.
The Franco-Vietnamese curricula came into effect in all schools. In the over 80 years
o f French domination, however, the school network was miserably small; up to 1941-
1942. there were only 3 upper secondary schools, 65 lower secondary schools, 737
primary schools, enrolling 2.6% o f the population. More than 90% o f population was
illiterate (Pham Minh Hac, 1991, p. 7).
Until 1975, the North and South had different educational systems. The South
had had twelve years of pre-university education since before World War II. The
North also had a twelve-year pre-university system prior to 1954, but only in those
areas that were under French colonization. In areas outside o f colonial control, there
were just nine years of pre-university education. After the French left in 1954, the
Vietnamese Government introduced ten years o f pre-university education in all parts
o f the North. This continued after national reunification in 1975. Only since 1989 has
the North had a true 12-year system and has the entire country followed the S-4-3-4
system o f education. The present system comprises the following main levels and
types o f education and training (E&T): pre-school education, general education,
vocational and technical education and training (VOTECH), and higher or tertiary
education (see Figure 2). Higher education in Viet Nam has some unique features.
National higher education in feudal society began in 1076 and ended in 1919. It was
strongly influenced by Confucianism (see Figure 3 as my summary model). From
1919 to 1954, after its intervention and domination in the second half o f 19th century,
France established a small-scale higher education system in Viet Nam, intended to
serve all o f Indochina. The total number o f students in the only University o f
Indochina never exceeded 1,000. It was a French university and French was the main
language o f instruction (see Figure 4 as my summary model).
After the victory over the French at Dien Bien Phu in 1954, North Viet Nam
rebuilt its economic base, and from 1960 began the process of socialist construction.
Higher education was mainly based on Soviet experiences and models of education.
Russian was the dominant foreign language at high schools and universities. Russian
literature was the main source of reference for teaching and research. Most students
who studied abroad went to Russia or other East European Block states (see Figure 5
as my summary model). In South Viet Nam. the educational system, and especially
higher education followed the French model until 1954. With greater American
involvement in the country, the influence o f American higher education increased.
Both French and English were primary foreign languages at high schools and
universities in the 1960s and 1970s.
College
HIGHER
Upper Professional
Secondary Secondary Secondary
Education Education Vocational
Education
GENERAL VOTECH
Lower Secondary Education Vocational

Training
Primary Education
PRE-SCHOOL
Nurserv
FIGURE 2. Organizational structure o f Viet Nam's education and training system.
24
Feudal Government
1076-1900
QUOC TU GIAM Recognition Assignment o f high

UNIVERSITY o f academic administrative functions
ability
Curriculum
DeccntraL
Chinese autonomous, village
Loyal
History and schools, private
administrators in
Literature teachers
districts, provinces,
and other levels
Vietnamese
History, Children of rich
Literature. families and
and landowners
Geography
FIGURE 3. Higher education in the feudal system o f Viet Nam (1076-1900).
25
French Colonial Governmem

1919-1945
Hie
Study in Freodi
Freach
High School in
Finch three provinces
History and
Literature
French and
world Administrative
expert and
administrators
Fateatial inaovaton
T.iwlg
Vietnam’s
History and
Culture
FIGURE 4. Higher education under French Colonialism (1919-1945).
26
Socialist Governmem in North

Vietnam (1954-1975)
50 universities
and colleges Recognition of Professional technicians,
academic ability scientists, teachers
Study abroad Administration

Vietnamese
History' and
Culture
High School in
all districts
World and
socialist
science
technology
Middle schools Technological.

Soviet in districts and mcdicaL social
instructors villages services
until 1963
Textbooks Vietnamese instructors Potential innovators

from or trained by French.
based on Russia. Germany ...
Soviet and Vietnamese
Union and universities
other
Russian as main
foreign language
FIGURE 5. Higher education in North Viet Nam (1954-1975).
27
After 20 years (1954-1975) of separate, in many ways opposite educational
systems, Viet Nam unified its educational system. The Soviet model o f higher
education prevailed in the whole country from 1975 to about 1990. Russian was again
the dominant foreign language in the whole system. Like the Soviet system,
postgraduate training had two levels. Doctoral candidate and Doctor.
With the economic reform in 1986 and the economic stagnation in the Eastern
European Bloc. Viet Nam changed its political and economic strategies. Trading with
other nations began to displace trade with Socialist countries. Foreign investments
have increased rapidly since 1988. This economic shift has created increasing new
pressures and reforms on higher education.
From 59 universities and colleges in 1975-76, there are now 105 universities
and colleges, o f which about 40 are under the supervision o f the Ministry o f Education
and Training. The other institutions are under provincial management or the
supervision o f other ministries, such as Ministry of Health, Information and Culture,
Finance. Law, Construction, Transportation and Water Resources. However, the
educational share of the general budget o f the country seems to be the lowest in the
Asian region (Figure 6).
Higher education is a part of the overall budget for education, which at present
is 11 percent o f the national expenditure (6 percent between 1981 and 1988). In
Western countries the average investment in education is $81 US per capita, in
developing countries this is $39 US, in very underdeveloped countries this can be only
$ 10 US. Viet Nam invested only $5 US per capita in education during 1980s (MOET
1993, p. 3).
* "-■■*•.C « - v i
Malaysia
Philipines S Q 1 6 .9
Myanmar
Japan g
New Zealand
Bangladesh
Source: Asia Week, 5 /1997.
FIGURE 6. Educational purses o f selected countries (percentage o f the national

budget. (Asia Week, 5/1997)
Until 1993, Viet Nam did not have big and multi-campus universities. There
were only small colleges grouped according to their specialties and some
comprehensive universities, which provided programs in the humanities, social and
natural sciences at the “department level,” not “college level” like the United States.
Since the end o f 1993, some multi-campus universities have been established by
combining some former colleges and universities, including Viet Nam National
University-Ha Noi (VNU) in December 1993. And in 1994, five private colleges were
established, o f which three are in Ha Noi (MOET, 1995). At present, Viet Nam has 13
different non-public universities, which include private, semi-public, and people
founded universities. This major reform of the educational system has opened more
access to higher education for the Vietnamese people. The Ministry o f Education and
29
Training coordinates admission to universities in Viet Nam. and the entry examination
still exists.
This burden o f the colonial legacy in higher education in Viet Nam is
compounded by the country’s rapid entrance into a global economy. Doi moi changes
have increased the dialogues regarding current successes and failures of the current
hybrid system. One area o f critical concern is the role gender plays in the renovation
o f higher education to meet the demands of the new political, economic and
transnational forces in Viet Nam today. The next chapter reviews the relevant
literatures as the theoretical foundation for this research.
30
CHAPTER III
RELEVANT LITERATURE REVIEW
The revolutionary attitudes toward sex and gender that have emerged during
the past three decades have affected every aspect of contemporary life—the family, the
church, the government, the public schools, and of course, the academy. Indeed,
academe, an institution devoted to education, is responsible for bringing forth
students’ fullest potential, as well as sparking the drive to obtain knowledge while
liberating the intellect. It also has, not surprisingly, become a center o f conflict among
competing ideas concerning the human subject, sex. and gender.
In the global mainstream o f social science and humanities, cross-cultural
studies of gender now occupy a respected place in the field o f scientific inquiry, due
primarily to the growth and influence of women’s movements throughout the world.
Based on years o f graduate study o f these movements, I focus this chapter on relevant
research, including discussions of:
1. The cultural heritage o f gender inequity in Vietnamese society and what
Vietnamese scholars have discussed concerning the concept of gender equity.
2. The revolutionary concepts o f equity, gender equity and American
perspectives o f what “gender equity” in education means and the development o f this
concept in education.
3. Aspects of feminism and feminist scholarship for understanding gender and
education and toward changing women’s status in general and in education in
particular.
31
4. Aspects o f equity issues o f the socialist system and some international
prospects in achieving educational equality in Viet Nam.
Cultural Heritage of Gender Ineauitv

in Vietnamese Society
According to a popular Vietnamese legend, the ancestors of Vietnamese people
were a couple: the wife named Au Co and the husband, Lac Long Quan. They lived
happily, but he was a dragon who preferred living in the plains and on the coast and
she was a fairy who liked to live in the mountains. One day, to their mutual benefit
and due to land expansion, they agreed to live separately. Fifty sons followed their
father to the coasts and fifty sons followed their mother to the mountains. Before
separating, they pledged mutual respect and help to each other if anything could
happen. The equality between husband and wife in this legend still exists in Viet Nam
as evidence that Vietnamese women were seen as the equals o f men in the very distant
past. Some researchers even insist that, before the Chinese invasion, Viet Nam was a
matriarchy in which women held power and authority (Mai Thi Tu & Le Thi Nham
Tuyet. 1978).
In all fairness, the position o f women in Viet Nam was never as abysmal as it
was in many, if not most, other Asian societies influenced by Confucianism. This can
be seen in Viet Nam’s unique early history, where two great cultural icons are the
Trung sisters, military generals who drove the Chinese invaders from Viet Nam in
40 B.C. The Vietnamese popular saying also reflects a high regard for women, “the
first is wife, the second is God” which is opposite to the Chinese proverb, “the first is
God, the second is king.”
32
The Chinese ruled Viet Nam for a thousand years, until 981 A.D. Chinese
invaders imposed a patriarchal Confucian hierarchy that left an indelible heritage on
Vietnamese history and culture. Confucianism was the official ideology and was
characterized by an age and gender hierarchy. Most Vietnamese kings and feudal
lords continued to practice Confucian ideology even after they expelled the Chinese.
Confucian sayings such as “One hundred women are not worth a single part o f man”
and “a woman’s place is in the home” suggest the relatively lower regard o f women in
Confucian ideology. These dominant expressions reflected and strengthened unequal
relationships that have subordinated women to men throughout Vietnamese history,
under both Chinese domination and, later. French colonialism.
In China and many parts o f the Southeast Asian region, Confucianism was a
mandate for an entire way o f life in agriculture, in the family, in social life, and in
politics. The Confucian way brought feudalism to Viet Nam. Feudalism is a system
in which a small minority o f landlords control the economic and political life of
everyone else because they control the only means o f survival in an agricultural
society~the land. During the Chinese reign and for much o f Viet Nam’s later history,
all land officially belonged to the king, who gave land grants to noble famiLies and
favorites. O f course, only men could be nobles because no woman could work for the
king. The odd thing here was the ideology that confirmed women’s inferiority to men
did not exclude a woman’s labor in her husband’s or her father’s fields.
The only way for landless peasants to survive was to work for these aristocrats,
more or less as slaves. The overwhelming majority o f Vietnamese women were poor
peasants. Although their labor in the fields was essential to the economy, they never
had the chance to be economically independent. While the Chinese ruled, and for
33
several centuries thereafter, women were not allowed to own land, and could not go to
school. In the 16th century, wealthy women gained new rights. A reformist dynasty
allowed women to share an inheritance with men or to inherit an entire family fortune
if there were no male heirs. Three hundred years later, a new dynasty took these rights
away again. Second-rank wives and concubines never really had any economic rights
(Nguyen Khac Vien, 1969).
As I mentioned in Chapter I, in other Southeast Asian countries or Vietnamese
Confucianism, the route to power was state service, and that was obtained mainly
through education. But education was for men alone. Throughout the country males
attended Confucian schools and spent their lives memorizing the Four Books and Five
Classics, and taking examinations. Women worked the land to support their sons and
husbands who aspired to be high officials and to be "the real man in the universe."
Expressing the hopelessness o f the king’s examination, a Vietnamese folk song
warned women against marrying those scholars, who sought the bureaucracy, “Don’t
waste your energy to marry a scholar. His back is long to take lots o f materials for his
gown. And after he was fed, he goes to sleep.”
From 1847 to 1884, the French completed their conquest o f all Viet Nam. By
1884, the French stabilized their domination over all o f Viet Nam and divided it
artificially into three administrative units to make their rule easier. French colonialists
tried to justify their conquest by claiming it was their mission to bring the benefits of
civilization to Viet Nam. In fact, French civilization meant additional suffering,
especially for women because the French used the feudal patriarchy as a foundation for
their colonial regime. The French increased the misery o f women in Viet Nam. A
34
Vietnamese expression says, "‘putting two yokes on one neck.” In other words, as
Tetreault (1996) explains.
The "occupation and ‘pacification”’ o f Viet Nam by the French undermined

this Confucian order. French dominance o f Vietnamese rulers meant one o f
two things. Either the world was wrong or virtuous Vietnamese should
withdraw from public life to set a moral example for their peers, or Vietnamese
conceptions of ‘the way,’ the proper ordering o f society, had to be re
examined. Both strategies opened Viet Nam to penetration by Western ideas:
those who withdrew had no program for change while those who looked for
other answers ranged widely for them. (p. 38)
The Vietnamese Revolution succeeded in 1945, and the declaration o f birth of
the Democratic Republic of Viet Nam on September 2, 1945 thereby ended 90 years of
colonization by France. This was the first time that legislation decreed by the
government sanctioned equality between men and women. The Constitution o f 1946
recognized equality o f rights between men and women in every domain o f life. That
legislation has since been continuously revised and updated.
Although the legislation was complete and thorough, the material conditions of
colonialism, especially in the countryside, have not allowed women to develop fully
since 1946. Soon after the declaration of independence. Viet Nam had to launch itself
into the struggle against the French and against famine. The government was
inexperienced and unable to manage the affairs o f state properly. The economic
infrastructure was practically non-existent. The revolutionary slogans during the war
(1945 to 1975, especially from 1945 to 1954) were “Advance the Revolutionary
Spirit” in order to “Ride out All Difficulties,” or “Save and Tighten the Belt.” The
whole country concentrated all its efforts on the struggle for independence. Those
who sacrificed most and who bore the heavier responsibilities were women. They had
to take care of the family and support the front.
Women constitute the more productive factors in agriculture, the main means
35
o f subsistence o f Viet Nam. In reality, equal rights did not mean equality o f work.
Most Vietnamese women said, “they had the right to produce more under the
scorching sun or under the dew o f the nights." Many hardships piled up on them and,
therefore, they could not participate in education. Women in these times simply did
not have the proper conditions to enjoy the freedom and equality given to them by the
law. And, women in the countryside were hemmed in by the traditional ethic,
surrounded by the “bamboo hedge.” They did not want to compete with men, but were
satisfied with having numerous children and grandchildren to obtain good karma
according to Buddhist principles.
During difficult eras o f history, in feudal systems or even under the communist
system, whenever it was needed, women were hoisted to higher positions and lavished
with praises. When things calmed down, however, then women were pushed back into
ordinary life, forgotten, or considered privately or publicly unequal with men. Women
have not been able to attain higher positions because o f social restrictions and because
o f the limits inherent in the consciousness o f women themselves. Because o f these
problems, women were and are not knowledgeable enough to adapt themselves to the
new situations in the pace of changing circumstances.
In the course o f leading the Resistance against the French and building
socialism, the Communist Party succeeded in introducing the concept of women’s
liberation into most people’s lives. Women identify their struggles with the struggles
o f the Party and the people as a whole. The Viet Nam Women’s Union is the direct
descendant of the Union founded in 1930. Membership in the Union is open to all
women over 16 years old, to special interest groups, and to women’s sections within
trade unions. The Union represents women to the government and the government
36
depends on the counsel and advice o f the Union to defend women’s rights, to design
new laws and to implement all laws to protect women. A number o f leaders o f the
Women’s Union are leaders of the government as well. The Union and the
Government work together on a daily basis to strengthen various sendees that meet the
needs o f women: general/adult education, childcare, community service teams, and
health education and maintenance.
As has been mentioned, in the Democratic Republic o f Viet Nam, women are
the equals of men, from political, economic, cultural, social and family points o f view.
But the Vietnamese people also know that centuries o f sexism will not disappear with
the signing of a law. Nevertheless, the struggle to actually attain these rights is neither
easy nor simple due to existing prejudices, based on feudal and colonial ideologies, as
well as the material reality of the economy. Among the people and even among
cadres, there still exist the remnants o f backward feudal thinking that promote respect
for men and contempt for women. There are still tendencies to disregard and not fully
protect women’s legitimate interests, not to free women from family ties and to
sanction even cruel and inhumane act o f violence against women. As Le Thi Quy
(1992) states, “recently the spirit o f thinking highly o f men and slighting women, a
product o f Confucianism, seemed to be restored in some places [in Viet Nam]” (p. 83).
Today, more than in Viet Nam’s feudal system and under French colonialism,
or the former southern regime, women are better educated, in the workforce in huge
numbers, and they hold more political power than ever before (the Vice-President of
Viet Nam is a woman, Mrs. Nguyen Thi Binh). This does not mean, however, that
they have achieved full equality. The long commitment o f the Vietnamese
government to women’s liberation has brought many crucial changes, but the problems
37
o f traditional patriarchal values, poverty and the current development of a market
economy are very real obstacles to gender equity in Viet Nam.
The government has made economic development a top priority, while gender
equality also remains one of its goals. The primary policies of doi moi—privatization,
decentralization, and the development o f a market-based economy—might deter a
country long committed to a path in favor of gender equality to one promoting
competition. A society that follows competitive pressures without ensuring gender
equity can lead to increasing the kind of social inequalities, including gender, found in
other developing nations and in advanced industrialized countries as well.
Facing this situation, the Viet Nam Women's Union and other institutions
concerned with fostering gender equality must struggle harder to identify the causes of
inequities and overcome such barriers to liberate women, consistent with the aims of
both the government and the Women’s Union. We cannot ignore these historical
legacies and reality' in searching for gender equity in Vietnamese education or society
as a whole. I turn next to an overview of historical perspectives o f research on gender
equity issues in Vietnam in order to address the current challenges o f promoting
certain changes in higher education under current reform.
Historical Perspectives o f Research on Gender

Equity Issues in Viet Nam: An Overview
Prior to the mid-1980s, Viet Nam had limited contact with the West (except
with socialist countries); what interaction existed was dominated by war and post-war
hostilities. With the recent opening of Viet Nam to the West, however, there is a
heightened questioning of traditional gender roles, as these are challenged by other
38
conceptions about gender roles that promote more freedom and autonomy for women
on a variety o f levels.
There is a limited amount o f research in print about the specific research
questions I pose, and even less about gender issues in a Vietnamese context. Since the
1970s, a number o f workshops, conferences, and research papers have addressed the
advancement o f equality for women in educational and scientific endeavors:
• From 1974 to 1980: workshops and seminars on "Women and the Scientific
Road” and “Women and Literature” were organized in Ha Noi and Ho Chi
Minh City.
• Within 10 years from 1983, two major workshops on “Women at
Universities” were organized (sponsored by UNESCO and organized by the
Ministry o f Education and Training in October 1983 and March 1987). In
October 1987, the international conference on “Women and Science” was
organized with participants from ESCAP, UNICEF, Viet Nam, Laos,
Cambodia, Thailand, the Philippines, Mongolia, Algeria, the former Soviet
Union, Cuba, USA.
• From 1990 to the present, the Center for Research and Training on Women
of the Pedagogy College (Viet Nam National University-Ha Noi) and the
Center for Research on Family and Women (the National Institute o f Social
Sciences and Humanity) have conducted several relevant workshops, such
as: “Development potentials o f Vietnamese Women Scientists (1991-1992);
“Improving the Role o f Women Scientists in Science, Technology
Development (1993); “Women Scientists in Market Economy” (1994).
(Dang Thanh Le, 1997).
Moreover, although some preliminary statistical data exist concerning the
number of women faculty in higher education and some o f the challenges they face,
there is a definite lack of in-depth research about these issues. Many, if not most,
Vietnamese researchers have not had the opportunity to either study or use in-depth
qualitative methods; the result is too often a less-than-ideal treatment of these issues.
Furthermore, as Pelzer (1993, p. 332) has observed, “The current discourse on gender
relations in contemporary Viet Nam is more indicative o f unhappiness and confusion
than of solutions.”
39
In the process o f doi moi. besides lifting restrictions constraining economic
life, the government has also aimed at democratizing Vietnamese society, paying
particular attention to cultural and social development. The social sciences especially
have undergone many changes. Gender studies, for instance, have adopted new
perspectives resulting from exposure to research and cooperation with foreign
scholars, and further developed by Vietnamese scholars’ efforts and government
support.
In 1987, the Center for Scientific Research on Women o f the Institute o f Social
Sciences—presently known as the Center for Scientific Research on Family and
Women—was founded. Sociologists studying women now have more access to
material and projects on research on women undertaken by scholars from foreign
countries, particularly, from the United States, Canada, and Australia.
Some o f the most prominent Vietnamese researchers associated with this new
research are Le Thi Nham Tuyet, Le Thi, Le Thi Quy, Dang Thanh Le, and Ngo Tuan
Dung. They have researched and translated a number o f essential articles on the
subject and adapted their conclusions to the special conditions of Viet Nam, such as Le
Thi’s “Gender - Jobs and the Cultural Development o f Vietnamese Society” (1996); or
Tran Thi Van Anh’s “Thinking of Gender Education in Family” (1997).
In October 1990, the Center o f Scientific Research on Women cooperated with
the Asian-Pacific Development Center (APDC) and organized a conference on
Gender, Economic Development and the question o f Poverty. The contributions to the
conference have provided Vietnamese scholars with an abundant source o f material,
and have introduced them to the various orientations o f research on the topic.
40
In September 1992, another symposium on Gender and Development was
organized by the Center of Scientific Research on Women and the Swedish
International Development Agency. The list o f participants included policy-makers
from a number o f government ministries, such as the National Planning Committee.
Forestry Ministry, Health Ministry, and delegates from organizations such as the
Vietnamese Women Union and the General Labor Union.
The symposium presented the basic concepts o f gender and gender equity as
fundamental principles for organizing society, and for developing a social system with
equality and gender justice. Some papers pointed out the importance o f gender in
some Vietnamese programs of social and economic development. The symposium
also suggested a series o f projects aiming at promulgating the analysis o f gender to the
general public, policy-makers, women organizations, and students. All central and
provincial organizations have been encouraged to introduce gender into their research
projects by government. And the government also pays attention to gender in their
development programs up to the year 2000 and into the 21st century.
Gender issues have more often been discussed in Viet Nam since the mid-
1990s. As I mentioned, some authors simply introduced the development o f the
gender concept by translation or book review. For example, in his article, “The
concept issues of gender,” Ngo Tuan Dung summarized some main themes of two
American books, Sex and Gender in Society by Jean Stockard and Miriam M. Johnson
(1992), and Analysing Gender by Beth B.Hess and Myra Marx Ferree (1987). Ngo
Tuan Dung tried to provide an overview of developing feminist theory in pushing the
social science beyond the simple “add-women-and stir” formula for incorporating
women into existing paradigms o f research.
41
According to Vu To Nga (1998), from 1990 to 1998, in the Vietnamese
magazine. Scientific Research on Women, about 83 articles were published that
focused on gender concepts and issues. Among them are articles by Vietnamese
scholars such as Le Thi Nham Tuyet (1990), Le Thi (1991, 1992), Le Thi Quy (1990.
1994). Tran Thi Van Anh (1991), Dang Kim Nhung (1997), Do Thi Binh (1996).
Hoang Thi Lich (1996), Dang Thanh Le (1991). They have focused mainly on
relations between gender and family education, gender and jobs, women’s status in
education and the market economy, and gender and research on women in general.
Since 1990, Ministry o f Education and Training also has paid attention to
equity in education. Some major research projects could be counted, such as, equity in
higher education o f Viet Nam in doi moi (Vu Ngoc Pha, 1995), the challenges facing
higher education o f Viet Nam in doi moi (Dao Quang Ngoan, 1995), and research on
professional development and training for faculty members and teachers o f vocational
schools (Pham Thanh Nghi, 1993). These projects just figured out some problems of
equity and faculty members’ qualification generally. The analysis is based on
secondary data and not systematic.
Hoang Thi Lich (1996), Dang Thanh Le (1997), Pham Thi Tran Chau (1995),
and Thai Thi Ngoc Du (1997) are the only four scholars who have recently discussed
women’s status in higher education, but their findings were also mainly based on
quantitative measures, and their papers were descriptive articles, not analytical
research projects. Yet these researchers already have contributed in some effective
ways to a deeper understanding o f gender issues in Viet Nam. Clearly now there is a
need for in-depth research on gender equity in education in general and in higher
education in particular.
42
Facing the fact that Vietnamese literature on equity issues in general and in
education in particular is not rich and deep, and mainly based on Western literature, I
review briefly the concepts of equity, gender equity in education. Following these
discussions, I continue to explore some essential perspectives of feminist scholarship
in education and multicultural feminism. Understanding these aspects not only allows
for the examination o f educational inequalities that exist, but also encourages the
development o f strategies to achieve gender equality in education by broadening our
Vietnamese perspectives of educational gender equity as discussed by American
educators, and feminist researchers in particular.
Reviewing a Vision o f Eauitv and

Gender Equity in Education
Equity in Education and its Basic Levels
To fully grasp the definition o f equity in education by Fred Rodriguez (1990)
as quoted in Chapter One, I show the author’s continued explanation o f what equity in
education is not, such as:
• Equity in education is not a course or a subject area.

• Equity in education is not a unit o f study on societal problems and concerns.
• Equity in education is not aimed at training teachers to workexclusively
with ethnic minority student populations.
• Equity in education is not dependent upon the geographic setting o f a school
or the demographics o f the student population.
• Equity in education is not a program that is added to the current school
offerings.
• Equity in education is not limited to only the delivery o f a curriculum in a
school setting.
• Equity in education is not treating all students the same. (p. 12)
This concept is to provide for American education, but it also gives a sense o f
purpose for any educational system in the diversity of the world. Fred Rodriguez
43
(1990) also made clear explanations o f a five level approach to reduce the existing
disparity in opportunity. The following are their five levels of integration efforts of
viable means to achieve equity: (a) physical desegregation, (b) equal access, (c) equal
treatment, (d) equal outcomes, and (e) quality outcomes.
In the United States, during the first half of this century, equity, for the most
part of the literature, meant making sure that each citizen had equal access to
schooling. During the rest o f this century, the primary interpretation o f equity is
educational opportunity. Much more important today and beyond is to benefit from
quality education, the quality o f outcomes. This quality can help to restructure the
educational culture in order to prepare all members of society for the information age.
Viet Nam still needs to learn from the American experiences (at least from theories) in
the first half o f this century, especially the issue of equal educational opportunities.
Vietnamese people are aware of these concepts, but understanding and implementing
them have only been at a superficial level.
These basic foundations clearly frame the basis for a further review of gender
and gender equity in education.
Gender and Gender Equity in Education
Beauvoir (1952, pp. 301, 305), in her work, The Second Sex, states, “One is
not bom. but rather becomes, a woman” and “woman is not an essence but a social
construct in the domain o f patriarchal culture.” These statements decentered man from
his privileged position in society, demystifying gender as natural, essential, and
universal. Derived from Beauvoir’s example, the word “gender” emerged as one o f
the crucial outcomes o f the feminist movement.
44
Feminist theories o f gender, in Biklen and Pollard’s (1993) analysis, can be
distinguished in three ways. First, feminist theories critique the gendered practices and
structures of male supremacy and patriarchy. They address how these structures and
the practices that sustain them arrange gender as a relation of unequal and oppressive
power. Second, feminists consider gender as a site o f power, not only in the ways in
which gender becomes the basis for inequality but also in the contradictory effects o f
gendered identities. Third, such feminist theories address how the dynamics of
patriarchy and male supremacy structure social relations between and among females
and males.
Beyond the simplistic biological notion of sex, gender encompasses not only
the concept o f sex, but also the social and cultural meanings to being female or male.
Biklen and Pollard (1993, p. 1) also argue gender as a social construction is productive
towards analyzing gender relationships in different aspects o f education.
Like other institutions, the university in both the U.S. and Viet Nam
perpetuates a sexual division of labor. Men hold the majority of senior and high
positions, whilst women predominate in lower-paid, insecure, often part-time jobs.
Usually, gendered male power and control go much deeper into the structures of the
university, its committees, its staffing patterns, and its informal lobbying groups. Even
where women have gained some representation, the style and discourse o f meetings
still follow gendered male traits and tends to be male-defined. Feminist scholars have
criticized the prevalence o f male power in academe, arguing that when women gather
to study, conference or work, many aim to network in order to challenge inequalities in
power and to address issues important to women in higher education that are otherwise
neglected.
45
According to Hilke and Conway-Gerhardt (1994), as quoted previously, gender
equity can only be achieved once sex-role stereotyping and sex bias is eliminated in
education. Throughout the developing world there is a clear recognition that greater
gender equity requires a hefty investment in education. In Women: Looking Bevond
2000 (United Nations, 1995), education is emphasized as a critical area of
advancement for women. Education raises income, promotes health, and increases
productivity. However, women and girls in both developed and developing countries
do not have equal access to education and training resources, and the problem is most
pronounced in developing countries such as Viet Nam.
In the U.S. and some other developed countries, feminist academic literature
over the past ten years has analyzed how women academics are responding to the
patriarchal nature o f institutions of higher education. Feminists engaged in academic
work acknowledge that scholarship and teaching are political acts, and that feminist
scholarship and teaching can and should challenge the multiplicity o f ways in which
women are oppressed.
In their book, Changing the Subject: Women in Higher Education. Davies.
Lubelska. and Quinn (1994) reveal the complexity o f women's lives and the
contradictory nature o f women’s experience in higher education. Women are
disadvantaged by a system where their values and interests are seen to be o f little or no
importance. Since childhood, most o f us have been trained and taught in traditional
educational institutions. Feminist education, however, realized that education has
been hampered by the dominance of masculine values. Feminist education seeks to
counteract and undo this kind o f tradition as a prerequisite for women attaining their
46
full potential. In this light, I continue to review some major perspectives o f feminist
theories for restructuring educational systems to obtain gender equity.
Some Aspects of Multicultural Feminism

and Feminist Scholarship in Education
Multicultural Feminism
Many researchers are concerned that we reflect cross-cultural and transnational
awareness by using more diverse terms like ‘feminisms’ rather than just ‘feminism,’
because o f the many differences between perspectives on gender in feminist theoretical
positions. Scholars categorize these feminisms in different ways. Some scholars use
the labels such as socialist feminism, liberal feminism, and radical feminism to
categorize different feminist perspectives. The others refer to the theoretical
orientations o f materialist feminists, cultural feminists, and postmodern feminists.
This part o f the chapter is not a comprehensive examination o f feminist theory
as such, but reviews some major ideological and theoretical aspects that have
contributed to the prospect o f women’s education in its various forms since the 1970s
in the U.S., and in the international agenda. Maggie Coats (1994, p. 19) notes that it is
impossible to find a single definition of feminism which encompasses all the
dimensions of feminist thought; but a useful one was given in the book on women’s
education by Hughes and Kennedy (1985) when Maggie Coats summarized these
author the following:
• it [feminism] pertains to women, including the social and psychological

aspects o f womanhood as distinct from the seemingly fixed biological
aspects;
• it is an acute state o f awareness about the nature and experiences o f being a
woman;
47
• at different times in history and for different groups of women it has

become visible in public struggles over equal rights, emancipation, birth
control and sexuality, liberation and sisterhood. Activities around these and
other issues create the feminist women’s movements o f time;
• feminists have different ideas and ways of achieving the freeing o f women
depending on their class, race, education and political perspectives. (Coats.
1994, p. 19).
Theorists raise different questions about gender and about which contextual
issues need to be considered. For example, cultural feminists, especially post-colonial
feminism (Alexander & Mohanty, 1997) assume the context and one’s perspective are
critical to understanding different ways of looking at the world. Materialist feminists
study how material conditions, particularly the sexual division o f labor, shape gender
relations. African-American feminists both criticize European-American feminists for
not taking their perspectives into account (for assuming that black and white women
experience the world in the same way) and conceptualize a feminism that makes
"race” central.
Within the various strands that made up feminist theory there are three main
strands o f feminism that can be identified as influential to women’s equality in
education. They are liberal feminism, socialist (or Marxist) feminism, and radical
feminism.
Liberal feminism places a high value on tolerance and individual rights.
Liberal feminists wonder how we can change social conditions to make women’s lives
equal to men’s or to make life better for all. Liberal feminists focus on the ways that
girls’ education has been inequitable, or on how women have been excluded from
positions in educational administration. They document these inequitable practices
and call for equal access. Their works tend to consider educational institutions or
government policy-making. Education from this perspective is also seen as one way
48
o f addressing the disadvantages o f women by encouraging individuals to fulfill their
potential or o f redressing the balance between women and men.
Socialist (Marxist) feminism explains the relationship between social division
based on class and social divisions based on gender. Barratt (1980) summarized four
o f these theoretical possibilities: (a) gender is completely absorbed by class relations,
(b) gender divisions form a separate system o f oppression from class relations, (c) the
relation between class and gender can be discovered empirically, and (d) it is possible
to achieve a theoretical reconciliation between gender and class.
Early Socialist and Marxist feminist works on gender, class, and education held
that the traditional role of women in the home and in the family is an entirely
satisfactory position for exploitative capitalism. Workers are cared for by women,
new workers are reproduced and reared by women, and women are available for a
variety o f low paid, unskilled, part-time and often temporary jobs, in response to the
varying market needs for labor at any given time.
Radical feminism sees the position o f women in society as a consequence o f
the domination o f men. It also understands capitalism to require profit and profit to
require loss somewhere along the line. It thus understands institutions like the
academy to be perpetuators o f capitalist and racist values as well as o f sexist ones
(Bunch & Pollack, 1983). Radical feminism is committed to the dismantling o f
present societal institutions and to the formation of organizations operated by and for
the people.
The study by Hughes and Kennedy (1985) and their preceding paper (1983)
carry a strong argument in support of women’s education from a radical feminist
perspective. According to this perspective, women’s education is not just to transmit
49
knowledge and ideas but also to provide a space for women in whom the process of
such discovery and learning builds up their confidence and they empower themselves.
Education combines objective knowledge about women with subjective change within
women. Both socialist and radical feminist frameworks go further than liberal ones in
making sense of the entrenched inequalities and resistance to change.
As Gearhart (1983) notes, however, since the liberal feminist characteristically
believes that with sexual equality the system can be reformed, the actions acceptable to
her as goals may often be the same reforms that are acceptable to the radical feminist
as strategies. For example, equal rank for women teachers may be for liberal feminists
a goal and for radical feminists a step along the way that will give women more power
for the future. This overlap o f concerns makes it possible for a radical feminist to
work with liberals on specific reforms within academia, most particularly in women’s
studies programs. Radical and liberal women have a common interest in creating
feminist professionals.
Before reviewing some aspects of the feminist scholarship in education in the
next section, it might be worthy to note that the terminology differs; disadvantage can
be described as inequality or discrimination, or as subordination and oppression. What
also varies, according to different theoretical perspectives, are the reasons given for
this disadvantage and thus the solutions to it.
Feminist Scholarship in Education
For many years feminist scholarship in education has assumed that researchers
can neither accurately describe nor interpret educational issues without understanding
the everyday experiences o f girls and women. In fact, the unity and purpose presented
50
in this view have been diminished in recent years by the growing awareness that the
everyday experiences o f girls and women can differ dramatically by how their
identities are otherwise constituted. Class, race, and ethnicity also position girls and
women so that the earlier commonalties that feminists represented are less obvious.
Any feminism that hovered only around the norms of experience o f European-
American. middle-class women would be too narrow to account for the complexity of
gender (Biklen & Pollard. 1993).
Feminist scholarship in education, as Biklen and Pollard (1993) defines,
engages with questions of gender using different theoretical frameworks. These
frameworks shape what is important to study as well as what methodological
approaches are effective. The rest of this section concerns the major ways in which
feminists define and approach questions o f gender in educational research.
The choice o f feminist theoretical perspectives shapes which questions about
gender are important and which contextual issues need to be considered. Feminism
has also influenced how questions of women and girls in education are studied.
Analysis of traditional methods of studying education suggests that the perspectives of
girls and women be marginalized because they are objects o f research rather than
subjects.
Feminists emphasize articulating, describing, and problematizing a “voice” of
girls and women in education (Gilligan 1982, Greene 1993). Feminist scholars are
interested not only in what happens to girls and women in education but also how they
interpret and make meaning of what happens to them, as well as what discourses
influence the making o f those meanings. Researchers have also reflected on how their
own relationship to their informants influences their findings and interpretations, and
51
what these relationships should be like. In other words, feminist researchers pay
careful attention both to capturing the voices of women they study and to how the
practices o f research shape what is learned. Often, attention to these issues has led
researchers to qualitative methods and paying attention to mutual relations in the study
process.
In the U.S., feminist scholarship research on gender in education from the
1970s onwards is wide-ranging and theoretical diverse. An important contribution of
this trend is a dramatic shift toward examining the social construction o f gender. The
process o f doing feminist research on gender and education has several aspects. These
include both a critique o f research that is not sensitive to gender as a social
construction, as well as a new and deep analysis of the variety o f educational topics,
such as access to schooling, the school experience, career choices/development, adult
education, and benefits from education. These topics can explore the complexity o f
the lives of women and girls in education, their disadvantaged relationships to
practices in particular gendered ways, and commitments for change.
From this theoretical vantage point, I continue to review some main features of
the international inheritance of research on gender in education.
The Inheritance o f Research on Gender in

Education in Developing Countries
Gail Kelly’s work, which is summarized by David H. Kelly (1996) in
International Feminist Perspective on Educational Reform, showed that before 1970.
scholars virtually ignored the study of women’s education in the nations of Africa,
Asia. Latin America and the Middle East. In this statement, Gail Kelly mentioned
U.S. scholars, but it was also applicable for the “domestic” scholars o f those countries
52
in 1980s and 1990s, including Viet Nam. The most obvious reason was the
assumption that the determinants, patterns, and outcomes o f female education could be
studied in the same manner as men’s.
With the emergence o f comparative education, the large amount o f research on
these countries throughout the 1970s and 1980s sought to trace the relation between
school expansion, economic, social, political development, and social justice and
welfare. There are now many studies of women’s education available within and
outside developing countries. These studies mostly indicated that women had lesser
access to schooling (usually based on gross enrollment rates), dropped out o f school
more frequently than men, and achieved academically less often than men. Women’s
participation in higher education tends to be lower than that o f men in most countries.
Thus, they did not appear to enter the workforce in the modem sector o f the economy
in as great a proportion as men in jobs commensurate with their training.
Gail Kelly (in David H. Kelly, 1996) showed that one o f the pitfalls o f research
on women’s education in the so-called Third World’ is that in the early stages of
development researchers are in denial o f or unquestioningly accept patriarchy. In
short, the gender roles are acknowledged, but not gender systems. Most researchers
did not even consider the existence o f patriarchy. Scholars studied complex issues
surrounding access to education, educational processes, and educational outcomes the
same way for women and men. and refused to recognize the gender-linked social
relationships through which women are defined. The research presumes that schools
are neutral institutions that make no distinction between males and females.
Differences in outcomes, consequently, can only be seen as “natural” (Bowman &
Anderson. 1980).
53
Another problem with traditional research on women’s education is the notion
that women are not the center o f research because their lives naturally center on
domestic life while public life is secondary. This traditional trend never adequately
explained why women need to go to school, or fail to go. More recently, as I
mentioned, influenced greatly by feminism, feminist scholarship has raised new
questions about the effect of education on women’s lives and society, and has led to
new methodologies for studying women’s education. Gender issues are discussed, as
are the patterns o f female versus male scholastic achievement identified in Western
capitalist societies, especially the United States, Great Britain, Germany, and Sweden.
These patterns are almost nonexistent or new in the social science of many developing
countries.
Putting women at the center of research on schooling, combined with the
understanding that sex-gender systems determine how education changes women’s
lives are feminist strategies for addressing gender inequity. Feminist scholarship is
distinguishable from other scholarship on women in that its methods, frameworks,
concerns, and questions are directed to changing women’s lives and freeing them from
oppression. It is still worthy considering the following quotation by Kelly as "a
memorandum” to all researchers on women’s education in the international arena,
especially researchers o f developing countries:
Comparative research has not only neglected analysis o f the impact of

education on women’s position in socialist and non-socialist Third World
countries; it has also failed to assess whether changes in women’s position
noted in Third World countries exist in advanced industrial societies, which in
most instances control Third World economies. Most o f the research has
presumed that the factors influencing the roles o f women and the use women
can make o f education exist solely within the boundaries of a single nation
state. Most deny the impact o f neo-colonialism and the international market.
The extent to which the economies o f Third World nations have been adversely
54
affected by Western Europe and the United States has been ignored in the
literature. (Gail Kelly as quoted in David H. Kelly, 1996, p. 84)
It is true that we have a limited amount of research on women’s education,
specifically equity issues on the position of women in revolutionary and post
revolutionary socialist societies. Because Viet Nam is a socialist country and my case
study deals with gender equity in higher education, I review next some comparative
perspectives of capitalist and socialist educational systems and equality o f higher
education under a socialist regime.
Comparative Perspectives of Capitalist and Socialist

Educational Systems and Equity o f Higher
Education Under a Socialist Regime
In their introductory chapter, “Academic Culture in an International Context,”
Kempner and Tierney (1996, p. 3) state that
Educational inputs and outputs have meaning only when considered in relation
to the larger cultural context that defines a nation’s social structure and its
educational system. Understanding culture is necessary to accomplish
comparative educational research in order, as Noah (1986, p. 154) suggests, to
“help us understand better our own past, locate ourselves more exactly in the
present, and discern a little more clearly what our educational future may be.”
To truly understand why the present looks as its does, what the “future may be”
in education, and how knowledge is produced, Kelly and Albach (1986, p. 312)
note that comparative education must be guided by a larger, more integrative or
“world systems analysis.” (Kempner & Tierney, 1996, p. 3)
A nation’s system of education is influenced by economic, political and
cultural factors. One of the main trends in comparative education is the study of
differences between capitalist and socialist systems. Capitalist society is oriented
mainly toward a market economy (competition), while a socialist society is
theoretically oriented toward a planned, centralized, and subsidized economy
(egalitarianism).
55
Camoy and Samoff (1990) identified some distinguishing features o f socialist
or transitional societies. For the most part, they share a colonial heritage, are
agriculturally based and industrially underdeveloped, and have a peripheral position in
the world economic system. They have an anti-capitalist orientation, seeking in
collectivism the route to a nonexploitative society, a highly productive, classless
society that replaces individual gain by equitable collective consumption. Finally, they
emphasize the dominant role of the state in all spheres o f social transformation and
development.
Camoy and Samoff (1990, pp. 75-96) compare capitalist and socialist
educational systems, arguing that they differ from each other in that transition states
place so much emphasis on controlling knowledge and ideology. Through education,
the state attempts to give a new meaning to citizenship, one that is largely political and
socio-collective rather than economic (with focus on the free market) and
individualistic.
A crucial reason for these differences lies in the social dynamic o f transition
states necessarily oriented toward the development o f labor and work rather than
capitalist states’ emphasis on capital. As Jones (1984, p. 13) also states, “advanced
technological societies are achievement-oriented rather than ascribed and where
mobility is contested rather than sponsored.” Contested mobility, for Jones (1984,
p. 13), is characterized by the “American system of education which is akin to a race
which all have a chance o f winning.”
Another prevailing socialist educational feature that differs from capitalist
education is the content o f the curriculum, which usually combines academic
knowledge with political lessons such as government policies, Marxist-Leninist
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philosophy, socialist morality, and even military training. Political criteria are major
factors for university student selection. The emphases on political and specialized
knowledge are main features of a hierarchical educational system o f a socialist society,
which o f course is at odds with the theoretical egalitarianism.
It should be highlighted that the state in all socialist countries is committed to
building a mass society in which individual gain is subsumed to national needs and
objectives, and social transformation is the basis for economic growth and for
increased political participation. Educational reforms in socialist societies are part o f
an effort to equalize social position and access to knowledge, and to develop a new
base for political power o f the state.
According to Freeman (1998), there are at least three reasons why it is
important to understand how socialist countries attempted to achieve equality in higher
education. In fact, this author focuses the issues on Hungary and Poland, but her case
study is appropriate in relation to the whole socialist system and not different from
other researchers, such as Camoy and Samoff. I see Freeman’s case study as helpful to
increase my understanding of this Vietnamese case study. The following discussion
briefly demonstrates the integration o f my ideas with Freeman’s.
First, it is important to understand the rationale for admission and selection for
higher education participation in a socialist regime. In the socialist system, admission
and selection are strictly controlled for political, economic, and social reasons. Lukacs
(1989) points out the rationale: (a) manpower is one o f the fundamental resources o f
the national economy and, (b) reproduction of the manpower structure also represented
a reproduction o f the social structure (i.e., the system o f social positions and the
relationship between the particular classes, strata and groups).
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For political reasons, according to Kozma (1990, p. 383), “a strongly selective
higher education system helped to control the recruitment and limit the ‘production’ of
intellectuals.” In the other words, the State attempts to control education as a means of
reshaping the social structure. Policies to ensure youths from worker and peasant
classes access to higher education were implemented to break the ‘‘ruling classes”
(Dobson, 1977). By controlling the qualification system and the school system, the
government sought to keep the market free from spontaneous influences (Lukacs.
1989). As Lukacs said, the idea was to maintain the existing social structure and to
prevent those unfit from becoming members o f the elite ruling class. Therefore,
access to higher education institutions in these countries is still difficult because they
are traditionally classic, i.e., very academic, elitist, and closed. There is no community
college system, which in the U.S. supposedly serves as a flexible source of educational
mobility.
Second, there must be an understanding o f the flow of graduates from
secondary to higher education, their perception and attitudes about higher education
versus the needs and plans of the States under socialist rule. In order to prevent
unemployment, Vietnamese policy-makers developed a 5-year plan to determine the
exact number of professionals needed in each branch. In addition, the political
authorities also determined the social background and which group should represent or
gain a priority (worker and peasant classes were given the highest priority). Because
o f these reasons, entrance to higher education has been highly selective and
competitive.
Finally, from the two reasons above, it is important to review equality of higher
education under a socialist regime to understand deeply the obstacles socialist
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countries have faced and continue to face in trying to equalize access to higher
education in the past, the present, and the future. In fact, while attempting to equalize
access to higher education, participation by students from lower classes was greatly
limited, and, o f course, social and gender inequality was the norm. Making sense o f
these problems. Freeman quoted Najduchowska's (1978, pp. 154-155) list o f reasons
for the discrepancy in applications to higher education among the different social
classes:
1. Inequalities resulting from hereditary and contemporary difference in the
economic and social position o f the various groups and classes.
2. Unequal upbringing and cultural levels acquired at home in different social
and occupational groups and regions.
3. Uneven opportunities of admission to secondary and high schools, due to
disparities in the geographical availability of secondary education
4. Difference in patterns of career expectations predominant in various social
classes
In trying to follow the ideology of equal distribution, the socialist rule also
blocked equal opportunities and created inequalities as explained. How to overcome
these inequalities poses great challenges to socialist countries moving towards the
transition to a market economy. Viet Nam is not an exception in this trend, as I will
discuss in the last part o f this chapter where I review some major points of feminist
praxis theory in pedagogy and research.
Theory of Feminist Praxis—A Realistic Reflection
Power inequality is the core issue in many women’s struggles, whether it is
economic, political, social, educational, or psychological. One o f the goals shared by
critical education theory and feminist theory is to encourage others to feel their power
as a positive benefit and to create a force for change. But, while exploring the
relationship o f class and race to education, critical education theory substantially
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ignores the role of gender and fails to recognize the significance of sexism in
education (Weiler, 1988). Feminism is not just about theory, it is about our everyday
life. Developing a form of praxis from such a moral/political stance o f feminism in
order to change the educational practice is the focus o f this last section. Reviewing
this important theory also helps me to examine my case study more effectively.
As Weiler (1988) quoted:
Feminism has three main dimensions, political, critical and praxis-oriented.

Praxis is a term that is used to signify the dialectic relationship between
thought and action (or theory and practice) in certain ‘practical sciences’ such
as teaching or nursing. It is viewed as a form of reasoning informed by action
which, in a process o f reflection on its character and consequences it
reflexively changed, (p. 121)
Wailer (1988) also provides a summarization o f the term “praxis”; it originally
derives from Aristotle’s notion that the practical arts of ethics, politics and education
necessarily rest on knowledge, which is uncertain and incomplete. Later, Marx used
the term as a means o f contrasting action to philosophical speculation and this
conceptualization was adopted and extended by Paulo Freire, in his work on liberation
pedagogy which he developed when teaching adult literacy in South America. He
conceptualized praxis as a fusion of subjectivity and objectivity in how people live out
their lives:
A process of orientation in the world [which] can be neither understood as a

purely subjective event, nor as an objective or mechanistic one, but only as an
event in which subjectivity and objectivity are united (Freire, 1970, p. 21)
Praxis, Freire argued, defines the interface between thought and action, which
constitutes reality for most people. It is therefore crucial to the aspirations and
decisions that shape their lives. As Wailer (1988) points out, Freire and feminists
share a vision o f social transformation and similar perspectives on oppression,
consciousness, and historical change.
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Beyond merely improving and valuing practice, it also enables teachers rather
than academic theorists to develop educational theory grounded in classroom practice.
Thus in this discourse, praxis is seen as the informed action o f a “teacher-researcher”
or “reflective practitioner” following from particular commitments in light of
particular circumstances and issues (Schmuck, 1997). This “action research” cannot
easily be accepted by the technical rationality o f positivism. Furthermore, “critical
praxis." as Wailer (1988) also summarized, enables critical social scientists or
practitioners to develop a practice that embraces their own political/social values.
beliefs, and demands for change.
This [critical praxis] requires an integration of theory and practice as reflective

and practical moments in a dialectic process o f reflection, enlightenment and
political struggle carried out by groups for the purpose o f their own
emancipation, (p. 144)
Do researchers concerned with gender equity issues often meet the high
standards that its internal critics hold it to concerning feminist praxis? Was feminist
praxis achieved? Many researchers already knew that these questions are impossible
to answer, since feminist thought is always on the move as a “theory in the making”
(hooks, 1984, p. 10). However, in my view, as well as many other feminists, the point
to make here is that whatever the outcome, feminist thought and consciousness helped
us to shape our practice and to be reflective in our concerns.
As I mentioned, reviewing the debates within feminism in education could well
establish a “light house” to guide my study. To quote Wailer (1988), the following
four elements have proved foundational to my work:
1. Social justice/equality concerns are the micro, as well as macro-political

levels;
2. The importance o f changing practice as well as structures;
3. The complexities of human experience which render relations of
dominance/subordination as more problematic than in the past;
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4. The necessity o f greater openness and the need to be responsive to changing

circumstances and demands (emphasis in the original), (pp. 41-42
Critical researchers who appreciate most o f the tenets o f feminist praxis try to
choose a research methodology to portray the complexity o f power relations and to
interrupt the power imbalances. They also try to find the best way to collect data and
respond effectively to the themes emerging from the data and the forms of analysis.
The methodology of my case study is revealed in the next chapter, which defines
further my engagement with feminist praxis in educational research.
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CHAPTER IV
METHODOLOGY
Qualitative science is not at variance with the physical and biological sciences.
It is reflected in them, complements them, and extends the search for form and
quality beyond their self-imposed limits. (H. G. Barnett. 1983, p. 1)
In this chapter, I describe the design of a study that helped me to explore the
invisible and visible challenges o f gender equity issues in Vietnamese higher
education. As a highlighted connection with the previous chapter, I begin this chapter
by introducing the theoretical frameworks that motivated my choice of methodology,
which becomes the “light house” o f my study, especially it relates to gender equity in
education. Next, I introduce a description of the research design, which includes site
selection, and rationale, sample selection, instrument development, data collection and
interpretation, and limitations of this study.
Theoretical Framework
In our academic sphere, choosing a theoretical lens to view the world, and
conduct research is strongly expected. I felt fortunate that over the last eight years I
have had the opportunity to work and study in the United States to broaden and deepen
my worldview and educational perspectives. For this study, I used the lenses o f
feminism, especially feminist scholarship in education and human capital theory. My
methods for framing the subjects’ experiences are related to the United National
Development Program (UNDP) gender dimension o f human poverty projects. This
combination allowed me to develop a powerful lens in viewing the social conditions in
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which subject’s live, interact, and construct their world view, while remaining
reflective about my position as a researcher and woman.
Investing in human capital to improve the quality o f the labor force and life is
not only an interest shown in academic literature, but also in discussions o f public
policy, and in political campaigns. This issue is not new in the United States, but it
needs to be recognized and highlighted in Vietnamese social science and humanities,
as well as in the Vietnamese society as a whole. To repeat, considering the current
statistics, girls and young women are not just Viet Nam’s future in particular—they are
a significant part o f our present. With caring and excellent training, women have the
possibility o f making fundamental societal changes in the next few generations.
In Human Capital. Becker (1993) studies the consequences of investing in a
person’s knowledge and skills. According to his theory, investment in an individual’s
education and training is similar to business investments in equipment. Becker looks
at the economic effects of investment in education on employment and earnings, and
shows how his theory measures the incentives for such wise investment. I agree with
his statement that ‘‘education and training are the most important investments in
human capital” (Becker, 1993, p. 17). This is a long-term, effective investment for any
nation.
Becker’s book and so many other studies point out that high school and college
education in the United States greatly raise a person’s income and adjust for the
circumstance o f family background. Becker also points out that similar evidence is
now available concerning many such aspects from over one hundred countries with
different cultures and economic systems. UNDP projects have great practical
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contributions to this major theory in the perspective of equal outcomes for women as
demonstrated in annual UN Human Development Reports.
A profound understanding of poverty views it as a social and economic
problem created by intersecting inequalities. This means recognizing that economic
inequalities and other inequalities, including gender, have reciprocal and mutually
reinforcing impacts. Gender inequalities are not just damaging to the development of
women, but also to people in general and the entire nation. Thus, to be successful,
anti-poverty strategies must deal with issues related to women’s low status and lack o f
empowerment
The Human Development Reports have also contributed to the understanding o f the
complexities o f poverty by introducing the concept of human poverty. As the UNDP
Poverty Report (1998: 72) explains, the concept of human poverty “is based upon the
capabilities/entitlements approach which, expanding upon the insights o f the income
poverty approach, examines people’s ‘capabilities,’ such as literacy and levels o f
health and nutrition, as well as their ‘entitlements’ to assets and resources.” UNDP
projects and many common studies of human poverty get a resounding answer “yes” to
the question “are women poorer than men?” especially in Southeast Asia and sub-
Saharan Africa. This disparity results from gender inequalities within households, and
is reinforced and supported by gender biases in labor markets, credit institutions, and
the legal system. It also results from various social norms that lead to women’s social
exclusion or economic subordination.
I agree with the suggestion that while UNDP projects, as well as many policy
reforms in many countries certainly benefit women, they do not always address
fundamental issues. They recognize that women have difficulty in gaining the assets
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and resources needed to generate income and develop. But instead o f removing the
barriers, they attempt to circumvent them—essentially focusing on women’s immediate
practical needs rather than their long-term strategic needs and interests. I emphasize
human capital theory and the concept o f human poverty in the gender dimension as my
theoretical framework for my study.
As I already mentioned in Chapter III, in the literature on the global context,
specifically in the United States, the feminist movement and feminist thought have
made an extraordinary impact on the social science and humanities over the past 20 or
30 years. Feminism has a long history and has many dimensions in different cultures,
but for about two centuries women authors have mainly produced works attacking
male-dominated society and building avenues o f women’s emancipation. A great deal
o f research over the past few decades has been devoted to documenting, and seeking to
identify the roots of gender inequalities, as well as trying to erase them.
Feminist perspectives in conducting research on women in education stress the
acknowledgement of the patriarchal structures o f power and knowledge in the
academy, and the ways in which these can disadvantage women. The importance of
feminist theory is establishing what we mean by empowerment, why it is necessary for
women to empower themselves, whose empowerment is desired and affected, and how
women might empower themselves. These perspectives point up the inadequacies of
simple equal opportunity approaches to women’s empowerment. Furthermore, an
appreciation o f recognizing and validating the diversity o f women’s voices and
experiences, especially the voices o f marginalized people, are emphasized in the
feminist research methodology. As Rubin and Rubin (1995) point out,
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Feminists criticize positivist research methodology as being anything but

neutral, claiming that positivist researchers often ignored women and assumed
an intellectual dominance o f the researcher over the interviewee . . . . In
response, feminist researchers worked out a methodology that was gentler, that
listened and heard more and talked less, that humanized both the researcher
and the interviewee, and that focused more on those who had little or no
societal voice. Allowing people to “talk back” (hooks, 1989) gives a voice
through interviews to those who have been silenced, (p. 36)
Feminist issues remain important in political and cultural agendas everywhere
and have become more and more firmly expanded in colleges and universities as the
major theme in “women’s studies” or feminist sociology. As the introduction o f The
Polity Reader in Gender Studies (1994) indicates:
We see today in the academy a third transition occurring, away from “women’s
studies” and towards “gender studies.” It is the feminist movement which has
made gender so central to theoretical thinking and research; yet plainly gender
studies means focusing upon men as well as women, masculinity as well as
femininity, (p. 3)
Feminist theory has been pivotal in raising awareness about the ways men and
women still experience different and unequal educational opportunities. Western
feminism may not be appropriate, however, in all cultural contexts. As Steele (1997)
has noted, various schools o f feminist thought have emerged in recent decades, yet
most reflect the interests of white middle-class Western women. She calls for a
synthesis of feminist theory, a “pragmatic,” democratic feminism; in her view, “[w]hat
ought to guide theory and practice are democratic values o f mutual recognition.
attention to others, autonomy, freedom, equality, and care, values that the public
sphere needs to support” (Steele 1997, p. 94).
Others echo the need for pragmatic theories that do not remain hostage to
Euro-centric conceptions of feminism. As Nancy Fraser (1991) argues:
pragmatic theories insist on the social context and social practice o f

communication, and they study a plurality o f historically changing discursive
sites and practices.. . . Complex, shifting, discursively constructed social
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identities provide an alternative to reified, essentialist conceptions o f gender

identity, on the one hand, and to simple negations and dispersals o f identity, on
the other, (p. 113)
Western research on women faculty in academia may be useful in analyzing the
issues facing women faculty in Viet Nam. After all, women faculty in Viet Nam and
the West often face similar circumstances, e.g., lack of representation at senior levels.
unequal distribution among disciplines, and the demands o f childrearing and domestic
duties men do not share, among others. The study o f sex differences in academic
career patterns is one area where there may be much to learn. For example, Bernard
(1964) whose early work on academic women, predicates some facts,
In the world o f academic women, career patterns develop along different lines.
Women tend to serve in institutions, which emphasize different functions, and
they themselves are attracted to different kinds of functions. Further, they tend
to be in areas which are not in strategic positions in the academic market place
and which are not as productive as areas that attract men. (p. 6)
This observation has been supported by a great deal o f research, which also
focuses on differing conceptions about academic work and the status disparity between
males and females. For example, Vasil (1996) notes that
Female academics feel least confident in situations that involve dealing with
the politics o f the academic career. . . . This finding is primarily a reflection o f
female academics’ lower positioning in the academic hierarchy . . . because
males occupy the majority of senior positions, appraisal and promotion
processes are largely implemented by men. Research suggests that such
processes may not be suitable for female academics because their perceptions
o f the job may be at variance with those o f their male evaluators.
(pp. 111-112).
Recent laws and policy changes affecting institutions of higher education in
Viet Nam now strongly emphasize that universities must correct personnel practices
that fail to treat men and women equally, and to increase the numbers o f women
faculty, particularly at the higher levels. This is easier said than done, o f course,
especially since the requirements for university faculties have increased. Now at least
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a Master's degree is required, which was not the case less than a decade ago. This
could significantly affect women, since it is often difficult for women to have the
financial and other support necessary to obtain post-graduate degrees during the
transition to a market economy.
Educational researchers, such as Anderson (1990), have shown that school
administrators are oriented to managing the school as an administrative function
which, by legitimizing the assumptions, values, and norms, makes privilege invisible.
He concludes that there is an urgent need to understand and describe not only how
administrators manage their schools, but also who benefits from the social
constructions that guide the managers. Anderson’s analysis is persuasive, and his
ideas also affected my study because his findings are appropriate for any educational
system.
As a matter o f fact, there is nothing that could be called Vietnamese feminist
theory in the orbit o f current Vietnamese social sciences. However, there is an interest
in exploring and developing culturally appropriate theories and strategies which, like
some Western feminist theories, are oriented toward “gender equity.” I should make
clear my belief that imported ideas about gender are just my “light house”, not a mold
or straightjacket for my Vietnamese case study. My research is based on Vietnamese
perspectives and looks at gender through a “Vietnamese filter.” In simple words, I
listened to the voices o f Vietnamese women who are in the field o f education to
explore some crucial solutions in the Vietnamese context.
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Research Design
Both external and internal forces determine the agenda o f the university.
Although higher educational institutions have expanded in Viet Nam. participation
rates for females at the post-secondary level continue to be considerably lower than for
males. Traditionally men have had more access to research and publishing networks,
more domestic support to facilitate research and better promotion prospects, whilst
women have been encouraged into caring “women’s roles” within the University,
which often allow little time or opportunity for self advancement. These factors still
persist. The deep and surface structures o f higher education, its values and its
processes, all ensure that men remain the main subjects in the main positions—their
actions, agendas, knowledge and power are still predominant.
Clearly, in Viet Nam, gender parity in higher education has not received as
much attention as expansion of the term “gender equity” itself in recent social and
political propaganda. The silences and culturally invisible norms that still cover male
privilege create many obstacles in the development o f a research design. The critical
question is how to investigate a phenomenon that may not be entirely visible to either
the research participants or the researcher.
The research methods we choose say much about our views on what qualifies
as valuable knowledge and our perspective on the nature o f reality. Since qualitative
inquiry is evolutionary in general and a new area o f investigation in Viet Nam in
particular, I planned to use qualitative methods as the means for my research. Its
openness allowed me to approach the inherent complexity of the power relations at
work in Vietnamese higher education. In addition, my key concern was to understand
the voice o f interest from the participants’ perspectives, not just the researcher.
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Furthermore, there was an action component to this research that was designed to seek
solutions, not simply identify problems. Thus, my research design was an exploratory
qualitative case study with an action agenda.
Patton (1985) has defined qualitative research as
An effort to understand situations in their uniqueness as part o f a particular

context and the interactions there. This understanding is an end in itself, so
that it is not attempting to predict what may happen in the future necessarily,
but to understand the nature o f that setting—what it means for participants to be
in that setting, what their lives are like, what’s going on for them, what their
meanings are, what the world looks like in that particular setting, (p. 1)
In his book. Qualitative Research and Case Study Applications in Education.
Sharan B. Merriam (1998) contrasts clearly quantitative research with qualitative
research, Quantitative research
Takes apart a phenomenon to examine component parts (which become the

variables o f the study), qualitative research can reveal how all the parts work
together to form a whole. It is assumed that meaning is embedded in people’s
experiences and that this meaning is mediated through the investigator’s own
perceptions, (p. 6)
Merriam (1998) has defined the kind of study I pursued: “A qualitative case
study is an intensive, holistic description and analysis of a single instance,
phenomenon, or social unit” (p. 27). Yin (1994) comments as well that “the case
study allows an investigation to retain the holistic and meaningful characteristics o f
real-life events” (p. 3). Specifically, my research was the combination of the heuristic
and descriptive qualitatives of a case study, based on the following brief definitions:
• Descriptive, qualitative case study presents information that is means to the

end product of a case study is a rich, ‘‘thick” description o f the
phenomenon under study. It presents information in a wide variety of
ways, and from the viewpoints of different groups.
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• Heuristics can explain the reasons for a problem, the background o f a

situation, what happened, and why. It can bring about the discovery of
new meaning, extend the reader’s experience, or confirm what is known
and increase its potential applicability. (Merriam. 1998, pp. 30-31)
Site Selection and Rationale
Viet Nam National University-Ha Noi (VNU) was the site for the research.
This was the most appropriate site for several reasons. VNU is the flagship institution
of higher education in Viet Nam, the intellectual inheritor of Ha Noi University, and
before that the University of Indochina, the latter established by the French in 1907.
VNU in Hanoi was established in December 1993. It combined three former leading
universities and colleges, which had been founded in the 1950s (Hanoi University, Ha
Noi Foreign Languages Teachers’ Training College, and Ha Noi Teachers’ Training
College No. 1. The former Ha Noi University was also divided into College o f Social
Science and Humanities and College o f Natural Sciences, complicating the already
difficult task of integrating numerous campuses.
Realizing the mission o f educational reform to meet the needs o f doi moi with
the task of industrialization and modernization, VNU has been divided into five
affiliated universities: University of General Education, University of Science,
University of Social Science and Humanities, University of Pedagogy, and University
o f Foreign Languages. This is the first National University model o f an
interdisciplinary university in Viet Nam. According to the VNU Report of Five Years
Activities and Development (1993-1998), until October 1998, with its 45 departments
and 24 research centers the VNU accommodates 62,989 students and employs 3,590
faculty and staff members. Furthermore, VNU has linkages with 80 universities and
international organizations in the world and it is one o f the country’s two biggest
universities (see Appendix A--copy of VNU Brochure for more details). Thus VNU is
on the cutting edge o f educational restructuring in Viet Nam, and serves as a model for
other universities throughout the country.
According to the statistical data o f the Ministry o f Education and Training in
the 1997-1998 school year, the total number o f women faculty o f all colleges and
universities is 8712/24082 (36.2%) and the number o f VNU women faculty is 707 out
o f 1868 (37,8%). Based on this source and an article by a woman Associate Professor
o f VNU, Nguyen Thi Kim Ngan (1998), the following Figure 7 shows the large
difference in representative between men and women at the higher ranks:
Faculty Ranks | Q ualifications

Professor A ssociate Professor Ph.D Ph.D. candidate M aster
T otal 92 295 68 753 290
W om en 5 20 6 119 117
% w om en 5.43% 6.78% 8.82% 15.80% 40.34%
FIGURE 7. VNU Women and Men at the High Professional Ranks
According to the new standard of the Ministry o f Education and Training, one
can be a university faculty member if one has a Master’s degree or better. Based on
this standardization, there are 364 women faculty and 905 men faculty in VNU as of
March, 1999.
In an attempt to meet the needs of each college and to respond to the national
policy for the advancement o f women, the first Center for Women’s Studies was
established at VNU in April 1998. This is the first such center at the university level
in Viet Nam. The main objective of the center is to conduct research on gender and
development in order to assist Vietnamese women in the field o f science and
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education, and to enhance their participation in the country's socio-economic
development. My research will contribute in many ways to the current discussion of
women in higher education in Viet Nam. One way is by creating an assessment o f the
status o f gender equity for women faculty my study will contribute to a greater
understanding o f the place of women in the field and for those in higher education in
Viet Nam today. Furthermore, as a member o f the Center’s Advisory Council, my
research project not only could contribute to the Center, but also to both theoretical
and practical perspectives for Women’s Studies in VNU.
Having been bom, raised, and educated in Ha Noi, as well as serving as a
woman faculty member o f VNU. I have numerous contacts with faculty and
administrators there. This gave me ease of access to a wide variety o f students,
professors, and administrators. Substantial networking with colleagues and
administrators was done and preliminary interviews with potential participants were
prepared in summer 1998 before the actual research process occurred in December
1998. In my capacity as Advisor to the Center for Women’s Studies,VNU, and Ph.D.
candidate at the University of Oregon, I commenced research in Viet Nam, sponsored
by the Center for the Study of Women in Society (CS WS), the Graduate School, the
Oregon University System and my department, Education Policy and Management in
the College o f Education.
Data Collection
Multiple sources o f information are sought and used because no single source
o f information can be trusted to provide a comprehensive perspective.. . . By
using a combination of observation, interviewing, and document analysis, the
fieldworker is able to use different data sources to validate and cross-check
findings. (Patton, 1990, p. 244)
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Qualitative inquiry, which focuses on meaning in context, requires a data
collection instrument that is sensitive to underlying meaning when gathering and
interpreting data. Marshall and Rossman (1995, p. 78) summarize the fundamental
methods relied on by qualitative researchers for gathering information are (a)
participation in the setting, (b) direct observation, (c) in-depth interviewing, and (d)
document review. These methods form the core of the research. In order to explore
the issues and answer the research questions I have set out. I conducted an in-depth,
open-ended interview-based study of women faculty and administrators at VNU. I
supplemented the interview component with documentary evidence, as well as
classroom observation and organizing and attending a conference at VNU.
Interviews and Selection of Participants
According to Marshall and Rossman (1995, p. 80), in-depth interviewing is a
data collection method relied on quite extensively by qualitative researchers. It is
much more like a conversation with a purpose. The researcher explores a few general
topics to help uncover the participant’s perspective, but otherwise respects how the
participant frames and structures the responses. It is valuable when the authors
emphasize that the participant’s information and perspective on the phenomenon of
interest should unfold as the participant views it, not as a researcher views it.
Furthermore, Patton (1990: 280-290) categorizes interviews into three general types:
the informal conversational interview, the general interview guide approach, and the
standardized open-ended interview.

For the purposes of collecting information for the dissertation and in order to
maximize the potential for collecting meaningful data, I combined open-ended
interviews with in-depth interviews. Three different sets o f general questionnaires that
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guided the interviews of women faculty, administrators, and students o f VNU had
been prepared in the United States. These face-to-face interviews were designed to
elicit a profile of each woman’s career path and the goals she holds, the obstacles she
encounters, and the achievements she has earned. I also explored her views about the
key barriers to women achieving academic equity in higher education today and in the
future. Based on the findings from these interviews, as well as analysis o f documents,
my goal was and is to develop strategies to propose to administrators at VNU-Ha Noi
to address the key issues facing women faculty that emerged from the interviews in
relation to theory and praxis. These analyses and proposed strategies will be covered
in Chapters Five and Six.

Dr. Dang Thanh Le, Chair of the Scientific Advisory Committee, Center for
Women’s Studies o f VNU agreed to help identify a sample o f respondents. I chose
women faculty at VNU who represent different age cohorts, disciplines (with a higher
proportion of respondents from those fields in which women are clustered), years o f
experience in academia and the various ranks. I included faculty from the natural and
social sciences (which in Viet Nam include the humanities).

My goal was to draw a relatively representative (not random) sample o f faculty.
I interviewed 40 people in total (see Figure 8). Specifically, I interviewed a total o f 30
women faculty members from three different age cohorts. The first generation was
women faculty who graduated during 1950-1970 and are between 50 and 65 years old.
The second one consisted of women faculty who graduated between 1973-1980 and
are between 40 and 45 years old. The youngest generation graduated between 1986-
1996 and are between 24-39 years old. All o f them were or had agreed to be university
faculty members o f either one VNU former university or college after their graduation
in Viet Nam or from abroad.
Year o f
T ype Total Qualification E m ployer1* Rank Graduation A ge
BA M A Ph.D. A B C D Prof. A ss; Prof. Lecturer
Faculty 30
- I " generation
8 5 : 3 2 2 3 1 5 3 1950-1970 50-6 5
- 2 ni generation
~ 3 ,d generation 14 13 1 3 5 4 2 2 12 1973-1980 4 0 -4 5
8 8 1 4 2 1 8 1986-1996 2 4 -3 9
Administrators 5 .'■■ S v ;:1 1 2 1 1 4 1 1 950-1980 4 7 -6 0
Graduate 5 5' 2 1 2 5 1990-1995 2 5-3 5
Students
Total 40 'W : 26 9 9 14 12 5 9 6 25
A - University o f Natural Science

B - University o f Social Science and Humanity
C - University o f Pedagogy
D - University o f Foreign Language
FIGURE 8. Participants’ profile.
o\
77
In addition, I interviewed five graduate students who are currently pursuing
graduate degrees at VNU (two of them came from a mountainous area), as well as five
administrators at the top rank whose areas of responsibility encompass some facet o f
promoting gender equality at VNU. All the administrators worked for the university at
least 25 years.
These latter interviews helped me contextualize what I learned from faculty
members, and provided important data about the new generation of potential women
faculty and the current efforts of administrators to address gender inequalities and to
solve these problems.
Interviews took place in campus locations o f the participants’ choice (offices,
classrooms, and conference room), but most interviews were held in their houses. The
interviewees found the most convenient time to welcome me, even on the weekends or
evenings. They were happy to answer the questions and were very enthusiastic when
talking about their experiences, their opinions of gender equity development and their
future hopes. The interviews were planned to take one and one-half hours, but very
often the interviews lasted almost two hours, and some interviews took 3-4 hours
because the interviewees opened many interesting issues and enjoyed discussing them.
I tape recorded all interviews and took field notes, and prepared verbal transcriptions
of the conversations. The data analysis (included herein) is based on these transcripts.
Feminist methodology places great value on woman-to-woman research, based
on personal identification with the subjects’ experiences, as a mechanism to produce
more meaningful and insightful research. Part of this strategy involves self-disclosure
on the part o f the researcher, to promote reciprocity, empathy, trust and mutual
interaction. 1 tried where possible to structure the interviews around natural
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conversation and adapt the interviewing styles to the research concerned. Throughout
the interviews, I also shared with the respondents my own experiences o f being a
Vietnamese woman, woman faculty, and mother, and I felt that this was essential in
making the natural relationships and sharing between researcher and subject.
Other Sources o f Information: Classroom

Observation and Conference
Keeping in mind Yin’s (1994. p. 78) idea that the incorporation o f multiple
sources into a case study investigation will increase its quality substantially, I was
happy when the Director o f the VNU Center for Women’s Studies invited me to attend
her lecture to third year undergraduate students at VNU Pedagogical College,
Department of Literature. This event occurred during December 1998. It was very
useful and interesting because her lecture focused on the different forms o f marriage in
human history. After her lecture the Women’s Program o f Viet Nam National
Television interviewed students publicly about their knowledge of family planning and
AIDS (or 'SIDA” as the disease is referred to in Viet Nam).
I joined the TV interviews to ask students some questions, and afterwards
several students gathered around me to discuss their studies, their student events and
activities, their future hopes, and the role o f gender in education. The female student
and teacher populations of the Pedagogical College are always higher than the male
ones because of the traditional conception that “education is a female field.” Of the
approximately 50 students in the classroom where I observed the Director o f the
Center for Women’s Studies lecture, only seven were male students. Most significant
to my study in this situation was that I was able to discover naturally the interactions,
as well as the patterns o f behavior and relationships among students and between
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students and teacher. I asked some questions which related to my topic and they
answered me openly and had a lot o f useful suggestions for reinforcing gender equity
in the educational environment and students’ life.
As mentioned earlier, in April 1998, the Center for Women’s Studies o f VNU
was established, and I was invited to participate as a Scientific Advisory Council
member. During the time 1 was in Viet Nam in December, I also organized a
conference in conjunction with the Center for Women’s Studies at Viet Nam National
University-Ha Noi that took place December 23. 1998. As we discussed in the
summer 1998 meeting, it became apparent that my dissertation could be a useful
contribution to the Center for Women’s Studies, thus the title o f the conference was
"Gender Equity in Higher Education o f Viet Nam.” It was attended by a wide variety
c f women educators (including several women faculty whom I had already
interviewed) and administrators, as well as several male administrators. The
proceedings were televised on Viet Nam National television, and were chronicled by
the print media as well.
This conference was a way to generate a wide discussion o f the difficult issues
involved, and to reach a broader audience than that usually involved in academic
research on the doctoral level. I felt the organization and the participation in the
conference was an appropriate way to expand the scope of my research to engage the
wider Vietnamese society, which is in the awkward and difficult process o f redefining
social roles, educational objectives, and relations between the sexes in higher
education in particular.
The conference generated a significant debate among all the participants, and
many expressed that it was the first time they could discuss these issues in such a
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public forum in an otherwise traditional society. While such discussions are
commonplace, even blase in the West, such is not the case in Viet Nam. Further
research and dissemination of research findings are crucial for the further development
of women educators in Viet Nam.
Advantages and Limitations o f the Studv
The data collected through documentation, classroom observation, conferences
and interviews, and the data obtained through in-depth and open-ended interviews can
be considered the core of the research. Since the interviews took place mainly over a
one-month period, a limited number of scholars were interviewed. Therefore, the
following advantages and limitations should be taken into account before presenting
the results. My experience, however, as a student and faculty member over the last 20
years in Viet Nam constitutes a rare lens with which to view the data collected and
assists considerably in the analysis of my findings.
Although many factors contributed to the effectiveness o f this research, four
factors were specifically influential. First, the heightened awareness of the
Vietnamese government leaders and the Viet Nam Women’s Union, as well as the
social researchers on issues related to gender and development, proved instrumental.
This made it possible and opened doors necessary to develop a qualitative research
design that focused on deep reflexivity and critical critique. Second, I got excellent
encouragement from my adviser and committee members, as well as the incredible
support from VNU, the University of Oregon, especially the Graduate School, the
Oregon University System, and both the Center for Women’s Studies at the University
o f Oregon and at VNU. Third, I am a Vietnamese citizen, woman, and faculty
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member o f the former University of Ha Noi (it is VNU College of Social Science and
Humanities now). Participants and students were comfortable when discussing
matters with me in the Vietnamese language, for I know how to spur dialogue and to
be consistent with ‘local’ Vietnamese cultural perspectives. Fourth, all the participants
were eager to discuss my topic; they liked it and hoped I will use their voices to speak
out on their behalf. Without their kindness. I could not have completed my research
and interviews as planned.
Despite the overall advantages o f my research, there are several limitations,
which affected the results to some degree. First, qualitative research methods are
rather new in Viet Nam and for the Vietnamese people. Face-to-face interviews in the
sense of “free speaking” are not quite comfortable for many cultural reasons. Even
though my participants were satisfied with my “human subjects protocol form,”
sometimes if they felt their answers were so strong or critical they smiled and qualified
them by saying “this information is just said for fun between you and me.”
The advantage of being a faculty member myself was also to show the full
spectrum o f perspectives or “the other side.” In fact, some of my participants told me
“Oh dear, you are a Vietnamese woman, you know our situation, we are in the same
boat, so I do not have to say much about th a t.. . . ” O f course, we laughed and I
explained that my absence from Viet Nam for almost six years meant I could not
observe many current events as they do. as well as I might not know how to encourage
their answers. This is also related to both the traditional way of talking (often being
less direct) and to a legacy o f discomfort in criticizing those in power. We continued
our conversation in a friendly manner, but at times, I could not get their answers
directly.
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Other limitations include the lack of information I received from certain
groups, especially beyond women faculty, and studying my own institution. Because
the research was a case study of women faculty, supplemented with interview surveys
o f women scholars in the other Vietnamese institutions. I did not obtain other voices
(e.g.. certain staff, male faculty), that I believe would have added broader perspectives
on the issues and questions that I addressed. Studying my own university was seen as
a limitation because it could lead my own biases and might affect the interpretation o f
the findings.
It was powerful to have conversations with my colleagues about gender issues,
family situations, career development and their problems. However, this research was
focused on women scholars at VNU. It would be interesting to expand the research
and compare these results with data from other Vietnamese higher education
institutions, such as VNU of Ho Chi Minh City and the University of Hue. Until this
is done, it cannot be assumed that what I have found is generalizable, though I would
suggest that findings at these other universities would reveal broadly similar patterns.
Interpretation o f Data
In their book, Completing Dissertations in the Behavioral Sciences and
Education. Long, Convey and Chwalek (1985 state that “If the review o f literature is
the heart o f the proposal, then the discussion section is the soul o f the dissertation.
The review o f literature chapter presents the theoretical framework underlying the
study; the discussion section presents your interpretation o f your findings in light o f
that theoretical framework” (p. 150). Interpretation o f data is one of the most
delightful and difficult phases of the dissertation. The researcher has the responsibility
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to tell others what her/his findings mean, how they fit into the theoretical framework,
as well as the researcher’s considerable insight and creativity.
In interpreting data, I used inductive analysis, a process that '‘aimed at
uncovering embedded information and making it explicit” (Guba & Lincoln. 1988,
p. 203). As Bogdan and Biklen (1982) also describe, this method o f qualitative
analysis helps themes and categories to emerge during three phases:
1. Discovery—a phase in which the researcher identifies themes and develops
concepts as the research progresses.
2. Coding—a phase occurring after the data collection focusing on refining our
understanding of the subject matter.
In fact, as Bernard (1988) states, such analyses [phase 1 and 2] “make complicated
things understandable by reducing them to their component parts” (p. 317).
3. Interpretation—a phase where the researcher attempts to understand the data
by anchoring the context of the data collection.
In other words, as Draper (1988) points out, this is a process of explanation which
includes providing requested information, justifying an action, giving reasons,
supporting a claim, or making a causal statement. They are systematic data displays to
answer the research questions at hand.
Because this research was exploratory, I did not anticipate being able to make
sweeping generalizations. Rather, I tried to identify key areas of concern and ideas for
solutions that can then be more widely discussed by a larger cohort o f faculty and
administrators engaged in efforts to achieve gender equity. In analyzing the interviews
I paid particular attention to differences (if any) that emerged among the views o f
faculty from different generations and disciplines and between administrators and
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faculty. The questions combined two strategies: (1) seeking to understand the
experiences of women faculty and graduate students and (2) questioning them about
the kind o f solutions that are feasible and consistent with the particular challenges and
values these women have.
Within case analysis, it would be useful to be emphasized that qualitative
researchers need to maximize construct and descriptive-contextual validity, assure
ourselves that our interpretations connect with people’s life experience, and minimize
the researchers’ impact.
As categories developed from data, I identified the common themes,
disparities, and connections. The results o f this analysis are reported in Chapter IV.
Before moving to the next chapter, I would like to mention that it was not easy to
translate the participants’ voices from Vietnamese into English. I could not
completely polish up my English translation because I tried my best to keep the right
meanings of my participants’ ideas. Hence, I hope my readers understand and accept
some quotations even if they are not in the best English.
85
CHAPTER V
DATA ANALYSIS
During my field trips to VNU to interview faculty and administrators, observe
classrooms and attend the VNU Center for Women's Studies meetings, I had the
opportunity to gather rich data from a wide variety of faculty. In this chapter I
describe and analyze the data. I start the chapter by revealing themes which frame an
understanding o f how the research participants thought about and understood gender
and gender equity. I then examine some aspects o f the research experience and revisit
the purpose and population o f the study. Next, combining a detailed description of the
themes and concepts in each o f those categories, I present an analysis of the data that
focuses on the experiences o f participants and their perspectives o f gender equity in
Vietnamese environments and higher education. The participants’ recommendations
are presented in the last part o f this chapter.
Themes
As I coded the approximately 200 pages o f data, several themes and patterns
emerged. First, the official position of administrators and some faculty was that there
was no major problem of gender inequity. Second, women faculty did articulate a
variety of problems and “invisible fences” that can be defined as gender inequality.
They distinguished between legal rights and the stumbling blocks of male domination
in institutional structure and they recognized how they lacked role models and some of
the networks their male colleagues had. Third, participants’ perceptions o f women’s
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roles and career advancement evidenced a mixed consciousness between traditional
values and socialist ideology and being trapped between two worlds as wife-mother
and academic. Fourth, in participants’ discussions o f gender and gender equity there
was often a confusion between equity and sameness, a problem that made it is difficult
for them to see solutions to inequities. Fifth, the effects o f doi moi on academic
women’s lives resulted in opening more opportunities as well as difficulties in relation
to academic market competition.
Research Experience
Before discussing findings, I want to examine how confidentiality and ‘‘human
subject protocol” forms are perceived in the Vietnamese culture. Since 1986. although
economic reform and democratization are recognized as two crucial undertakings, the
way to implement them is totally new to the Vietnamese leaders and people. Success
or failure is equally possible. Compared to other socialist countries and despite the
recent Asian monetary crisis, economic development and social tranquility in Viet
Nam testifies to the ‘correctness’ o f the renovation policy. In 1997, the World Bank
considered Viet Nam to be the Southeast Asian state which has best managed its
macroeconomic system.
Before 1986, there were many restrictions on “free public speech” in Viet
Nam. The democratization of Viet Nam after 1986 is best revealed in the information
media, in the election o f the people's representatives, and in the activities o f the
National Assembly. Everyday, one can read in newspapers, hear on radio, or see on
television the expressed opinion o f the people and their aspirations, as well as their
representatives' comments and critiques of the government’s agencies.
87
It is precisely the democratization movement and economic reform that has
laid down the material and spiritual foundations for social research to claim greater
potential to contribute to the renovation policy, even though qualitative research and
“the human subject protocol” are new processes for Vietnamese people. In fact, I
would state directly that the “human subject protocol form” was culturally
inappropriate or unnecessary in Vietnamese culture. The transfer of this research
convention to Viet Nam does not really work to protect subjects in a culturally
appropriate way.
As I mentioned in Chapter IV, the participants were happy to answer my
questions. They told me that they liked my topic because it shows that their lives and
their voices are worthy of attention. They trusted me and shared with me even their
private lives, but they signed the consent form with a little reluctance. In Viet Nam.
people feel safer talking to you than signing a paper. It is the problem o f “political
correctness” all over the world, as well as a Vietnamese traditional psychology that is
expressed in the old Vietnamese sayings, “the oral-words are the flying winds”, but
“the dropping pen can kill a chicken” (this means, “what is written binds the writer”).
Otherwise, I had no problem with the interviews.
I appreciate deeply participants’ contributions and respect their perspectives.
This research deepened my understanding o f “qualitative research” and I experienced
the meaning of the English word “empowerment,” especially in the sense o f women’s
development. My participants empowered me by sharing their struggles, their
experiences, and their hopes. I empowered them, as they said, by listening to their
voices respectfully and opening discussions on a variety o f equity issues.
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Vietnamese people are flexible and open-minded, they are always eager to
learn and like to share—that was why all my participants welcomed me enthusiastically
and highly appreciated my studying in the United States. My participants did not see
me as a "divergent-religious stranger” because I returned from the U.S. seven years
after leaving Ha Noi University. O f course, during my interviews, I always showed
that I was a learner, and that their voices were very important for my research and for
bettering lives of our Vietnamese women. I think that was the main reason for the
creation of mutual rapport between my participants and myself. This enabled a bridge
that foreign researchers have been unable to cross. As my perspective and my target,
this rapport was one o f my significant achievements for this qualitative research.
Revisiting the Population and

the Purpose of the Studv
VNU Women Faculty as a Minority
I interviewed 30 women faculty who were at different ranks and disciplines
from VNU, as well as 5 female graduate students and 5 administrators (one woman out
of five). At VNU women make up only about 24 percent of the full-time academic
staff; there are 364 women out o f 1269. To be a full-time faculty member, one needs
to obtain at least a Master’s degree to meet the requirements o f new standards
instituted as part o f doi moi. The sample was made up o f three different generations.
Out o f these 30 women, eight graduated before 1972, five of them were full professors
and three of them were awarded the Ph.D degree from Russia and Germany. They
were the first generation of my sample. There were 14 women who graduated after
1975. One was a Ph.D and four o f them were Ph.D candidates; they were senior
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lecturers. They were the second generation. The last group, the third generation,
included 8 women who graduated after 1985, during the doi moi phase. They were
also at the lecturer grade.
All participants I interviewed came from one of the four colleges o f VNU.
Before presenting the qualitative date, the following figures (Figs. 9 and 10)
demonstrate the general picture of faculty at VNU by gender, rank and division:
M en W om en
Ph.D. Ph.D.
E m p lo y er Ph.D. C andidate M aster’s T otal Ph.D. C andidate M a ste r’s Total
N atu ral Science 35 227 32 294 3 34 16 53
S ocial S cience 7 103 33 143 2 10 42 54
F oreign L anguage 4 11 42 57 2 20 64 76
•%
P ed ag o g y 11 191 144 346 64 121 188
FIGURE 9. Statistics o f VNU full-academic faculty. (VNU, 1999)
600
500
400
• ‘□Men
E 300 : □ Women j
3
z 200
100
0
Ph.D. Ph.D. Master
Candidate
Qualification
FIGURE 10. Qualification by gender division. (VNU , March 1999)
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Although this research was carried out in a single institution, many o f the
findings in both quantitative and qualitative ways do substantiate findings uncovered
by Institute of Sociology as the result o f inter-institutional study, supplemented by
the VNU Center o f Women’s Studies.
This qualitative research focuses on the present situation o f women faculty at
VNU. As I stated in my brief discussion in Chapter I. my goal is to develop a post
colonial analysis o f gender equity in Vietnamese higher education that can serve as a
basis for empowerment and transformation to encourage intelligent women and to
foster high expectations for career development. The next part o f this analysis
focuses on the VNU women faculty’s experiences and voices. Answering the
following research-related questions is the most effective way I can best convey the
ideas o f my participants and the status of Vietnamese women in higher education.
The purpose here is to understand the factors that impact women’s status in order to
change it.
1. How did the participants perceive ‘gender’ and gender equity in
education?
2. According to participants, is there gender equity or. at least, more equity in
the higher education environment, as some researchers have concluded?
3. Is there a class dimension to their responses? Generation differences?
4. How do the subjects respond to Western feminism? Is there use for it in
Viet Nam or is it only another post-colonial imposition?
5. Is there a ‘glass ceiling’ in higher education in Viet Nam and can women
break through in certain ways to gain more power and representation?
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6. How do these women balance the contradictions o f professional and
family life? Are they demanding more of their husbands to help or are they left doing
"three jobs at once”?
7. How might their perspective differ from rural women in higher education?
Or from women who do not come from Ha Noi?
These questions directly relate to the research questions I posed for the thesis and
proved instrumental in prompting responses from participants on a variety of
interrelated issues.
Findings and Discussion
The Current Status o f Vietnamese Women in VNU
How the university culture defines, facilitates, or constrains the role of
women within it is a major question I tried to explore with VNU women faculty.
This section of the chapter focuses on four central aspects of women’s status in the
university: (a) factors that reinforced or hindered women’s success, (b) women’s
position, power and influence (c) women’s and others’ perceptions of gender equity,
and (d) women’s recommendations. The interviewees described a larger societal
culture and internal conflicts that disadvantage women but a university culture that is
more or less favorable to them. Their words also revealed many ambiguities
stemming from confusion over women’s roles that are rooted in a cultural
perspective that spans decades and reflects many political cross currents.
As I mentioned, the Vietnamese revolution has succeeded in regaining
independence and freedom for the nation in general and for Vietnamese women in
particular. The status of women and their interests have been constantly enhanced.
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Legislation has played an important role in acknowledging, confirming and ensuring
the rights o f women in political, economic, cultural, social and family life. All my
interviewees highly appreciated the provisions o f law as a crucial legal foundation
for equality between men and women. They believe, however, that traditional
prejudices undermine the achievement o f equality.
The descriptive analysis I present here is based on the Vietnamese women’s
experiences o f higher education and the ways in which women engage in the struggle
for survival and equity within the processes o f the academic environment. Central to
this analysis is Schmuck’s (1997) concept o f reflection.
Effectiveness o f one’s reflections can be significantly enhanced by the

addition of scientific inquiry—the systematic collection and analysis o f data
about one’s practices.
By employing methods o f scientific inquiry, reflective professionals
can move beyond their inner selves to engage others in ‘‘public dialogue”
about the multiple realities that make up classrooms and schools, (p. 6)
In Vietnamese social science over the four past decades, little attention has
been paid to research and analysis concerning how women academics are responding
to changes in institutions o f higher education. Furthermore, even less attention has
been paid in analyzing how the traditional elite in the academy and mainstream
definitions of academic success affect women’s career development and their
relationships with men and with each other. As one o f my participants said:
I think your topic is essential and necessary for us. I hope that your
dissertation will open the theoretical and practical foundations for women
faculty. It could be so useful if VNU Center for Women’s Studies
collaborates and works with you to ask for some reasonable solutions which
reinforce equity. I am, I think I should say we are very happy that finally our
women’s academic life is being paid attention to by having someone look at it
carefully and determine for us areas for some real equal opportunities.
(Senior lecturer- 2nd generation)
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In fact, all o f the women faculty and students who I interviewed expressed the same
idea.
Policies and Equity Issues at Leadership Levels

and Some General Aspects of the Gap
Between Legal Rights and Reality
The VNU official position is that there is no major problem of gender
inequity, largely because of legal declarations o f equity. In Viet Nam, policy makers
and other leaders are relieved of responsibility for gender inequality by stating that no
disparity exists according to law, particularly in areas such as the equal rights insured
by the Constitution and equal pay for equal work. One example often used is the
statistic that men and women faculty in the same field, with the same degree and
years of service, receive the same salary. Furthermore, another excuse used to
deflect attention from real gender inequity is by stating that compared to ten years
ago, there is no real problem since the number o f women in academic life has
increased. The increase is attributable to more women than ever before receiving
graduate degrees and becoming a larger percentage of new faculties. Another
deflection is by claiming that women students perform better than their male
counterparts; therefore, there must not be significant gender bias in academia. And
finally, referring to the few women who do hold key leadership positions as though
they represent the majority is an oft-used device for ignoring the inequalities that
exist between men and women in advancing in higher education. As one o f the VNU
administrators stated,
There are still many things to solve if we talk about the past generation. At
the present, I have to say that this is a women time in VNU--the truth is
female students are studying more excellent than male students are recently.
Fairly based on students’ records and other criteria, last year for example, the
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majority of students that college of Social Science and Humanities kept as

faculties were female students, 8 out of 9. It reflected a very good point o f
fairness and female students’ abilities. Right now, 70 percent of students and
faculty who are training in and out of the country are women. The tendency
to select more women faculty being director o f a functional office or chair of
department is better now. We have 2 women faculties, who are Directors of
two very important offices. Professional Training and Financial offices. The
Vice-Presidents o f VNU Trade Union and Youth Organization are women,
and we also have some women faculty as vice-chair of departments. Yes,
most o f them are still in ‘‘vice or sub” positions but it is better now. (Male
administrator)
Another administrator basically supported devices exemplified in the above
quote. This administrator indirectly perpetuates a denial o f gender inequity in higher
education by basing on selection on criteria related to quality:
I think it is fair and good to base selection on quality to train and keep
students being faculty members. It depends on the needs of departments and
qualities. More female students are being faculty now or go to other
countries to continue undergraduate or graduate study if they are excellent.
They were and are very good. I agree with the way we select now because it
will be very dangerous if we have unqualified faculty to train our next
generations. (Professor-1st generation)
In these statements, the administrator evokes 'm erit’ as a way to excuse the inequity
and neglects the reality that merit based and quality criteria follow gender stereotypes
often forged from systems of patriarchy. Therefore, in determining which women are
trained, underlying assumptions about what qualifies as ‘good’ must be addressed.
All participants agreed that VNU did not have any specific policies to foster
or to pay specific attention to women faculty recruitment or development. Gender
issues have not been raised officially or institutionally at VNU. However, the faculty
recognize that gender issues do need more public discussion.
Gender equity is our national concern now and I am sure that leaders of VNU
are also interested in this but it is not yet open and discussed widely at
department levels. I am sure that Women’s Concern Committee also has
prepared something for that but we still do not hear. ...” (Senior lecturer-2nd
generation)
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At any department or university meeting level, the VNU leaders always praise
women’s contributions and say that our VNU cannot exist, or develop
without all women’s contributions. That is all. But I think it is good anyway,
at least, it is a nice way to acknowledge and appreciate our work. However,
we understand that there are still many difficulties and that VNU cannot take
care of everything... . (Senior lecturer-2nd generation)
Our major advantage now is the State, as well as the political system and
society that highly acknowledge the roles o f women. With this condition,
women can participate equally with men in every domain if they prove their
ability and potential. And, in fact, women’s abilities are not less than men’s
are. (Professor-1st generation)
This professor assumes that acknowledgement o f women by the State will create real
change for women in their personal and professional lives. There is a major gap in
Vietnam, however, between policy and reality, as shown by the amount o f legal
documents pertaining to gender equity.
In other words, there has been at least a superficial or lip service treatment o f
recognizing the importance o f gender equality. As another VNU administrator
stated. *i do not have anything to say about gender equity because it is already there.
I always respect women. I always put them in the high places in my mind.” Although
the rhetoric supporting gender equity is advanced as well as verbal praise about the
important role o f women, in response, I should point out that gender equity is not
simply about respect or placement o f women in academia. It is about how both
women and men are socialized equally under certain roles and norms reflected in
institutions like the university.
Some of those I interviewed basically took the official position, showing the
limitation o f their awareness or knowledge o f gender equity in regard to gender
issues at the policy, colleague and student relationship levels. The problem with this
approach to gender equality is that it acknowledges women’s inequality but assumes
women want the same roles as men. This is a “just add women” approach in the
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feminist literature and does not uncover or examine the root causes o f power
inequality. Furthermore, what gender studies and analysis argues is: o f course
women’s abilities are not less than men! We have just been socialized to think so.
The next quote about the Women’s Concern Group also alludes to the limits o f
gender equality as merely a policy tool.
As in many other institutions, at VNU there is a Women’s Concern Group
(WCG) which has existed for 50 years. As the local level o f the Viet Nam Women’s
Union, the Women’s Concern Group is the organization to take care o f women’s
rights. On the surface, this might seem to suggest that women’s concerns are taken
seriously. However, as the following respondent notes, the WCG functions more as
a social or mutual support group than as a political or advocacy base for women’s
pressing institutional concerns. Furthermore, rather than advancing women’s
empowerment in a variety o f fields, the activities she refers to as Supportive’ center
on gender stereotyped roles of women as mothers, providers and maintainers o f the
domestic sphere.
We have had a Women’s Concern Group (WCG) at the department and

university levels for many years. The activities o f this group do not mainly
focus on professional development. If any woman is sick or has a new baby,
she is visited and given some small gifts. Recently, there is a WCG award
policy for any mother who has children, who study well and behave nicely. A
couple times o f a year, WCG can organize a workshop, which relates to
women’s research or concerns. The chief members o f such groups can attend
any department or university’s meeting to “show o ff ’, but we still think and
joke that our group only can do something at a “kitchen level”. But, again, it
is good for us anyway in the sense o f encouragement. (Senior lecturer - 2nd
generation)
Therefore, the quote shows that members o f the group reinforce the gender
stereotypes o f the “good mother”, rather than analyze why it is that women bear the
disproportionate weight o f parenting. But this group is still a support network and is
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beneficial as a place for these women to find mutual support. Reorganizing the
group to concentrate on promoting professional development and awareness o f
gendered stereotypes in work and home life would prove even more supportive an
outlet for these women.
Interestingly, all women reported that they treat male colleagues in the same
level and positions and students equally, and they, in turn, are treated equally:
I do not see any "unequal sign” in the eyes o f students. Students are fair, they
do not care the teacher if male or female, they care who is a good teacher. At
the professional level I also do not feel that inequity exists between male and
female colleagues. In general, our male colleagues are nice and respect us.
O f course, I am not quite sure what they think and talk about behind our
backs. But it is good and I think women have more equality in higher
education because most of us try our best and do not let anyone underestimate
our efforts. (Senior lecturer- 2nd generation)
In this case, different from the others, we see how the younger generation o f students
does not differentiate their respect for a teacher based on their sex. Rather, the role
o f “good teacher” predominates, rather than “woman teacher” or “man teacher.” This
lecturer does acknowledge that perhaps behind this egalitarian front lurks a bias
about her effectiveness as a teacher based on her sex. This senior lecturer also
alludes to the fact that she and other women faculty work their best not to be
underestimated, revealing layers of insecurity about how she and her colleagues feel
pressed to perform to a preconceived ‘standard.’
One respondent who belongs to the 3rd generation even reported having a very
positive, supportive relationship with male leaders.
We still see some equity problems but they are small. I did not see it from
VNU Leaders-- they really support me when I requested something—of
course, if those things were reasonable. Maybe this is because they already
had good experiences working in a female majority environment. (Lecturer
s'*1generation)
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This respondent claims that there is no issue, gender inequality does not exist in her
case. But she limits her own statement by referring to certain small problems that
remain. And although she states that the leaders are more than willing to support her
requests, she then minimizes the support by placing her request within “reasonable”
bounds. What are the small problems o f inequality and reasonable level o f request
she refers to? These two statements require gender analysis to deconstruct the hidden
inequity in the system. For instance, are there preconceived notions about expected
ability that adversely affect women? Furthermore, why does she accept any level o f
inequality in her workplace rather than work to uncover and change her condition?
Perhaps respondents are minimizing what they should expect from a so-called
egalitarian work environment. Combining the views of these various respondents
shows how dynamic the perspectives are surrounding these issues and signals the
need for continued analysis and synthesis.
My research shows that there are some differences in the evaluation o f female
teachers, however, in the eyes of male leaders and students. The following statement
is a general picture of VNU.
At the professional level, I do not see any unequal treatment or evaluation. If

I or any woman faculty does a good job, students and colleagues evaluate it
fairly. But in selecting which one could be a chair or any high position
between a women and a man, I see a difference, a problem—not just me, every
woman faculty can see it easily. Take my College o f Pedagogy and my
department as an example. We always think education and pedagogy is a
woman’s field but it is not quite right. One third of full-time faculty in my
department are women but no woman could be in leadership rank. The whole
college or VNU is in the same situation. I think it is not because women
faculty lack potential but because of our male leaders’ perspectives. We
always heard said, “our women colleagues already have a lot o f heavy
responsibilities with families and professional careers. We should not add
more department and university responsibilities on their shoulders.” I think
giving that kind of “priority” for us means underestimating us in some degree
or it is a good excuse for some subtle intentions. (Senior lecturer-2nd
generation)
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The above quote also shows how on the one hand, this woman finds no
inequality at the university but when she details the situation, there are a number o f
examples attesting to gender inequity. For example, on the surface, she feels fairly
treated but when it come to advancing into positions o f authority or power, she finds
the "glass ceiling,” which she claims is the case for all women faculty. Furthermore.
she alludes to the fact that even in a '‘woman dominated” field like education, there
are still no women in higher positions in her department. This senior lecturer also
reveals the double bind for women professionals in her field when they are also
carrying the primary responsibility for family. In this case, male faculty
underestimate women out of an assumption they cannot handle more professional
activities because o f their role as the “good wife, good mother.” This “protection” o f
women faculty from furthering their university careers is a major example of gender
inequality that is masked by the “kindness” of saving women from more work.
Perhaps the question that should be asked by male colleagues concerned is “how can
your husbands and families better share your domestic responsibilities?”
Family support, especially the husband’s understanding and sharing of
housework, remains very important in the career success o f our participants. As one
o f the professors who got her Ph.D. stated:
We cannot complain to anyone or God if we are women, if we are pregnant

and care for a baby most o f the time than men. That is our “natural
responsibility,” we cannot change or ignore it. The important thing here is:
we need to build a nice family, we need mutual understanding and help from
our husbands. If a husband value correctly his wife, he will know how to
create good conditions for his wife’s career development. From my own
experience, I know and am sure that future development o f women also
depends strongly on the family stability and husband’s support—depending
on it heavily and greatly. Without my husband’s support, I can not be who I
am now. (Professor, Dr. -1st generation)
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Traditional prejudices, however, still exist as a boundary for women's
advancement. The quote above also showed deeply the ideology o f being a “good
mother first.”
There is a general societal and political notion--a myth repeated by the
popular press—that equality for women has been achieved, especially that women
have made it easily if they cross over the “bamboo hedge.” are educated and go on to
obtain higher education. The common perception is that most tough barriers have
been removed, that discrimination has been eliminated, and that women are involved
in great numbers in all different fields. On the surface, there is no real problem,
especially in the higher education environment. In reality, from the voices o f women
faculty, the problem of gender inequity can be variously seen in sex-type
socialization, sex discrimination, family-career conflict and institutional policies and
structures.
It is no serious problem if we just look at the policies but in the reality, there
are still many things we have to fight for for “gender equity.” There is
traditional prejudice about women, which is rooted in our people’s minds, in
our male-dominated structures, and in our own families. (Professor, Dr.-1st
generation)
Traditional prejudices according to this professor are still within the mindset o f the
people, perpetuated by patriarchal structures that instill a gender bias about women,
and within the home where beliefs that adversely affect women continue to define
their domestic roles. Even respondents from later generations refer to these
prejudices towards women and the limited sphere for women in society:
I always think that many things would happen differently if I could be a man.
Yes, in tradition, there are many strict rules for girls and women. We cannot
go out or stay over night in any place. We cannot show that we can act as a
man can do. That is our family and societal education, which is already
rooted deeply in people’s minds from thousands o f years. (Senior lecturer-
2nd generation)
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When I talk about sex or gender, I always joke that if I can reborn in the next
life, I should be a man. Being a man is already the luck o f the Creator: it is a
gift o f fate. Many male colleagues strongly do not agree with me. They said
my saying meant I did not understand men’s problems. Oh, yes, I know they
also have their own problems—everyone has problem but I would still like to
be a man because men can do everything more easily than a woman in this
society, as well as in the Western society--! guess. Men can take the initiative
to do everything. Many people still think it is not normal for a woman to be
so active or independent--It is not a charming and appropriate “female
characteristic.” It is very clear that there are more advantages for men than
for women. (Lecturer-3rd generation)
This lecturer from a later generation alludes to male preferential treatment in society
with the idea that life is easier for a man. Her concerns are with women receive from
social and familial socialization, which include “feminine characteristics” that limit
their independence. This “femininity” includes not seeing women in positions o f
power and as “charming.” But, one professor finds that the issue may not be about
women as feminine objects or as limited subjects. Instead, perhaps men block
women’s entrance into all spheres o f society because they are threatened by their
abilities. Therefore, although there are attempts on the part of the leadership to
advance women in all fields, men worry if women go into the positions o f power.
So. rather than battling the idea that women are inferior, she finds they are kept at a
distance because they are “better and stronger,” as the following quote shows:
In general, the government reinforces gender equity, as well as many leaders

try to raise it and find some good ways to implement any policy which relates
to that issue. But, in reality, we have to accept the fact that the men still do
not like that women are better or stronger than they are. I heard directly one
of our leaders at the Ministry of Education and Training asked this question
“why is that woman still the chair of the committee?” [She is one o f the first
Vietnamese women who got her Ph.D. degree in natural science]. Or I know
exactly that many institutions now do not like to hire women. (Professor,
Dr.-1st generation)
And yet, there are still a number o f women who perpetuate the
domestication of women and their limited participation in roles outside the home:
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I know it is negative but I still think it is not normal for women to be a leader
or a manager. Women have plenty of things to do. Why do we need to leave
our house in a messy situation to do some political works? I know many male
leaders or male colleagues try to show their "sympathy” with women’s
burden as a good excuse for lacking women in leadership ranks, but I also
agree with them to some degree. (Senior lecture-?1*1generation)
This senior lecturer claims political involvement distracts from effectively working
in the home. There are other ways to keep women voluntarily in the role as mother
and caretaker o f the household. For instance, claiming women are destined to be
mothers and nurturers o f the nest. Traditionally, women in Viet Nam feel extreme
pressure to be married and have a child. One woman professes how being at an
unmarriageable age as a graduate student is seen as curious and even wrong in the
eyes o f those judging her to the point where she is distracted from her Master’s work:
I am still single and I am studying to get my Master’s degree. It is more open

minded in our society now but at my age, 27 years old, without a husband and
a child is still strange in the eyes o f many people. I have a psychological
pressure in this aspect. If I go any place, friends or the others always ask me
why I am still single, that someone who is the same age with me is building
their own "sweet nest,” finding a nice design for their wedding invitation
card.... It is a heavy pressure for me, sometimes I could not concentrate to
write my paper. Our people still think the first role of women is to have a
family and build it warmly. (Lecturer-3fd generation)
Ironically, the pressure to be married before the age of 30, to not seek high
positions o f power based on certain innate feminine characteristics, and restrictions
based on traditional norms towards women contrast sharply with mainstream policy
and images o f women in leadership positions, such as generals in wars dating back to
40 A.D., vice president of the State, and professors. This contradictory mix o f
expectations for women is what makes this type o f study vital for understanding
pressures for Vietnamese women and men in society today. The following parts will
provide further discussion about the issues mentioned above.
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Reflections o f Women Faculty: A Variety

of Problems and the Invisible Fences
to Reach Gender Equity
Lacking a Support Network and Facing

Traditional Prejudices and
Social Expectations
When asked how success was defined in the university, women faculty
members provided a broad range o f answers about how promotion in academic rank
was a small part. They included factors such as recognition as a good teacher and
election to positions as a head o f a specialized field group. The position o f authority
was one indication o f this recognition, but it was generally not attainable for women.
There were clear opinions about how women faced more obstacles than men in the
election process. One example given was how a prominent woman ran for vice
rector recently and lost, even though she was highly recommended from the VNU
W omen’s Concern Committee and her department. The stereotype that women are
not good administrators is still a common notion in many people’s minds and
continues to place women in subordinate positions.
The women in this study perceived their male colleagues as having a greater
access to the benefits of role models and mentors. They see this as a key reason for
their greater advantage in terms o f support and encouragement, and in terms o f being
better placed for promotion opportunities and to gain research experience and
funding. As the minority with little power, women are less confident o f their
abilities and their female colleagues, less willing to take risks, less able to
successfully negotiate for their needs. They experience performance pressures and
marginality. Many lecturers even said it is better to be marginalized because their
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lives are left more peaceful. This self-imposed marginalization is an example of
internalized gender inequity. Nonetheless, individuals expressed different words and
aims. The following voices from administrators and women faculty demonstrate
these different perspectives and the situation o f internalized diminished expectations
for women:
The State and government already had many policies, instructions and
decisions, which give priorities to women’s development, especially to
training women to be leaders. But we have faced some obstacles in the
implementing process of such policies. First, it is a problem of family
burden—it is more difficult for women than men to leave the family behind
for professional development. We already suggested promoting some women
faculty but they refused because they do not have time to be a full manager,
teacher and mother. They worn' about creating an “unstable family.” It is
realistic, women already know many true examples about that. Second. I
have to say the truth that a lot of people still do not like to choose a woman
to be their leader when we ask for public opinion —of course, by vote, and
women often lose. Women also do not vote for their female colleagues or
even do not think that their female friends can do a management job. I know
exactly that in some departments men agreed to select women but women
themselves disagreed. (Male administrator)
In our recent meeting, the VNU President said in the next election of the
VNU Board, we will select some women. But we still did not have any
woman who could be VNU Vice-president or chair of departments. Of
course, you know there are many “invisible reasons.” Women themselves do
not dare to take risk and we also cannot stand this complicated mechanism.
We have many conditions to face with the system. In many cases, it is not
easy for woman to join the “male circle.” (Professor- 1st generation)
Again this example o f internalizing gender inequality shows how women
themselves adhere to gender stereotypes that limit their sense o f self and power.
I believe that there are many different reasons for the absence of women in
VNU leadership ranks. If the leaders put women in the high positions
without any hesitation, nobody refuses and I believe that women can do a
good job. But our Vietnamese people, as well as our Asian people, still
cannot escape the traditional thinking that men should be higher than women:
“one head.” Our Vietnamese people, even women ourselves still think
“women’s thinking and ideas are deep as a betel and areca-nut tray” as a
Vietnamese proverb puts it [it means women’s thinking is very superficial!].
Men cannot speak out, but in their mind, they do not like women being their
leaders. And we ourselves also worry about women’s thinking and
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management-some unfair or “women treatments” might happen with

“women sensibility.” (Senior lecturer-2nd generation)
This voice clearly shows the continuing influence of Confiician ideas, which
underestimate women, as I already mentioned. The order and patriarchal system o f
Confucianism still exists and is perpetuated in individuals’ minds and in the
structures of system. It is not easy to reveal this problem when it is covered by many
different and nice terms, such as “ability,” “fair,” and “equal rights.” Women
themselves also do not fully trust or believe each other. Does the women’s support
network see that problem? And how does it solve that pitfall are the questions for
Women’s Concern Groups at the different levels and system as a whole.
Sutherland’s (1985) statement is not wrong in the Vietnamese academic
context that “the structure o f the academic hierarchy puts women in the situation o f
being judged only by those of the opposite sex on great occasions” (p. 15). This is
true because women in the academic profession are often dependent on good
recommendations from men. It is generally true that interviewing committees consist
o f men only, and this imbalance will continue throughout a woman’s career.
Furthermore, without women in position of power, who can act as mentors to the
next generation, many women feel limited in higher education. For example,
I think at the colleges of Social Science and Humanity and Natural Science,
there are more male faculty than women. But in my college, Foreign
Language Teacher Training, over 80 percent o f the faculty are women but we
do not have women leaders... . How can we develop without our female
leaders who can understand deeply our life and our needs? (Senior lecturer-
2nd generation)
Some lecturers expressed awareness and concern about this situation, such as:
In my department, I have my excellent mentor, a woman professor but retired.

She was my adviser. Everyone knows she was excellent in our specialization
but she never could be a chair o f department, she had to retire on time when
she still could work well. We need her here to train the younger generation.
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We had a man who took her position but he only likes to focus on politics,
not professional development. (Lecturer-3rd generation)
Not advancing the woman professor demonstrates to the lecturer that professional
development for women is not likely except in rare cases. But who is responsible for
placing these limits on women? My interviews suggest that both men and women are
responsible for maintaining and perpetuating gender inequality (the lecturer, who I
quoted above, continues):
It is obvious that we do not have any female faculty who can be a leader o f an
important professional area or the other real high positions. Why? The
reasons come from both sides—women and male leaders’ perspective. Male
leaders always highlight the reason that women refused to be elected. Oh.
yes, some o f us refused— this was true but why? Because we knew that it was
just for political balance of gender if we were selected. We knew we lose
anyway in most elections because we cannot get enough votes—men do not
like to have women as their leaders or more powerful than them. And, even
if a woman can be a leader, people can look at her in “different eyes”— they
will say behind her that “her poor husband and her kids, how can she help
them, what kind o f woman is like that, she acts like a man.” And many
women cannot stand such a reputation. It is more difficult for women in
academic and intellectual environments because we cannot see many things
clearly, faithfully with too much subtle or invisible things. We always joke
that “one can be more painful when getting a jealous storm from an
intellectual one than from a farmer” [an intellectual knows how to make
trouble better than a farmer]. Nobody invited my former adviser to be a chair
o f the department even though everyone accepts that she is number one in our
specialized field. (Lecturer-3rd generation)
This leads to profound difficulties and pain for women. In this impossible
situation, many women just find tears o f frustration as the next quote shows,
I do not see clear discrimination but I realize an invisible or subtle power and
pressure when I observe one woman faculty crying in our department’s
meeting. She said that she has tried so hard to balance well her family
responsibilities and her career development. Why don’t many o f her male
colleagues, especially who are in the leadership ranks, not recognize that
effort earlier. I know that most women just cry silently in the same cases.
(Lecturer- 3rd generation)
The invisible or subtle power and pressure of gender inequality that the
lecturer refers to is a key overarching themes o f this dissertation. But as the next
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statement reveals, there is much work to be done with “the invisible fences’’ o f
inequality.
There are a lot o f invisible fences to block women’s advancement. We

thought that inequity between men and women was gone but it still
exists— that is a preconception, stereotype which is rooted and latent deeply
in the male leaders in particular and in men’s mind in general. A lot o f men
still do not like to be under women’s leadership, they joke that they do not
like to have ‘‘a skirt as an umbrella.” We know that women are not less
competent than men. but men do not like to accept this fact. (Senior lecturer-
2rd generation)
In sum, these competing expectations for women have created a problem with
gender balance in representation in Vietnamese universities. There are only four
women faculty who are vice-deans of their departments. One woman professor who
lost the election to be VNU vice rector is an acting dean. It is not easy for a woman
to be a leader due to many hidden reasons, as my participants mentioned. One way
to refer to this problem is the adage applied to women: the “skirt as umbrellas.” This
means that these professional women are hindered by their self-imposed invisibility,
by low expectations from male colleagues, by perceptions of what are feminine
characteristics, and by the social expectation that a woman is good mother and wife.
Gender inequity is created when these concerns take precedent over obtaining a
higher education or further professional development.
One o f the main reasons behind the inequity is that male power-holders do
not believe that a woman can be a leader because “she is a woman.” And women also
do not have enough self-confidence and belief in themselves or one another. O f
course, the participants also mentioned other invisible or subtle reasons, such as male
leaders like to choose men for their team. This Vietnamese version and the well-
known Western version o f the “Boys’ Club” and “A Man’s World” have different
historical and cultural roots, but do attest to a worldwide phenomenon, where gender
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inequality maintains forms of patriarchy. The next section seeks to open more
insights on this perspective.
Family-Career Conflicts
Providing an account of Vietnamese women’s experiences within the
academy cannot take place outside an analysis o f the ideologies and cultural
practices—the historical relations in which social inequalities are reproduced. This
relates, in a significant way, to the fact I already mentioned that Confucianism,
colonialism, and neo-colonialism are materially grounded and transcend gender and
class barriers. These variables are grounded in patriarchal inequalities and social
relations. The view of participants presented here describes the values and meanings
evolved in historically derived social and cultural practices which have shaped and
influenced women’s perceptions of themselves, their relation to others, the academy
and the world in which they live.
The task o f combining motherhood with the demands o f academic life is a
difficult one. All my participants accepted that fact, and some o f them even felt
"ashamed” and “regretted” that they could not overcome family responsibilities to
get the degrees they wanted. They always had to refuse some opportunities to study
abroad. Due to Confucianism which places women only at home and in reproductive
roles, choosing to remain unmarried or married without children is not acceptable in
Vietnamese culture, especially before the early 1980s. At VNU, some professors and
one Ph.D. woman faculty are still single, and people still talk about them as the
strange cases. Many people still think that it is not easy to find a husband for any
woman who gets an advanced degree, especially from a foreign country. Excepting
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one female faculty o f the third generation I interviewed, the others were married, and
they all expressed their struggles to balance families' task and career responsibilities.
These mixed tasks are teaching some extra classes and hours, housework, and
serving as their children’s tutor. They are known as the '‘double work day”, for
example:
Most o f us [women] have to spend much more time on our daily normal life—
this is the heavy weight for most women, especially for women who have to
be a good mother, good wife and good teacher. Women are the fam ilies’
soul. If women are careless, the families will be crazy. Thus, families are our
chains, our locks. I am an example and I am not an exception. I have to go to
teach and go back home to help my family, to do all o f our housework. Like
many others, I cannot hire anyone who can help me. There are more
responsibilities for a woman who is a teacher. Besides teaching many extra
classes and doing some other jobs to have enough money for the family, I
also have to take care o f my children’s education, help them to study, to do
hom ew ork.. . . I cannot read a book if my children do not have some basic
needs . . . I have to take care o f so many things. Many nights I could not read
a book because a thousand things confused my mind. All of these “natural
things” block our development even though many people thought I am a
success in my generation because I am a famous teacher. I have a good and
popular job now but I have to say the truth that I am not a successful. I do not
have the higher degree I want because I could not overcome many
difficulties. I could not leave my family in Viet Nam a long time ago to
continue to study. (Senior lecturer-2nd generation)
With a low and insufficient salary (I will discuss further the issue o f salary),
many women have to spend more time focusing on maintaining their living
conditions, rather than career development. It costs women more to hold an
administrative position. This is largely due to family responsibilities. They do not
have enough time or energy to join any kind o f leadership. The next set o f quotes
attests to added burdens for women and the contradiction o f wanting to be providers
and caretakers but frustration at having to do it alone.
At the age o f 50, men still can do many things and be healthy, but women are
so tired at the age o f 40 because we have to do so many things everyday— too
many normal daily things I have to think and do. I know that is my negative
thinking but I felt that. That was why I “bo cua chay lay nguoi” [a
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Vietnamese expression meaning leaving the property for saving a life—it

means I do not care of any “big thing”]. If I was a man who can sit calmly to
drink tea and let his wife work three or four jobs. I would not have that
“negative thinking” and I could get higher degrees now. (Senior lecture-2nd
generation)
I am 28 years old now but I am still single. In our Vietnamese traditional

culture, it is too late, or means I have some personal problems, but I do not
care. I am scared to get married when I see how hard my mother’s and my
grandmother’s life is. I like to study, to get something before I “lose” my
freedom with marriage. I respect all my female colleagues who are working
so hard for their families and their careers. The older generations are
excellent. Everything is easier than before with my young generation but I
am not sure that I can handle all the responsibilities that my older generations
do. (Lecturer-3rd generation)
Men and women are the same when we are students but 5 years after our
graduation, especially if girls got married— things were/are so different. I
was sure it is easy for a man to get a Master’s and Ph.D. after this time but for
a woman—she needs to work harder than a man does by at least 3 times.
Most women could not make it, they have to wait for ten years or longer than
that to get the other degrees if they still can. So, why doesn’t anyone look at
this fact to give more priorities for women, to help us? We need help from
our husbands first. (Senior lecturer-2nd generation)
All my respondents are happy with being mothers as an inevitable gift o f
nature, but they do not deny the fact that being a mother in academic life is difficult,
and that they endure these difficulties in silence. The facts o f this motherhood—the
personal individual struggles, compromises and solutions to the daily problem of
attempting to combine being a good mother and a competent, productive academic—
are largely unvoiced and unnamed at work. Furthermore, all these struggles are
perceived as a “natural responsibility” or a “paying back price” for any woman who
liked to jump over “the limit of nature.” Even one o f my participants, belonging to
the third generation and still single, also expressed this idea:
I agree with the idea that women have to work much harder than men to have
an “equality” with men in a social status and career. In most of the cases, a
man comes back home to relax, such as reading a newspaper, watching TV,
after finishing one day at work but a woman still has a thousand kinds o f
housework and children are waiting for them. A man doesn’t worry if he
Ill
goes abroad to study because he knows that his wife could take care of
everything as usual, but a woman is always worried. Take yourself as an
example, you are studying in the US and you have to bring two sons there
with you. I know if you did not do that, you could not study. In this case a
woman not only has to try at least three times but a hundred times. And I am
sure that not every husband can see all of such efforts. It is lucky if he could
say to his wife “honey, you are wonderful, your energy is excellent.”
(Lecturer-3rd generation)
It should be emphasized again that women have tried their best to balance the
contradictions of professional and family life alone. They cannot or do not like to
demand more of their husbands. They are left doing three jobs (such as working
faculty, caring for the household, and maintaining community ties) at once in most
cases. They even are “home teachers” or “tutors” of their children if their husbands
are not teachers. All the women participants said that they are the major ones in the
role of increasing their family income and looking after their children's education.
According to the report of the National Education Trade Union o f Viet Nam
(1996), in the survey of working conditions o f 10,000 women teachers at different
levels in 47 cities, provinces, and counties, 71.37 percent of them have to do 1 or 2
extra jobs to increase their family income. They could be a tailor, a handcraft maker
or a vegetable seller. The average monthly salary is less than 200.000 dong Viet
Nam (about $15 US), which is not sufficient for one month. Most of them do not
have time to prepare their lesson plan or upgrade their knowledge. In that survey,
70.65 percent have not had any chance for professional development since 1990. All
my participants said those results reflected our general reality. They even added that
their salaries are only enough for one or two weeks of food, not including the other
utilities. Many of them do not like to remember exactly how much they have per
month and laughed when I asked their basic salaries. But they told me, and their
salaries are not much higher or different than the amount I mentioned above.
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The participants in my case study also expressed their worries for the quality
o f higher education now because most teachers try to teach many different classes
almost as “a mechanic worker o f knowledge” not as “a master o f knowledge.” It
meant they just used the same syllabus and teaching materials from year to year, for
example; nothing ever changes, like a person who just sings the same song forever.
It is obvious that lacking appropriate living and working conditions is a major
barrier preventing gender equity and creating gender inequity. Dang Thanh Le
(1997) reports results of the survey project in 1992 o f the Research Center for
Gender. Family and Environment in Development. The findings also indicated that
100 percent o f the women scholars answered that women always have to work better
and harder than men do. at least 3 times harder, as I mentioned, in order to be
recognized equally with men. All my participants readily agreed with that indication
when we discussed it.
There is one very important aspect of Vietnamese culture that needs to be
explained here. In spite o f many constraints, Vietnamese women consistently have
demonstrated that they constitute very crucial agents in human and community
affairs. Vietnamese women have contributed greatly to the preservation of the
national culture, to the safeguarding o f its spiritual values. A well-known
Vietnamese adage states that “Good karma resides in the mother.” In Vietnamese
culture, good karma stands at the head of the scale o f values. Good karma consists in
all the opportunities, all the successes that follow a family which knows how to
appreciate education, whose children have all turned into valuable citizens o f the
country, and who realize in their life the five Confucian virtues o f humanity,
righteousness, morality, intelligence and trustworthiness. Vietnamese prefer to be
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praised as a “good karma family" rather than as a “rich family." That is the reason
all Vietnamese mothers try to pay a great deal of attention to the question o f good
karma (Nguyen Ngoc Bich, 1994). It creates more pressure for the mothers who are
teachers trying to adhere to this traditional cultural aspect. This value underlies some
o f the beliefs and actions o f the women I interviewed.
Most participants agreed that the university system does not disadvantage a
woman on the surface. It is the real time and financial problems that limits her. For
those who have family and children, it is clear that their primary responsibility was to
their children, especially when they were young. Although the university was
flexible in allowing women to work part-time or have days off when necessary, there
were no time limits or other priorities for promotions. In the past, one could keep
instructor or lecturer status with the bachelor’s degree for as long as one wanted, but
now with new standards that require a Master’s degree, things are changing.
The Effects of Doi moi on Women Faculty’s

Career Development and Lives: Opening
More Opportunities and Difficulties
The renovation policy (doi moi) has implemented the strategies o f the Sixth
Congress o f the Viet Nam Communist Party to extend its influence on every aspect
o f daily life o f the Vietnamese people. The people’s living conditions have become
more stable and improved to some extent. Women, in particular, feel that it is easier
to fulfill their domestic duties with more commodities available at shops, no more
queuing and storing up extra goods for fear o f scarcity. According to UNDP and
UNICEF in 1996, Viet Nam reduced income poverty by an estimated 35 percent
since the launching o f doi moi. Viet Nam has made much progress in reducing
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human poverty. It has achieved an adult literacy rate o f 93 percent and access to
health service for 90 percent of its population.
Through the reality of the doi moi process, women in both rural and urban
areas are gradually adapting themselves to new demands, new contexts o f the market
economy and competition. More women are learning foreign languages and earning
their educational degrees in spite o f personal difficulties. For example, from 1972 to
1990 the ratio o f women physicians increased twofold, the ratio o f women lawyers
and architects fivefold (Bui Thi Kim Quy, 1996). The broadening of democracy and
access to information, as well as the changes taking place at home and abroad, have
opened and widened women’s understanding and their vision. In general, the way o f
thinking is now more open, less stereotyped and rigid.
The process of doi moi and industrialization, however, is causing many
difficulties in the lives o f Vietnamese women. The market economy, with its
demands of higher skills and better product quality, has exerted a great impact on
women in every domain. For the purpose of this study, my participants speak out on
two different faces o f the doi moi policy-opening more opportunities and difficulties
such as academic market competition. Their voices present women scholars’
perspective in particular and Vietnamese women in general:
We are facing a great impact o f doi moi. We have to work harder to survive
with competition at every level. We cannot just teach, we have to participate
in many other professional activities, such as conferences and workshops.
We have to write more articles or do more research to show and determine
our abilities. Doi moi is a fair filter in many different meanings. It is hard for
everyone, especially for women but I like it. If you are not good enough, you
should escape the stage. O f course, this is a high “devastating and fierce
battle” of market competition in some degree, but we have to face the reality.
We cannot be lazy or come back to the past-subsidized system with a
stagnant status. (Senior lecturer-2nd generation)
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There are big challenges for women's life from a market economy. Now they
evaluate clearly anyone based on his or her ability and in reality, I just take
one thing: women's health cannot compare to men~then in some degree,
many women cannot do well their job's demands, they have to leave or to
lose their jobs. All women have to work harder in the Market economy to
survive compared to our past subsidized system. If we do not determine and
show our abilities—we will be eliminated! (Professor-Is1 generation)
This is an important point—men have spheres o f power and influence off
limits to women because of the gender stereotypes associated with being feminine.
Women cannot hang out in bars and make deals over “Tiger Beer" and cigarettes.
This is an unofficial way o f participating, and women are limited because o f the
socialization o f appropriate places for men and women. Furthermore, although
women mention that life is more convenient under renovation policies, the 'rule'
about which spaces are appropriate for women to frequent remains a block to their
advancement, since so many negotiations are done in these spaces.
We have a lot of advantages at this time. Yes, our living conditions are better
with the pace of our country’s development now. But I have to say the truth
that it is aiways more difficult for women than men to struggle in this society
to earn money for our daily life. Men can go to the beer bars to make their
deals, sign the contracts easily in a “special restaurant” but women cannot do
that. There are many limitations for women scholars when we have to
compete to get funding, be the director o f a national project or any important
project, for example. Even if the State gives some priorities for women or
offers some good projects, we are scared and do not dare to be a director. We
know in many cases, we cannot deal with many complicated doors or steps.
(Professor-1st generation)
But. doi moi is also associated with freeing up spaces for men and women to
participate, mostly on a material level in association with buying commodities.
Interestingly, as the following statement shows, women often confuse freedom or
liberation with increased convenience in shopping. Therefore, doi moi has not
necessarily meant increased power for women or even training in the productive
sphere, rather women refer to the ease o f getting goods if they have income and are
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able to compete in the market economy. But how are women intended to increase
their incomes and compete if there still exists gender bias in their advancement and
the idea that their primary responsibilities are centered on the non-income earning
household activities?
We have more “women’s liberation” with doi moi policy. If our policies have
not changed like this, I am sure that our women’s life is still bound by some
systems which allowed us to buy meat, fish, sugar, etc... . Thanks doi moi
for its privileges.
Yes, some decades ago, we dreamed even to have a piece of color or
flower fabric, which could make our nice clothes. Now. we can have
everything easily if we have money. When the living standard of our whole
society is better, women are more liberated. In general, we do not have to
worry so much about rice, clothes and money now—this is the first good
thing o f doi moi for women.
The second good thing is “do/ m oi' in our thinking. It is not an
abstract conception in my speaking— with doi moi and open-mind, we can
have a true equality in each person’s position and efforts. For example, in the
past subsidized system if you already got a university degree, just be happy
and work— the salary o f an excellent and normal degree is not different in
such egalitarianism. But the competition o f the market economy in general
and the standardization o f university faculty in particular are our motivation
now. If we do more or better jobs, we could get more bonuses. This is also a
new pressure for women but it is positive in some degree. If I like to keep
this position, I have to try my best to be a good teacher, good researcher, good
faculty member. The rules o f the market economy also show clearly in the
eyes and mind o f students—they can make their choices fairly in choosing
their “masters.” Of course, we also see the other side— the negative points o f
doi moi, such as the gap between rich and poor classes is wide, more criminal
cases, more prostitutes but doi moi is a positive and necessary tendency for
our country. We really needed it for the country’s development, a long time
ago. (Senior lecturer-2nd generation)
As I mentioned, the third generation of my research population is the
generation of doi moi. All these participants felt their advantages in many ways
compared to the other generations—their older sisters, their mothers, grandmothers
and their teachers’ generation. There are more opportunities for those o f the younger
generation to go abroad, to do their professional development, to have more chances
to get money by teaching or doing research than their teachers’ generation. But in
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having more opportunities to earn money in the market economy, these students are
not able to research to the extent their predecessors had. This impacts on their
knowledge base and perhaps in their overall effectiveness as future instructors and
professors. A lecturer indicates her perspective that in terms o f professional degree
and academic knowledge the older generations are still better.
Yes, we have more advantages than our predecessors. I can take my

advisor—she is a professor of the VNU first generation, as an example. I
cannot deny the fact that now I can easily run everywhere to teach and get
more money than my adviser. I can say I am richer than she is in terms o f
money but I cannot have a rich knowledge like her. Our advantages are also
disadvantages in some degree—I cannot stay home to read books or do
research as my adviser and the others and a long time ago when I still can get
$ lOUS/hour for teaching Japanese, for example. In my adviser’s time, most
of the faculty could not have any extra class besides their responsibilities on
campus, so they could spend much time to read books... . In the subsidized
system, everyone could live, in fact had to live, with their small salary. But
now we cannot; we have to find many ways to increase our income to help
our whole family survive— that is our hard part. (Lecturer-3rd generation)
All participants themselves, however, experience inner conflicts about how to
perceive and define the problems, which they see as disadvantages or inequities.
This is because they have to somehow reconcile their own experience and perception
o f equities with leadership from their department or the university that does not
acknowledge the validity or reality of women’s claims. What does it mean that
institutional leadership does not really see the depth o f the problem? What role do
traditional Vietnamese values about gender, family etc. play in both the official
declaration of equality and in the difficulties women faculty have o f being advocates
for themselves and women as a whole? I discuss these questions in the section below.
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Participants’ Perception of Gender and Gender Equity:

The Mix between Equity and Sameness as
Ideological and Structural Barriers
According to my research, participants’ understanding o f gender is one o f the
most interesting, complicated and important parts of my findings. How do
Vietnamese women understand gender inequality and what do they see as solutions?
Gender equity is not only an economic and political topic, but also a sensitive
social one. In the interview process, feelings of confusion and internal contradictions
emerged. All of my participants realized that there are many extra and unnamed jobs
placed on women’s shoulders, regardless if they are workers, farmers or scholars. As
they suggested, leaders of different levels should pay more attention or give more
priority to women concerning time and money. On the other hand, women also do
not like to have their strength, determination and resourcefulness underestimated by
asking for special treatment. After some suggestions, most o f the respondents
reminded me that “we do not ask any special treatment for us, the standard is the
standard for all.” In addition to one of the top VNU administrator’s statement quoted
earlier, other administrators and faculty also showed this perspective. For example:
My perspective in this university is the “equal perspective”—men and women

are the same. So, all kinds of policies such as professional development,
benefit distribution, and training are mainly based on the standards. We do
not have any discrimination in this university. And women gradually are
doing better and better—this is a good tendency now. Sometimes we joke
that if we are not careful, this university will be a women’s university! But I
also need to add that we always try to give priority for women in many cases
as “ladies first,” even when we talk about fair standards. The “problem” here
is women faculty do not ask for any special treatment which could make
people think they are not normal or weak. (Male administrator)
The problem with the administrator’s perception that equality exists is that it
already follows predetermined male norms o f power, privilege and perspectives. No
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one person is the same, let alone women and men. Women are not a category o f
unified voices and experiences and neither are men. Claiming that there is no
discrimination in the university is a denial o f the realities. Take for instance women
in decision-making roles. Just because the male administrators “say ladies first” does
not mean that priority is given to women in areas where the most gender inequity
exists. Furthermore, when talking about fair standards we have to remember that
standards are based on systems that may be gender biased. Assuming standards are
unbiased is a problem for both men and women, judging from the women not
wanting to appear as though they get unfair treatment. Standards, in fact, perpetuate
systems that may be biased in favor o f men, a race, a class, etc.
Just talk about how we choose excellent students to be VNTJ faculty.

According to me, we do not need any priority for female students. We only
need fairness; for example, if two male and female students passed the exams
with the same scores choose both or either one depending on the need o f the
university or department. Yes, we need to have equality in all standards to
choose faculty. (Female administrator-professor)
We do not have any special or priority policy for women, nothing at all. I do
not know what other women faculty think, but I like it. I like to be equal with
men in all levels without any priority. And I also like the challenge in this
academic environment where many people still think it is not for women. (3rd
generation-lecturer)
Not giving women priority means that historic bias against them cannot be remedied.
It is unfair to ask women to run in the race as equals after they had been tied to the
starting line for hundreds o f years. With this approach, we will never address the
root causes o f inequality and only manage to perpetuate a status quo in universities.
Most women faculty and administrators just highlighted the perspective o f
equal standards when they discussed gender issues. They did not really see the
difference between equal rights and equal opportunity until I pointed them out and
we discussed their status in depth. They agreed with me and wanted to know the
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difference, but their words also revealed many ambiguities when we talked about
gender equity in Vietnamese education and how to '‘fight” for it. O f course, they
gave some suggestions for gender equity policy and I will present them in the
participants’ recommendation part, but their voices offer a reason why we do not
have or could not have a certain policy, which would reinforce women’s status in
every level or field of society. The further question here is why do we still not see
women scholars in every important leadership rank o f the country? We only have a
couple o f them who became Congresswomen recently, one from VNU.
In my interviews there was considerable confusion between sameness and
equality, which is rooted, in the Vietnamese socialist system on several different
levels. Without recognizing the difference between equality and sameness, most
Vietnamese people have continued to believe that these two terms are
interchangeable. As I mentioned in Chapter One, the concepts of “gender” and
“gender equity” are rather new in Vietnamese society, as well as in Vietnamese
social science. With few exceptions, most o f my participants have understood
gender (gioi) as sex (gioi tinh), and gender equity as an issue, which, sometimes, is
strong, and beyond a reasonable or gentle characteristic of women.
At the risk of inferring, this misunderstanding of the word gender in Viet
Nam and some other countries limits dialogue about gender equity. By confounding
gender as sex. we lose the ability to analyze the process of socialization that occurs
differently among societies around the socially ascribed notions of “men” and
“women.” One faculty’s perspective reflects this socialization:
If I talk about gender, it is clear that there are more advantages for a man and
to be a man. In general, women are not as strong as men in the physical body.
In our academic context, I just take one simple example about women’s
dresses~it is more complicated for women faculty to prepare our nice outfits
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to go to the classrooms, especially in the rain with bicycles! Then, family is

still a big responsibility for every woman in this society. Many good changes
and advancements are taking place in our society in term of equality between
men and women, but just in the big cities. Even in Ha Noi capital, if you
interview themen who have higher education and “progressive minds”, all o f
them will tell you that they still prefer to see their wives being home when
they come back from their office. They also do not like to have a wife who
goes to study abroad or they do not like it if they go home and dinners were
not ready. The men still expect their wives to take care of them and the
family. And I think women should not ask for too much equality that they
could lose their family’s balance. I do not think any successful woman could
be happy when her family was in an unstable situation. This is our culture. I
always put the family as my priority—I think this idea is deeply rooted in my
blood, as well as in each Vietnamese woman and Vietnamese people as a
whole. It is very difficult to change our thinking, our traditional conception
of women’s roles. I think we still need some generations to change it.
This lecturer also questions the imposition of Western feminist ideals whereby “just
adding women” to power positions will change things. She also assumes that
advocates for gender equity want women to act just as men in power do. This is an
unfortunate but common perception among women and a reason they are deterred
from wanting “equity” because they think it means you have to trade in who you are
and become a man to gain it.
About gender equity, I also like to make one question: whether we need
women to speak strongly with our waving hands in public and follow
Western feminism to ask for more equity—to be a man or not. I do not like
this thing, it is not appropriate in our culture. I still like to keep my
“femininity”—a Vietnamese old saying said “a soft bamboo tape can tie
something more tightly than the hard one” [or “flexible tape ties securely”].
We need to be excellent and keep our femininity. I have a high position —not
the highest now and I just like everything is in a good order and peaceful. I
like my staff to follow my directions in peace and still see me as a substantial
woman. (Lecturer-3nd generation)
In terms o f gender equity being only a choice between becoming a man or
remaining feminine, I argue both are restrictive dichotomies and do not allow for
many options. “Femininity” can be as restrictive or more so than the stereotype o f a
male power holder. We need to redefine the stereotypes around both men’s and
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women’s roles so that they share in participation in society, family and nation.
Another lecturer of a different generation found that just seeing gender as an issue
about women creates more problems.
Researching on women and gender is our special interest now. Recently. I

was invited by the Ministry of Education and Training to write a paper about
"Training Gender Education for Middle School Teachers.” I had to read
many materials, which related to gender to write this paper and I realized that
there are many interesting and useful perspectives we need to open in this
issue. Vietnamese Women’s Union also had a class about gender and I talked
to women in that class about gender and gender in the university
environment. I told them that we have needed to understand the concept o f
gender in a moderate and reasonable sense. That is the point I think we need
to reconsider and correct it. Gender is a social-scientific term in our modem
societies, but fighting for gender equity does not mean we have to give all
priorities for women. Many of us do not understand clearly about this
concept. It is not right if we just talk and talk about women and do not care
of what the society can think or give to the men. I think it is a problem o f
feminism when it talks too much about women. We should think about both
sexes fairly and reasonably when we talk about gender. W hen we talk about
gender, I am worried that we could create an overbalance or “extremism” in
the relationship between men and women if we just emphasize women’s
rights, women’s needs. (Senior lecturer-2nd generation)
This senior lecturer addresses another common perception among women that
complicates advocating for gender equity. This perception centers on the
misunderstanding that fighting for gender equity means you are an extreme feminist
interested only in advancing the interest o f women, above men and families. But this
is not what the term means nor is it about reverse discrimination towards men. She
is right that we need to clear up the misconceptions about gender and gender equity if
we are to change the system as a whole for the betterment o f all. Despite
misperceptions, women find their own identities reflective of the competing
pressures on them:
I always tell my female students that women cannot have true equality with
men even though we are trying many different ways; no way, and we might
be disappointed or go beyond the limit if we cannot understand deeply and
correctly the notion of equity in our society. I said “beyond the limit” here
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meaning we will not be women or the normal ones if we always are tough and
ask for everything as men have. I am a Vietnamese woman anyway, I have to
be a woman—have a husband, a family, and some children. I need to do all
my responsibilities as a good wife, good mother, good daughter-in law, and
good citizen. I have to build the good relationship in my family, as well as in
the community. I know that I have many contradictions in my thinking. For
example, I am a woman and like to keep my femininity, but I do not lack my
self-confidence and do not like to be weaker than men in everything.
Sometimes, I think we need to ask for some consideration to complete our
task more easily but the other times I think women could underestimate
ourselves if we ask for special treatments. Oh. I need to understand more
about the gender equity issue. I already showed you my ideas about that from
my struggles for “equity'’ in our culture. I could not overcome many
difficulties—that is a main reason to make me be an unsuccessful woman,
meaning I could not have a master’s degree now, even my colleagues and
students respect my work and my teaching and they said my knowledge is
higher than that label. But I have persuaded by myself that I am unsuccessful.
(Senior lecturer-2nd generation)
According to this lecturer, it is not a matter of being equal to a man because
she is not one. But what she defines herself around is being all things to all people.
She is the good mother, wife, professional, social server, feminine and confident.
With being all o f these things, there is no choice but to disappoint or be disappointed.
In this case she is disappointed that she could not be strong enough to overcome all
obstacles so that she could get a Master’s degree. Rather than seeing society to
blame for some o f these unrealistic expectations, she bears the weight but she also
accepts that in some spheres she is successful. But being all things to all people
creates this back and forth response among women. Furthermore, there is still the
commonly held belief that advancement for women in all spheres means
advancement for the family, community and nation as a whole:
I do not know whether VNU or my department has done something for

gender equity improvement or not. And I also do not have much experience
or knowledge of gender issues but I do know that women are equal with men
nowadays. In a feudal system, women could not go to school and did not
have any encouragement to go to higher education. There are a lot o f major
changes now, I think you know that. We just need to have more educated
women. As you mentioned, “if we educate a man we just educate one person.
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but if we educate a woman we educate a whole family." I think this statement

shows the important aspect of gender equity in our society, especially in
education. I really like this one, my father even added: *‘If we educate a
woman we educate a whole generation, not just a family.” (Lecturer-3fd
generation)
Compared to the older generations, it is interesting to see that the younger
generation o f women does not have as deep concerns about gender issues as the older
generations. Instead, this lecturer is proud to impact a generation through her
education. From her interviews with members o f Viet Nam Women's Union. Gail
Kelly (in David H. Kelly, 1996, p. 156) also pointed out that the younger generation
of women, coming to adulthood after the war, is less involved in politics and more
involved in the day-to-day business of earning a living and raising children. This is
because of changes for women, as well as of realistic needs.
Since 1945, right along with the heritage of struggles for equality, especially
in the political area, Vietnamese women have been encouraged that when we work
for equality, we should show that we could do whatever job men do. In social
science, until recently, women’s studies did not exist. Western feminist theories and
the revolutionary concept o f gender as a social construction have not been widely
disseminated. Gender is related to sex differences but not necessary to the
physiological differences as we still see strongly in Vietnamese society. When
talking about gender or gender equity in education, Vietnamese people in general still
become stuck on some traditional questions, such as, what does maleness mean?
What does femaleness involve? How are women and men supposed to relate to each
other?
Analyzing my participants’ perspectives on gender and gender equity in
Vietnamese culture, I agree with Pearson, Shavlik and Touchton’s (1989: 266) idea
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that. "Chronologically and historically, women and the culture at large have gone
through at least three levels in understanding difference. All the levels coexist in
today's world, with some people at one stage and others at another.” Briefly, the first
level o f perception about gender and difference holds that men and women are
inherently and innately different and that difference translates into different roles and
social expectations. In this biological view, there is no true difference without
hierarchy, so that men are seen as superior and women inferior, with men holding
greater political and economic power.
The second level o f understanding emphasizes equality for women and in
doing so de-emphasizes difference, maintaining that men and women are essentially
the same (of course, with perhaps a few minor, but relatively insignificant
differences). This was a radical notion in its time and has been responsible for the
concept o f equal pay for equal work and the offering o f nontraditionai employment to
women, even positions of relatively great power. In educational terms, this meant
offering women, for the first time, access to the same education that was available to
men. This great breakthrough required, however, that women demonstrate and earn
their equality by proving that they were as good as-m eaning the same as~men. This
view explores the implications for Vietnamese women’s status in higher education in
particular and for all academic women in general. While some women have been
highly successful in demonstrating that they can be successful when judged by male
standards, the result has been the loss to many minority and poor women, and hence
to the society at large. It is not easy for women to go further in higher education and
the percentage o f women faculty is obviously very small in comparison to percentage
of women in the whole population.
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The third level recognizes difference in a context o f equality. Adopting this
stance for many people requires a major cognitive leap equivalent to a paradigm
shift. As Thomas Kuhn (1996) describes in The Structure o f Scientific Revolutions.
a paradigm shift occurs after too many unexplained '‘facts” accumulate that cannot be
accounted for by the old theory. A new theory then is required that will do so. When
the experiences o f women and minority males are ignored, the old paradigms seem to
work. However, the more that previously invisible information comes to the fore, the
more inadequate the old ways of seeing the world become. At first people simply
tamper with the old paradigm, such as adding a unit on women (minority and
majority) here, on the minority experience there. This is the “just add women”
approach. But the more one knows, the more inadequate the old paradigm appears.
The result is a major paradigm shift in which new information is not simply added
on. but the entire way o f organizing and arranging knowledge is rethought and
reconfigured.
At level three, therefore, it is possible to conceive o f men and women as
being both similar and different and to see differences as a form o f human richness
and diversity. In a context of equality it is possible to recognize that differences of
experiences and perspectives exist without translating that awareness into limitation
for any group. Instead o f relegating groups to particular roles on the basis o f their
particular abilities, we can learn from one another and benefit in all areas of life from
diversity. The level three is needed to understand the Vietnamese case, but it is
rarely expressed in Viet Nam, or perhaps in the other places.
The standards are generally made by male leaders and are not absolute. And
if the majority o f women are not to learn or act as much like majority males, then
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how are we to establish standards? What are the new and equal standards for
everyone and women’s scholarship? The first challenge requires a
reconceptualization o f the way Vietnamese people think about their roles in society
and their ability to make change. This can start with active dialogues about gender as
social construction, not sex as biological, within classrooms and workshops. And
then we can begin to work with inequity associated with gender stereotypes and
aspects o f doi moi like market competition. Before summarizing the key findings
and discussing these aspects more fully in the last chapter as implications, it is useful
to consider the participants’ recommendations about these issues.
Participants’ Recommendations
Being More Realistic in Policy-Making
Improving university conditions and environment is needed. All the women
faculty members agreed with "university quality standardization,” and that at least a
Master’s degree is needed to become a full-time university faculty member. But this
goal cannot be achieved in the short-term, especially in the salary and living
conditions o f Viet Nam in general and of every teacher in particular. This creates
challenges considering domestic responsibilities. Participants hope policy-makers
and managers are realistic and aware of their situation.
Most women faculty also have to work some extra jobs to increase their
families’ income. About 90 percent o f women faculty could not depend on their
husbands in this responsibility and cannot "calm down” to study while their children
need food, clothes, tuition and fees. Their experiences which relate to timing,
financial support, salary, scholarship for studying abroad, students’ services, graduate
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programs, family planning, retirement policy, professional development and career.
suggest some policy directions.
My difficulties are not the exceptions. They are general and normal for all
women. They are more difficult for women scholars in some degree. I am
sure that the other female colleagues also tell you the same problems as I told
you. Family responsibilities, career development vs. three or four extra jobs
for our daily life. All these things prevent us from advancement needs. It is
clear that our equal rights only exist on the surface or formallly. If the leaders
of the State and government or any other levels are really concerned with this
issue, they should reconsider all policies and must have some certain and
concrete policies, which give some priorities for women to obtain real equity
with men. We already have some good policies for women, such as women
could stay home for some months after giving birth or have some days off to
take care o f their children if they were sick without losing their jobs or
reducing salary. But all such kinds o f favors are short-term solutions. It is
nice if all women and men have to follow the same standards to get the
degrees but the VNU leaders or others should create some good conditions
for women such as time, scholarship to reduce burden. Women have to try at
least 2-3 times harder to get Master’s or doctoral degrees compared to men.
It is difficult if we only increase salary for women but we need some realistic
treatment. Studying abroad is also a very good opportunity for women. It not
only opens our mind and improves experience but also helps us to leave
family responsibilities for our husbands and let our men experience and
appreciate their wives’ work. We need policy-makers to understand women’s
situations at a deep level and try to find some effective solutions to improve
our academic life. (Senior lecturer-2nd generation)
This statement shows that while the lecturer is aware of the injustice, she
accepts it as the norm. Perhaps Vietnamese leaders should devise a subsidy system
for women and their dependents while she obtains the degree, or promote academic
exchange of women and their dependents to study abroad. It is difficult anyway,
especially if the women bring their children with them, but at least they can have
more time to focus on their studies.
I already had a chance to study in China, one year, and I felt that I had a lot o f
valuable experiences. After that year I felt my career-confidence has
improved so much. At that time I tried to study as much as I could. I was
crazy for studying because I liked to forget my family worries back home, I
liked to thank my family, my university, and my people who gave me this
chance. We need to have more women who can go abroad to study. It is very
good for everyone, especially for women in higher education. We need many
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excellent role models for our younger generations and we need to invest
effectively in women as we are over half o f the population for our country's
long term development. (Senior lecturer-2nd generation)
This lecturer traveled without her children and experienced the same valuable
experience as her husband would have if he left for a year while she cared for the
children. This voice needs to be heard widely.
We must not forget marginal minority women, who also need equal chances
for training as the following statement emphasized:
VNU leaders and the government should reconsider the current scholarship
policy. We should pay more attention to female students, especially to
students who come from the countryside, mountainous areas. We should give
a little more support to female students higher than male ones to help them
study in peace and avoid some bad things, which already happened for some
female students when they had a very hard time and could not overcome it.
O f course, we also need scholarship, which can support women faculty
members who are studying Master’s or doctoral programs—who are in the
process of "standardization”. We need some realistic help, not just
encouragement and then we have left behind our male colleagues in every
domain. (Professor-1st generation)
Lastly, we need to stop promoting the impossible workday for professional
women who are considered providers for families. Making training courses
reasonable and responsive to their current schedules is one step in this direction.
Another is financial support.
We did not have clear policies which support women faculty development.
This is one o f the ways we were taught and thought to be really equal. It is
OK but who could name all women’s responsibilities besides our teaching.
We need so much time to balance everything if we do not like to lose our
family happiness. I just give one example about schedule of graduate courses
which I am taking. Many required courses open at 4:30 to 7:30 pm. They are
fine with male colleagues but not for women. We cannot concentrate to study
while our kitchens are cold or not sure our children are home safely. The
leaders, the managers should think about that if they really think they care
about gender equity in this society. (Senior lecturer-2nd generation)
I think VNU leaders, as well as the leaders of the Ministry of Education and
Training need to improve some scholarship policies for graduate students. I
know that we can get two million dong [about S150US] for Ph.D. students--
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just one time, not every month or every year. I already finished one year o f
graduate study but I still did not get any dong. In fact, this payment is so
small. We have to spend at least 15 times of this amount to complete our
degree. It is simple if we just talk about knowledge or the other things. If we
do not have enough “economic condition”—I mean “enough money”, we can
not do anything. That was the reason why I just became a graduate student, at
40-years-old. Money blocks our advancement, both women and men. We
need financial support for graduate students, we need some realistic
encouragement and help for female graduate students. It is much better for us
to study Master's or doctoral degrees at age 30 than 40 or 50. (Lecturer-3rd
generation)
I also interviewed five female graduate students and they spoke out on the
same situation, especially two students who came from mountainous areas. Both o f
them are teachers at the Pedagogy College and go to VNU for their Master’s degrees.
They had to leave their children with their husbands and husbands’ families. They
only get 150.000 dong ($10 US) per month and they told me that amount is not even
enough for their bus or train tickets if they need to visit their families 2-3 times every
term. They have to leave their salary for their families, pay rent and food in Ha Noi.
Viet Nam really needs more teachers who can teach in remote areas. Government
and leaders o f the Ministry o f Education and Training should think about this
situation seriously.
No educator can ignore the fact that the percentage o f illiterate school-age
children and drop-out students, especially female students in the mountainous areas
and countryside, are really high compared to urban areas. Teachers from cities do
not like to go there to teach, and school conditions are poor. The best way would be
to train local people to be teachers, encourage them to do professional development
through financial support, and improve the schools’ conditions. The following
perspective is another aspect that should be considered seriously in human resource
development and training.
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Keeping an Appropriate Pace o f Transition

Among the Generations
When talking about gender equity, building the role model is as important as
keeping appropriate intellectual resources to train the younger generations. The
following voice shows the other aspect o f “unfair treatment” in human resource
management o f Vietnamese education. Policy-makers and managers should consider
carefully the retirement policies.
Women have to retire at age 55. men at 60. If both male and female faculty
do a good job. their salary will increase every three years. So. we can see
unfairness in this policy for women. The salary of every woman is lower than
men before our retirement, and, of course, our retired salary will be lower.
On the other hand, it is very clear that the percentage of senior women faculty
is very low if we look at a higher rank of professional, such as professor,
associate professor, Ph.D. and Ph.D. candidate. At age 45-60, women have
more time to focus on their professional careers because their children are
adults. But they have to retire. We saw some professors already retired and
we are worried because they still can contribute excellently. Look at
Professor, Dr. Ch. (retired), and Professor L... . I am sure that we do not
have anyone who could replace them. Younger generation’s reputation and
knowledge cannot compare to them. VNU leaders should think about that,
should not waste good human resources in this aspect. Women in academic
environment are different. If any excellent faculty still can contribute, keep
them and try to have good enough other qualified faculty to train our younger
generations. (Professor-1st generation)
I should add that those few Vietnamese senior academic women in their
forties and up who were married with children wrote and published more than any
other group o f women.
It is also useful to hear other suggestions about appropriate family planning
policy and a reasonable time for academic women to meet the new standards:
It is more difficult for women than men when everyone has to follow the
same standards in career development if we just look at our women’s
“reproduction task” and family planning. After marriage, we need to have
children. According to tradition, Vietnamese women should not marry late—
24 is average for marriage. It is easy for men but women have to spend some
years with each child. We already cannot catch up with men for career
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development after our graduation in this pace. In addition, as our family

planning policy, each family could have two children and the second child
should be bom after the first one by five years. I think this policy should
change; we do not need five years between two kids. If any couple like’s to
have two. we can have two in two years, then spend time caring for them.
After some years, we can focus on career development. We do not need to
divide our time for having a kid and developing a career. We already have
many women faculty who could not know how to make plans to have two
kids and career development. Most o f them lost their chances and energy to
focus on a career. For academic women, this policy should be more flexible.
We need to balance family happiness and career development to be “good
models” in the public eye--people have expected us, women teachers, to be
higher than the others because we are the intellectual class. (Senior lecturer,
2 generation)
If we see the percentage of academic women is very low at the higher rank. I
am sure that is not because women could not have the abilities to study at a
higher level. It is due to time and other objective reasons. The need of
faculty standardization is necessary, but the policy-makers should consider
men and women’s time. For example, if we keep both excellent female and
male students to be VNU faculty after their graduation, it is easy for the male
student to spend 5 to 10 years to do graduate study, not easy for the female
student. In Vietnamese culture, we still think that a man just starts to grow up
at age 30, but a woman is getting old at age 30. Thus, many women cannot
overcome this traditional thinking, and close the door to study 5-10 years to
get Master or Ph.D. degrees after graduation at age 22. In general, academic
women can spend more time for professional development or get the Ph.D.
degree after age 40, but at age 55 they have to retire. So, we can see women
do not have enough or much time to determine their abilities, as well as to
devote themselves to their career in comparison to men. Men can get their
Ph. D degree at age 30-35 easily, and they retire at age 60— we can see the
difference clearly here. I really think the educational leaders and other
policy-makers should consider carefully the appropriate time o f professional
activities and development for academic women. (Senior lecturer-2nd
generation)
Before moving to the other participant recommendations, the following ideas
would broaden VNU leaders and other educational policy-makers’ perspectives in
terms o f human investment for long term and future benefits.
My generation, second generation as you categorized, has more advantages

than my older generation because we have had more opportunities to study in
Viet Nam or in the other countries. And if I continue to compare my
generation to the younger one now, again, we can see clearly that they have
had more advantages than my generation because they are living in peace
time and doi moi but they also have faced some big challenges we did not
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have to face. For example, in my time, it was so difficult to pass the

university entrance exams, only two or three students could pass among a
thousand students. And the number o f female students was very small but all
students got scholarships and after graduation, most of us were given a job,
assigned by the university, Ministry o f Higher Education or government.
This was a subsidized system, and in this system, we could not have many
things we needed but we also did not have to struggle so much when we
could be in the system. At present, it is not difficult to study in higher
education because we already opened many different types of universities but
it is not easy to have a scholarship. Many students have to work for their
tuition and other expenses. If they do not know how to balance their time,
they could have problems with their studying. If they are not excellent
students, they cannot find a job after their graduation. Yes, our younger
generation has more good conditions than any other past generation, but the
fierce competition o f the market economy also creates more difficulties.
Many girls already have to give up their university dream to help their
families or they see the salary o f university degree is not worth their
educational investment. Educational leaders and government should think
about that and help students, especially female students in this country in
term of long- term benefit. (Senior lecture-2nd generation)
This lecturer also mentions the fierce competition for entrance and scholarships to go
to the university. This is the most dramatic change o f doi moi. This is complicated
by the fact that women are pressured to 'earn money’ in the new economy and a
university post cannot promise them that. It remains to be seen what effects this
surge for ‘money making’ will have on Vietnam.
Building Trust, Nurturing Women’s Leadership,

and Being Self-confident Are Needed
Besides showing many constraints that prevent women from advancement,
the women faculty in this study generally considered themselves to be more
dedicated than their male colleagues and equally able to solve problems. And in
some cases women thought they were more effective at certain types o f activities
than their male colleagues (such as building campus internal and external
relationships) and therefore they had equal power. These women attributed their
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equal power to themselves, as well as to policies. “Women have equal capacity to
resolve problems if we were put in the current male positions o f leadership,” “Our
knowledge is not less than men in any specialized field.” “Women have more ability
and are more flexible to find solutions to problems.” according to most women
faculty.
Why does VNU not have any women, however, in the high and important
authority ranks? Women faculty already accepted the fact that many o f them do not
like to be managers because they could lose their time for families; but the main
reason, as they emphasized, is mistrust of their capacity from male colleagues,
especially male leaders.
Many people still think that women should not be managers; this kind of
leadership position is deemed to be inappropriate for women. Women do not have
ability or are not strong enough to be leaders. Women could lose their “femininity”
if they are managers or be perceived as abnormal. These stereotypes are still
pervasive in Vietnamese society. We need to change them. The educational
environment, especially higher education, is the right place to start changing,
nurturing trust and opening a real equal opportunity for women. We need excellent
role models for our whole society from the educational arena. This is what true
education should do to meet the traditional respect o f Vietnamese people for
education.
Women faculty expressed their hope above and emphasized that if the
government and leaders of every level were really concerned about women’s
advancement and gender equity, they should strongly recommend or select some
excellent women scholars to be leaders as the government has already done for
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women from the working classes in the past. The ideas below could be offered on
behalf of the majority of women intellectuals’ voices:
A popular Vietnamese proverb said. “One can know how to wave the flag if
one holds it.” Yes, it is true when we talk about one’s capacity in general or
women’s capacity in particular. Trust us, please, if our colleagues can vote,
as well as leaders dare enough to assign a great responsibility to women, I am
sure that we can do it well. In addition, we need to learn, to be trained to
accumulate our experiences. If women scholars could not be a leader at the
department and university level, how can we be it at higher levels such as
Ministry o f Education and Training or government? VNU and the State really
need to train and select women intellectuals to be leaders. We do not see yet
any special encouragement or trust to intellectual class. It is obvious that the
State and government do not pay attention to the intellectual class in general
and to women intellectuals in particular. The Government and the State just
tried to train some women from the political movements. At present, we
have some women who are “Congressmen,” who are Ministers o f some
ministries but 99 percent o f them just have middle schools certificates when
they were selected to be leaders, when the government and the whole country
praises them in newspapers. The Vietnamese government and State just tried
to balance the gender components in government rank by choosing some
women as a farmer, worker and soldier. I did not say it is bad and I also did
not say those leaders could not do their jobs now. They did and do well. I
just liked to point out these examples to see why women scholars do not have
yet that kind of appropriation, encouragement and trust. Things are changing
in our country. We see more intellectual women being people’s
representatives or in our Congress now but it is so small a number. Viet Nam
is in the process o f industrialization and modernization. We need to invest in
human resource. It is more important than ever before. The intellectual class
should be used effectively and appreciate highly as the key component for
country’s development. (Professor-1st generation)
Being self-confident and willing to do anything that we like and can, never
give up our dream or let anyone put us down, however, were the common messages
from all successful women (because they achieved a high degree, high rank and good
positions) of this study. These ideas are not new, but the emphasis is needed in the
Vietnamese context and culture as one modem popular expression o f the Vietnamese
people says, “Let you try to save yourself first!” Some shared xperiences such as this
one below from a professor, who was the first female Ph.D. at VNU and Viet Nam,
are worthy to consider as a role model for men and women.
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I always try to take care o f my family as much as I can. I was married later
compared to our traditional thinking for women but it was nice. I had my
first son after I got “pho tien si” (Advanced Ph.D. Candidate) degree. It was
wonderful for me to have my husband's excellent support to complete my
Ph.D. degree in Russia but I always was worried at that time that I was
irresponsible with my family and my son. If we have a family, we have to
take care o f our families. I always try to do both—take care o f my family and
make “progress” in my career. It is not easy, so I think all women should try
as soon as possible to study, to get higher degrees, to do anything we can
before we marry. And the most important thing is our determination to set
our plan on our own improvement. We need our husband’s understanding
and support— it is also very important. When everyone in the family is
happy, husband and wife cooperatively share family responsibilities, a
woman can be successful in her career. My husband always helps and creates
good conditions for me to advance my professional career; many times he
took care o f my sons to let me go abroad for training. I appreciate his support
and try my best to help him and the family, and he just defended successfully
his dissertation and got the Ph.D. degree. (Professor, Dr. —1st generation)
Gender equity is a universal issue and women in many different countries all
over the world have long struggled for it. Many different social and feminist theories
have been published, especially in the Western developed countries, but the status
quo o f gender inequity remains in different forms and contexts. Hence, it is true that
if each person, as well as each institution does not have a strong commitment to
change, things will never improve. Each person, however, is limited in what change
they can make in the whole society and system. The support and collaboration o f
community is always needed. The following suggestion is important to emphasize.
Reinforcing More Power and the Intellectual

Role for VNU Women’s
Concern Committee
As I already mentioned, most women faculty appreciate some activities o f the
VNU Women’s Concern Committee, but they also agree that this group does not
have real power and the activities have been mainly restricted to “kitchen and
housework” activities. One o f the participants said:
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As you know, there is the Women’s Concern Committee in every institution

o f Viet Nam, from lower to higher levels. Until now, I still do not think this
is a group, which can help women’s advancement in its right sense of
"advancement” in different and certain circumstances. I do not see some
major differences between VNU Women’s Concern Committee or any other
educational institution and any factory or village’s Women’s Concern
Committee. This group should be different and do more intellectual activities
if it is a group which protects and nurtures women’s equal right at the
academic level. We need to organize workshops about gender education and
improve our knowledge and self-consciousness about our rights and find
solutions together for our real equal opportunities. I am 41 years old and I am
sure I could be a "middle generation” in VNU and our society now. I am also
sure that over 50 percent o f women o f my generation and older generations
are not self- confident or lack self-confidence. We always think women
should not do this thing or do that one. Our younger generation now is more
independent and self-confident than we are. We should be their good models
because we are their mothers in most o f the cases. We need VNU leaders’
support to reinforce power and roles for this group, to put more women to be
in charge as department heads and higher to see how it works and to change
people’s stereotypes and women themselves. (Senior lecturer- 2nd generation)
The participants were glad to know that VNU Center for Women’s Studies
was established and they also hope this center can open some good programs for
women. This is another example of how "networking” and support groups can
increase dialogue about these issues since they are vital and effect all in Viet Nam.
Some students’ perspectives below also help to confirm this expectation.
In addition to faculty and administrators I also interviewed undergraduate
students from the third year classes of Pedagogy College. Female students stated that
they did not see any sign o f unequal treatment in the eyes of their male classmates.
They are confident but they also said they hope VNU Women’s Concern Committee
and the Center for Women’s Studies can help to open more activities for girls, as
well as for all students about gender and sex education, and family planning. Student
services should help students if they have problems with their study or living
conditions, especially students from the countryside and mountains. It is interesting
and useful to hear some o f their commonly voiced concerns.
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I did not see any inequality here. It seems vve (smiled) even assimilated our
male classmates. We can share anything without any reservation. It is wrong
if many people think male students o f Pedagogy College are “weaker” than
male ones in the other colleges. I think they have many excellent points that
the other male students should learn such as they can balance their feeling and
situation better than others because we are training to be teachers. (Pedagogy
College student)
It appears that inequity prevails at the different forms and levels. To address
these varieties of boundaries, support groups that research the causes can be useful.
I think the Women’s Concern Committee and the Center for Women’s
Studies have to put gender education as a first priority— first things first they
have to do for students, especially our Pedagogy College’s students because
we will expand it in our society as future teachers. We also have more female
students than male ones in this college but I am sure that many o f us still do
not understand clearly about sex, gender, family planning....We need to have
this program in order to prevent many negative phenomena or social-illness
and the underestimation of women in general. The stereotype about women,
who should not or could not do anything as men do, is less obvious in our
society now but “a traditional psychology” about it still exists and it is not
easy to change it. We need to do step by step and firmly. (Pedagogy College
student)
We do not have any kind of gender education now. We have discussed some
aspects o f family planning but we are still so shy to talk about “condom,
contraception” [laughed and covered her face by hands]. We had some
abortion cases and after that the health situation of those students were bad.
We need help, some nice supports, which are appropriate with our culture.
Yes. we have students’ clubs but we just have discussed some general things.
We need girls’ clubs and need guides from our teachers, female teachers.
(Pedagogy College student)
This last quote also showed the confusion between gender education and sex
education in some of the students’ minds.
Since gender is not only about women, it is crucial to train and gain the
perspectives of men on the issue. For instance, it is also very useful to hear all these
students when they suggested that universities, as well as Ministry of Education and
Training for shared balance the male and female percentages at the Pedagogy
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College. This perspective can contribute to change a bias o f gender role and improve
gender education. Two male and female students’ ideas are as follows:
We really need to encourage and enroll more male students in Pedagogy

College, to share educational responsibility equally. Why do people still
think we [men] are not normal to be students o f Pedagogy College? We need
to change this old thinking. Education is not a field of women or men. This
is a most important field for our country’s development. Men and women
can do anything and have the same ability. Educational policy-makers should
find some solutions on this point—it could contribute some big changes for
gender equity in reality.
Only in combining awareness o f men and women and in sharing the
responsibility for changing the situation can we begin to address gender equity in
higher education. And finally, hope is in the next generation:
Our VNU administrators and other leaders always say young students are “the
good seeds o f the nation.” Thus, we really need the university and the whole
society to take more care o f us, create good conditions to help and to train us
to be good in our future career, and at the same time, to be a good wife and
good mother.
From the voices of my participants, it is obvious that education is the right
place to invest and nurture equity for the whole society. In the next chapter, I
summarize the key findings, make some conclusions and implications as a final
conceptualization o f the study. I also present some suggestions for future research
and my own reflections.
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CHAPTER VI
CONCLUSIONS, IMPLICATIONS.
AND REFLECTIONS
In this chapter I will draw together what I learned from the voices o f the
administrators, faculty and students I have interviewed and from my extensive reading
about attempts to solve some o f the problems o f gender inequality in higher education
in other countries and settings. Five parts are covered in this last chapter: a summary
o f the findings’ key points, conclusions, implications for education and other
institutions, recommendations for future research, and my reflections on this research
and its meaning for the women o f Viet Nam and other developing countries.
Summary o f the Findings’ Key Points
After doing the 40 interviews, I realized that I was getting essentially the same
ideas over and over. From the first generation to the young students, things seemed
better in the sense o f changing women’s status and traditional stereotypes, but many
problems o f inequities were identified. My questions and our discussions evoked their
thoughts and feelings, as well as their reactions to their situation. Otherwise, as they
themselves stated, the facts o f inequities would have remained buried or in “a quiet
status quo” in their own minds, unaddressed and unexamined. The following points
were the key findings.
1. At the administration or leadership levels, there is no perceived major
problem o f gender inequity, largely because o f legal declarations o f equality.
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From the interviews, it became clear that male administrators were more
optimistic when they talked about gender equity than faculty and students. They
showed their sympathy with certain difficult conditions for women but they still
emphasized that equity meant following the same standards for everyone. The
question here is who sets the standards and by which model? The answer is again:
male majority committees. They accept the fact that the percentage of women in the
high professional ranks and administration is low, but appear to believe that is because
women’s qualifications or abilities do not meet the demands. The solutions for
improvement also were ambiguous. As long as administrators do not believe there are
structural disadvantages for women in the system, they are unlikely to promote the
change faculty and students advocate.
One explanation that is used to excuse women’s lack of participation in
academic leadership was the continued idea that women are the '‘real” leaders at
home—“the Boss o f the household.” Once again, this separation o f leadership ignores
access issues to higher positions outside the home. As I quoted, most male
administrators showed their “sympathy” with their female colleagues’ domestic
responsibilities and do not want to make more university’s work for women faculty!
Most women faculty smiled humorously when they also mentioned this “good
excuse.”
Confucian and colonial ways o f underestimating women still exist, even
though they are veiled by the new terms, such as legal equal rights. It is obvious that a
common explanation for “unsuccessful women” in achieving high status is based on
“women’s characteristics,” which are not easily compatible with achievement,
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especially in certain fields. Women are valued to be symbols o f low confidence, low
aspiration and ambition, mothers and nurturers, dependent, and avoiders o f success.
2. The reality differs from official and legal positions. Women faculty talked
about a variety o f problems that can be defined as gender inequalities: work-family,
salaries, position, promotion, retirement, traditional prejudices and social expectations.
The voices from different generations, ages, and cohorts vary, but in general they all
perceive gender inequity. VNU women faculty in particular and Vietnamese women
in general understand the notion o f equity as sameness. The younger generations do
not see the significant motivation to change and again they like to leave this equity
issue as “a forever universal debate”, and see some special cases o f women, who are in
nigh positions as the political way o f balancing and pleasing public opinion.
3. In some degree, VNU administrators and Women’s Concern Group
acknowledged women’s disadvantages but assume women should and want the same
roles as men. This is exactly a “just add women” approach in the “old-fashion”
feminist literature and does not uncover or examine the root causes o f power
inequality. This tendency also originated from the Vietnamese socialist ideology and
provided a “Band-Aid” approach or short-term solution to gender inequity, rather than
a systematic and long-term strategy for change, as some critical feminist theories have
posed and discussed in this study. This is not only just a problem o f VNU, but also a
common problem o f the other institutions. Vietnamese society and research in the
social sciences.
4. Western Feminists have influenced more traditional theories and practices
o f development since the 1970’s leading to greater attention to gender in the
development process. These theories aimed to integrate women into development
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because women had been overlooked. Women in Development (WID) was the policy
response and much o f the funding from international donors for educational
development followed Western feminist contributors. Although Western Feminism
has contributed a great deal, it has also had to respond as well as gain from various
women's movements around the world. In the 1970’s and 1980’s Western feminism
dominated discussions because o f the constellations o f power that existed under
racism and classism within Western countries and colonialism and the leverage of
industrialized countries o f the West in global affairs.
When various Feminism movements (e.g., African American, Chicana/Latina,
Native American) from within Western countries started demanding recognition
alongside women from the developing world, feminism could no longer be defined by
one group o f women or countries. A challenge against one interpretation o f feminism
was most notable when members o f the Third World Women's Caucus at the 1985
Nairobi Forum o f the United Nations World Conference on Women protested that
Western Feminism and Women in Developing programs were muting the voices o f
non-Westem women. From this outcry, the Third World Feminist Movement was
bom. But this movement too found challenges because women o f color from the
industrialized countries were not represented and because within every country and
group exist a variety o f feminisms. What these struggles have taught us and what can
greatly contribute to educational reform in Viet Nam is that the more we share about
our various struggles for recognition, justice and equity, the more we can learn from
one another. This is the reason Viet Nam can greatly benefit from the experiences o f a
variety o f feminist movements and why my deep exposure to Western Feminism will
enable me to apply beneficial aspects to our rapidly changing educational system.
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Western feminisms have been overly focused on the issues of white and middle
class women. Nonetheless, based on this matter o f facts and my research experience.
Western feminist theories have great contributions to women development. And these
theoretical perspectives are welcome to Viet Nam and through the filter o f Vietnamese
culture as a tool to examine and analyze the causes of inequities at different levels
from a moderate perspective.
5. At the political and power perspectives in organizations, the under
representation o f women at the top ranks or management is due in large part to the fact
that they are less likely to acquire power than their male counterparts. This may be the
result o f the male-dominated culture of organizations that bias power in favor o f men.
Because they have access to less power, women are less likely to engage in, or utilize,
organizational politics, preferring instead to rely on formal means to advance up the
executive ladder. This will only lead to stunted career progression. The implications
of this lack of potential competence for change lie not only in relying on men to
recognize the economic reasons for eliminating sources of power prejudice against
women, but in women themselves who, by recognizing the important role o f politics
within organizations, can help redress the balance.
The previous discussions have shown that “male dominance” still exists in the
Vietnamese cultural symbol system, in informal everyday interactions, and in social
institutions and roles. Some believe that education, especially higher education has
less gender discrimination than in other places. This is found even though the
activities o f males and females tend to be separate, and what males do is more highly
valued that what females do. In VNU, those women who do gain “good positions”
really only achieve “sub-positions” or in women’s concerns, not in the real authority
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positions of the academic leadership rank. In general, domestic roles for women and
public roles for men are still emphasized as a cultural or ethic norm in the entire
society. This gender stratification is reproduced in each generation, in social
institutions, in families, and in the personalities of individuals. The 21st century is
here, but Vietnamese society and people might need more generations to change our
old way of thinking about gender identity, as most o f the participants suggested.
In sum, comparing my results to the model of equity in education o f Rodriguez
(1990) (Figure 11), Figure 12 briefly shows the perceptive degree of participants,
which relates to their understanding and evaluation of gender equity in VNU, as I have
discussed. While Rodriguez’s figure is ideal, Figure 12 illustrates the effect context
and organization have on the institutional level in a more post-colonial fashion.
Community Student Administration,

teacher & staff
Equity
School Politics/ Legal Issues
Education
Practice
Curriculum Resources Local, State, and

(formal/informal) Federal Rules
FIGURE 11. Equity Education-A multi-dimensional concept. (Rodriguez, 1990,

p. 11)
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H isto rica l and Socialise Ideology

c u ltu r a l factors E quality —sam eness
C o n te x t Confucianism
C olonist
E con om ic
D eveloping country
ForrnaljMltcieaandrprocedure
- T-QovammTO PojBcios- - -
Informal A rrangem ent - O rftam raltonal po licies and
Conception A dm inistrators
Socialization
H a v e in eq u ality
C o n flict a t th e in d iv id u a l lev el
In d iv id u a l level
Realizing the - A ocepiingthe ‘;
Obstacles Standardization
Faculty m em bers
INEQUALITY IN PRACTICE
FIGURE 12. Current status of gender equity in Viet Nam.
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Conclusions
After examining the data from VNU about gender equity issues in particular,
the effects o f doi moi and the market economy on the academic women’s development
in general. I draw the following conclusions based on my research questions.
1. What policies have been adopted at VNU to foster gender equity?
As I have discussed, there are no explicit policies to foster gender equity at
VNU. The VNU leaders at different levels just emphasized the spirit o f “ladies first”
and pointed out that there is no major problem o f gender inequity. The National
Committee for the Advancement o f Vietnamese Women has been established and
many instructions have been presented, but the implementation of them has not
changed the relatively lower percentage of women at all levels and ranks. The
instructions proved merely a “fresh air current” that has blown across Vietnamese
society, as the expression goes, which is often written in Vietnamese newspapers when
people talk about new or big events. The question here is how Viet Nam can change
the problem at its root by reinforcing and acknowledging the ability and contribution
o f Vietnamese women, rather than merely labeling the problem. Given that VNU is a
big, prestigious, perhaps a more “open-minded” place, the fact that gender equity as
“equal opportunities in diversity o f gender differences” is still a long way from reality
suggests that specific, effective policies to foster gender equality are needed.
2. What are the challenges facing women faculty and graduate students that
potentially stand in the way o f achieving gender equity?
Over the course o f history, women have experienced some advancement, but
the change is far from enough to achieve equality. War conditions, the strength of
prejudices, a subsidized economy and the narrowness of the household economy have
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put women on trial for many years. In the academic environment, women have little
input into decision making about higher education policies, student admissions,
promotion and the like. The next generation still sees men firmly in charge.
Women’s roles still bear the primary traditional values of taking care o f the
family, sacrifice, be diligent, patient, and in general be a victim o f the patriarchal
mentality, and of the custom of appreciating men that underestimates women. Yet
laws requiring that women be treated like men ignore the embedded social
construction of roles for men and women and create a double, even triple, work day for
those women who are responsible for raising the family and instilling cultural values
in the next generation.
In the present economy all Vietnamese must work long hours and extra jobs to
survive. Academic women, as other women, continue to have the primary
responsibility for housework, childcare, and family income. If the economic changes
occurred and husbands shared family responsibilities, they could help promote greater
gender equality in the family, then, of course in the whole society.
Even in higher education, a place, long considered a good environment for
women with fewer inequities, women face the new demands o f standardization that
unfairly benefit men. The legal guarantees, along with increased education, are
necessary steps to gain the end of gender inequality and can help promote change in
other institutions. But as socialist feminists have stressed, changes in both policies
and education are probably not sufficient to guarantee the end o f male dominance.
If women are to advance their political skill, they must recognize the value o f politics
in organizational life. Having done that, they must identify those organizational
structures that hold them back and then attempt to change as many aspects o f
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organizational life as they can. Changing the culture of an organization is a tough task
but there are ways that women can increase their power in less dramatic ways. One
way, again, is through forming support networks. Women, who are already in top
positions, are a valuable asset and should be utilized to the best possible and strongest
extent.
3. Does the implementation o f doi moi policy affect gender equity?
The renovation process has proved both favorable and negative for women.
The market economy has encouraged certain women to soar into higher positions
while maintaining heavier responsibilities. For instance, women attain higher rank by
emulating the male model while also being the “good wife and mother,” thereby,
juggling untold amounts of work and responsibility. Many others, however, have been
thrown into depravity or prostitution because living conditions have become too
difficult now that subsidies have been withdrawn, and they are incapable o f adapting
themselves to the new structures o f a market economy.
Academic women, as they spoke out in this case study, also have continued to
face more subtle difficulties in the intellectual context, as well as in academic market
competition. There has not been sufficient change within institutional structures to
encourage, support, and maintain women or new roles they have developed. Change
has been individual, not collective or systematic. The young faculty and senior
professionals often lack the political awareness, frame of reference, and commitment
o f their older activist colleagues. They do not want to be perceived as powerless and
cannot easily operate outside the institutional setting. Often they have no experience
participating in a constituent group, particularly in an academic setting. Thus, it is
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more difficult for academic women to adapt to the new demands of the market
economy.
4. What solutions to gender equity issues might be proposed that would be
consistent with Vietnamese culture?
The findings suggest that Vietnamese women faculty are privileged in
comparison with most women in general, and more specifically, even in comparison
with other women working in higher education as secretaries, service staff, and so
forth. Women academics, however, are at a disadvantage compared with male
academics. A review of some o f the Western feminist theories I used previously to
examine the Vietnamese case is helpful again here to summarize the causes of these
inequities.
The target o f liberal feminism is to improve women’s status and opportunities
within the existing economic and political framework. Key concepts (Acker, 1992) to
examine are the impact o f socialization, conflicting roles (domestic and career
responsibilities), inadequate social investment in women’s education, and sex
discrimination. Most socialist feminists’ aim is to end oppression. They have focused
on women’s position within the economy and the family. How is education related to
the reproduction o f gender divisions within the economic structure, especially in
regards to the means and relations o f production? this is a key question for those
concerned with women’s education. In radical feminism, patriarchy is the
fundamental reason for analysis of social patterns. Radical feminists tend to eliminate
patriarchal structures and center on girls and women's concerns as, Acker (1992)
emphasized.
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The Vietnamese people, specifically my case study’s participants, have often
approached the problem o f gender inequality by asking, “why can’t women be more
like men?” My analysis is closer to radical feminists, and suggests that a world without
patriarchal dominance would not be one in which women become more like men. but
one in which men become more like women in the sense that a female paradigm or
world view would be substituted for the dominant male paradigm. This means that
Vietnamese cultural symbols would be altered to show an equal valuation o f females
and males, and cultural values would be complementary and express interdependence
rather than priority and social hierarchy. It should be recognized in the institutional
structures that nurturance and concern o f everyone’s needs are more important than the
maintenance o f “equal standards” which are male ideological outcomes.
Gender inequity in society and in education is obvious. Women encounter
innumerable difficulties in fulfilling the demands o f society and the family. The
establishment of an independent position through economic and educational
improvement is the basic foundation to reach an elemental equality between men and
women in all fields. Viet Nam is a society where men still receive more training and
access to education. To call on Vietnamese women to struggle to liberate them from a
narrow-minded environment and from a bigoted ideology is not enough.
The Party itself, the government, and women’s organizations must together
create favorable conditions for women to be educated at all class levels and ethnicities,
and to have employment opportunities that enable them to use their talents. The
government and society also should encourage and create appropriate conditions for
women to speak out on their aspirations, their ideas, and their objectives, as well as to
use their equal rights as equal opportunities. My analysis of gender equity and
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inequality in VNU or in social institutions in general has focused on the family,
economy, education, and the policy. Combining the participants’ recommendations
and readings, the following are some preliminary ideas, which might be appropriate in
the Vietnamese culture, to deal with gender inequity issues in higher education, in
particular, and in the social system in general.
Implications
The results o f this study determined the need o f economic investment,
restructuring organizations, and re-conceptualizing gender roles in Vietnamese society.
The followings are some basic aspects that government, policy-makers and educators
should consider.
1. Solving gender stratification through the family responsibility and economy
In the article, “Gender Regimes and Gender Order,” Connell (1994) analyzes
correctly the complexity o f family relations as their institutionalize gender and create
challenges for social change. Connell states,
Conservative ideology speaks o f the family as the “foundation o f society” and

traditional sociology has often seen it as the simplest o f institutions, the
building block o f more elaborate structures. Far from being the basis o f
society, the family is one o f its most complex products. There is nothing
simple about it. The interior o f the family is a scene o f multilayered
relationship folded over on each other like geological strata. In no other
institution is relationship so extended in time, so intensive in contact, so dense
in their interweaving of economics, emotion, power and resistance. This is
often missed in theorizing because o f a concentration on the normative
standard case. Enough has been said elsewhere about how little we can rely on
that concept; but it is worthy noting that even families, which match it to a
reasonable degree, are internally complex, (p. 30)
Vietnamese culture, as with any other cultures, is not static but is ever
changing. One o f the first realistic steps that might alter the distribution o f family
responsibilities and minimize the traditional norm underlying “male dominance” is for
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men to become more involved in the nurturing of young children and earning equal
income. I would hypothesize that, as men become more involved in nurturing young
children, gender identity will not disappear but will become less problematic and less
salient for women. Men’s greater participation in child care and family responsibility
would involve an enhancement o f their empathy, nurturance, and positive
expressiveness that accord with women’s expectations.
The community or socialization o f gender roles could point toward a more
caring, egalitarian based relationship where both partners provide emotional support
for the other, rather than the wife primarily serving to the husband and children. At
the same time, a greater cultural emphasis on individuals’ own identity and self-
realization may foster egalitarian relations and validate the assumption that all people,
both men and women, deserve individual fulfillment. It also creates a good
environment for children who have grown up in warm households where both mothers
and fathers participate in non-gender-typed tasks that are less gender-typed.
Women’s increased labor-force participation and legal guarantees for equal
treatment do not appear to have necessarily improved their situation in the economy or
family. I believe that further changes cannot be successful unless policy initiatives
also broaden to place a high priority on nurturance and the care of children.
Government bodies and the institutions would expand their support and the
improvement of child-care services, provision of medical and welfare services to
children, and support for working parents through paid leaves and other services.
Women’s Union and other groups would actively lobby for a higher priority on
children’s welfare.
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Consistent nurturing interactions for children from both husband and wife are
likely to be an important ingredient for a healthy future adulthood and a society that
has greater gender equity. My participants were right when they noted that a feminist
should not just focus on finding and solving “women's obstacles,” he or she also needs
to examine “men’s problems.” And policy-makers or leaders o f any social movement
need to encourage both men and women to reach a target of gender equity.
2. Reinforcing gender equity through educational institutions and public policy
Higher education trains the best resources for the labor force, influences
current leaders and prepares future ones. It is important, therefore, that careful
examination of these values and the resulting assumptions governing the behavior of
women and men in society occupy a central place in higher education’s comprehensive
planning efforts. The intent of this research is to call attention to the fact that the
agenda for women in society and in education, especially higher education, has not
been met. Where is the flexibility that responds to women’s lives? What is the
purpose o f higher education for women? The essential goal o f this research is to
recognize the importance of change in both individual and institutional response and
resolve the questions o f full and equitable participation of women in higher education.
Changes that would lead to a less “patriarchal dominant” society must attempt
to deal with inequalities that are perpetuated in social institutions, within individuals,
in everyday interactions, and in cultural symbols. Like many socialist and radical
feminists, I believe that the most fruitful way to approach change is to focus not
directly on individual motivation but on how the structure o f social institutions and the
patterns of interactions within them reinforce gender inequalities on the institutional,
individual, and cultural levels. Because individuals live and mature in society, within
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social institutions, one way to alter their motivations, self-definitions, and interaction
patterns is to change these institutions. Because cultural symbols ultimately reflect
existing social reality, they may eventually alter to reflect institutional changes. It
must also be recognized that societies may more easily legislate changes in institutions
than in individual attitudes, thus making institutions the easiest area in which to
intervene, as proposed by more radical feminists.
The status of women in Viet Nam society has changed profoundly over the last
four decades. Women still do not share, however, an equal role in charting the present
and future o f the country. They do not serve in significant numbers in top state, and
local policymaking roles. What has not been done, however, is to consider the context
in which change occurs. There has not been sufficient change within institutional
structures to encourage, support, and maintain women’s roles.
In Vietnamese society we still have a collective value system that supports
traditional roles for men and women. Rarely, if ever, are men required to make a
similar choice, between career and home. Structures and systems supporting multiple
roles for men as well as women could redress imbalances and enable women to make a
full contribution to the society. There is no better place to start than with the education
system.
Higher education has a special responsibility to be a progressive, enlightening
social force. It is no longer enough to make simple adjustments in the institutions to
accommodate women. Therefore, the following recommendations are designed to
mobilize the entire campus community to rethink the way the campus functions
relative to women. Some of the recommendations presented here may be familiar or
routine to the United States or other countries, but some are very new for Viet Nam.
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All are important to the rethinking process and assisting Vietnamese colleges
and universities in transforming their institution into ones that truly value diversity,
reflect this value in their policies and practices, and promote the full participation o f
each person based on her or his individual merits. These changes call for each campus
to maintain a focus on the importance of women’s roles in the future o f higher
education and, thus, their future in Vietnamese society, as well as Vietnamese
society’s future. It is seriously a call for action, as follows.
3. A strong commitment is needed from the leadership o f the institution to
understand and address the concerns o f women students, faculty, staff, and
administrators.
Having the understanding, support, and encouragement o f the institutional
leadership, particularly the president, is very important. The president, along with the
governing board, sets the tone for the institution and establishes the institutional
agenda. This perspective is not only important in Viet Nam but also important in other
countries’ institutions. Above all these things are funding that is needed as a realistic
support from the leaders at all levels. As the Director of VNU Center for Women’s
Studies emphasizes, without financial support, all dreams, research projects, and
educational courses, which relate to women’s development, cannot come true.
4. Inequities in promotion o f women faculty as administrators, as well as
access to higher education should be corrected.
Serious inequities remain in promotion policies such that women faculty are
not becoming powerful administrators. These inequities need to be addressed and
corrective action taken on every campus. Efforts need to be intensified to bring more
women into faculty, administrative and other influential roles. The reasons for this are
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more than parity and equal opportunity. Women’s perspectives and contributions are
needed at all levels and in every arena. Women must break through the “glass ceiling”
and gain equity in top level administrative positions. Students, especially female
students, deserve to see numerous women role models.
To repeat, 48 percent of the population o f Viet Nam today are under 20 years
old~that means that girls under 20 constitute just about one-fourth of Viet Nam’s
population (more than 75 million). Girls and young women are a significant part o f its
present, they are also Viet Nam’s future. Educational opportunities are expanding for
everyone, the number o f female students in Viet Nam National University o f Ha Noi
was higher than for males during the school year 1995-1996 (Dang Bich Ha, 1997).
But, this is mainly elite families, not the rural or other working class families.
As mentioned, with excellent training women have the possibility o f improving
their educational and occupational status in the next few generations. The market
economy, however, is creating new pressures and problems. The gap between rich and
poor is widening; the cost o f education is growing with educational restructuring and
families needing the girls to work. Now is the time to make money, so girls are
leaving schools to work in the bars, hotels, and foreign companies. Beside these
obstacles to higher education, as in many other Asian countries, Viet Nam still uses a
series o f national exams at all levels to determine which students can go to higher
levels and receive aid in colleges and universities. And, students without tutors tend
not to do well on exams, especially girls from rural areas.
The Ministry of Education and Training needs to change its entrance policy to
higher education based more on students’ performance in high schools. The Ministry
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and universities also need to develop policies and scholarships for girls, especially
those in the mountainous and rural areas.
5. A supportive campus climate for women should be reinforced.
Based on VNU women faculty and students’ perspectives, campus climate in
this context refers to those aspects o f the institutional atmosphere and environment
that foster or impede women’s personal, academic, and professional development.
Women need funding and institutional support to do this task.
Women’s Concern Group and the VNU Center for Women’s Studies need to
improve their activities. VNU leaders and individuals at other levels also need to offer
more realistic support.
With respect to students, climate issues include classroom and out of classroom
experiences that affect the learning process. Regarding faculty and administrators,
climate issues center on their professional development. A conducive campus climate
for professional development might include faculty skills training workshops, funding
for specialized research, and travel subsidies for advanced international exchange.
6. As part of an institutional commitment to research on wom en’s status,
women’s studies should be established, and specific attention should be paid to
opening training courses of women rights, gender education and sexual harassment
issues.
Since September 1997, the subject of gender has officially been offered as a
social course at the department o f newspaper and propaganda of the Ho Chi Minh
National Political Institution. It is new in Viet Nam, but its goals and programs are
reasonable and could be a good reference for any Vietnamese college, university and
social institution.
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• Socializing a basic knowledge of gender and women’s liberation in order to

build a new value and standard system o f living style and action for the
whole society.
• Preparing teaching gender issues for sociological courses, guiding some
students who specialize in sociology to do gender research; completing the
gender training program eventually in order to offer gender education in
institution.
• Reinforcing scientific research on gender issues, including all short-term
and long-term projects to find some solutions, which are appropriate with
Vietnamese reality.
• Establishing two research groups: one to conduct research on women’s
issues and another on men’s issues (including research on girls and boys’
problems).
• Research-teaching collaborating and exchanging information with other
universities and research institutions in Viet Nam, as well as in other
foreign countries. (Nguyen Minh Huong, 1997)
In Viet Nam, each campus needs to have both a women’s studies program and
a transformation o f the curriculum that includes all women and men. Both help an
institution not only incorporate new research but also examine current theories and
methodologies for hidden gender and racial and class bias that limit women’s
development. Simply, gender equity is needed by redefining the stereotypes, the
traditional social expectations and the concept of gender roles.
At the university level, there are initially three important steps for any program
that relates to women’s improved status in Viet Nam, as the Director o f VNU Center
for Women’s Studies and others have emphasized. First, training teachers o f gender
education and opening gender education courses from high schools instead o f teaching
about housework is needed. It is clear that we cannot talk about gender equity if girls
and women do not yet quite understand their rights, their responsibilities and the
policies, as well as the right notion o f the term o f gender equity.
There is a less serious problem o f gender inequities in higher education or in
the educational environment in general, but the understanding o f equity is a big
problems in the rural and mountainous areas, especially for women with low levels o f
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education. Teachers' Training Colleges, Colleges o f Social Science and Humanities
are the best places to open women's studies and the training courses of gender
education and other concerns. Teachers will expand the knowledge to students,
parents and the whole society.
Second, research and making available courses on legal issues, policies and
implementation strategies, which relate to women’s development in Viet Nam, are
worthy investments. If Vietnamese leaders and other people, who are concerned about
gender equity issues, do not recognize the gap between policies and realities, as well as
the disadvantages o f policy implementation at all levels, the equity issue will never be
resolved.
Third, the educational mission o f colleges and universities is to foster an open
learning and working environment. While the issue o f sexual harassment did not
come up in my research, it has been a huge issue in many U.S. institutions.
Traditionally, Vietnamese people are reluctant to discuss this issue in the public
sphere, but we cannot say that there is no incidence o f sexual harassment. Some
women faculty and other women scholars mentioned indirectly that they refused to
have ‘‘an opportunity” if someone asked for “a dirty price.” Each institution is legally
as well as morally obligated to develop policies, procedures, and programs that protect
students and employees from sexual harassment.
7. A permanent annual status report on women and commitment to nurturing
women’s leadership should be made.
Institutions should prepare an annual status report on women for the total
campus community, including the governing board. This report should be
comprehensive and include issues o f importance to all women on campus—data on
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women administrators, faculty, students, and support staff. This report should cover
recruiting at all levels, salaries reported by position and comparisons with men on
promotion and tenure decisions as well. The policy’s effect on race, ethnicity, age, and
handicap, as well as the impacts o f any new policies on women and continuing
problem areas should be considered. It will be effective to focus on a particular aspect
o f equity each year in addition to the baseline functions o f the report.
The education system, specifically higher education, has the capacity to
accomplish these tasks. However, no educational institution alone can do this. In Viet
Nam, the Ministry o f Education and Training (MOET) has major responsibility for
planning and directing Viet Nam’s system o f education and training, as well as for
many aspects o f curriculum development and materials production. The Office of
Government, which is attached to the Prime Minister’s Office and Ministry of
Planning and Investment and Ministry of Finance, also shares partial responsibilities
for broader decisions o f policy formulation, target setting, and sectoral financing.
The evidence on the high level of private and social returns to investments in women
and girls cannot be ignored. By directing public resources toward policies and projects
that reduce gender inequality, policymakers not only promote equality but also lay the
groundwork for slower population growth, greater labor productivity, a higher rate o f
human capital formation, and stronger economic growth. None o f these developments
can be sustained without the participation o f women themselves.
Government and collaborating institutions including policymakers must listen
more carefully to the voices o f individual women and to women’s groups. Where the
market fails or is absent to capture the full benefit to society of investing in women
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and girls, government must take the lead. Public policy can contribute, directly and
indirectly, to reducing gender inequalities.
8. Creating the legal and regulatory framework to ensure equal opportunities.
In Viet Nam. the law to eliminate gender discrimination and equalize opportunities
for women and men was a first important step in 1945, as noted in Chapter II. The
constitution or the legal reform by itself does not ensure equal treatment. Public action
is required to make sure that gender-neutral laws are enforced at the national and local
levels. Furthermore, and most importantly, ways o f holding administrators
accountable for achieving gender equity goals must be found to foster change.
9. Ensuring macroeconomic stability and improving microeconomic
incentives.
Economic policies and well-functioning markets are essential for growth,
employment generation, and the creation o f an environment in which the returns for
investing in women and girls can be fully realized. Economic distortion can have
particularly adverse effects on women, for example, high inflation drives low-paid
wage earners. Macroeconomic management is critical. In general, most economists
suggest two sets of policies: one emphasizing macroeconomic stability and the
elimination o f price distortions, the other focusing on labor-demanding growth and a
reorientation in public spending toward basic services with high social returns. This
includes investments in education and health care.
Again, I believe that further changes cannot be successful unless policy
initiatives broaden to place a high priority on nurturing and care o f all children. If
many segments of Vietnamese society explicitly supported the importance o f caring
and nurturing by materials rather than just spiritual encouragement, policies that
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provide support for mothers and children would logically result. Subsidies for
childcare and making courses conducive to women’s schedule are examples o f what is
needed. Such policies should also explicitly deal with the problem o f poverty. Income
would be more evenly distributed between not only women and men, but also between
children and families. Both government bodies and the institutions would expand
their support o f child-care services and provision of medical and welfare services to
children. Viet Nam Women’s Union would actively lobby for a higher priority on
children’s welfare in particular and social welfare in general.
To be truly effective, I believe that changes must proceed simultaneously
within the family and economy. In other words, to have greater equity within the
economy it will be important to develop more supportive family policies throughout
Vietnamese society.
10. Redirecting public expenditures to the investments that offer human
capital.
This research showed that women scholars could not easily get funding to do
their projects. They are also not the majority directors of national projects (about 5 out
o f 300 projects). The services currently provided by public spending often are o f less
benefit to women than to men. Public policy can help remedy this problem by
reorienting expenditure priorities among sectors and within the social sectors.
Economic necessity is a major driving reason for Viet Nam to increase access
to higher education. Mobilizing and developing efficient human resources is essential
for economic development. The demand for a highly skilled work force requires that
more underrepresented groups have the opportunity to participate in higher education.
164
11. Adopting and creating targeted interventions that correct for gender
inequalities.
Questions of gender sameness and difference are complex in Viet Nam and
other countries. In some ways, women’s educational needs are the same as men’s, but
in other ways they differ. Similarly, women share many commonalities that emerge
out o f the shared experience o f femaleness and societal definitions and treatment o f
women. But women also differ in important ways—in background, attitudes, minority
status, economic status and experience. On the whole, differences among women are
as important and as great as comparative differences among men. Yet, neither set o f
differences should be ignored by policy-makers and educators seeking to fit the
educational experience to the needs o f students and women scholars, especially for
poor and ethnic minority women.
In Viet Nam, general policy interventions may not be enough, and programs
that target women and girls specifically should be required. Targeting is important for
two reasons. First, because women are highly represented among the general
population and the poor, targeting women can be an effective strategy for reducing
poverty (broadly defined to include limited access to services, resources, and other
capability-enhancing factors as well as income poverty). Second, where gender
differences are wide, targeting girls for the scholarships they need to capture social
gains and increase internal competency is a key strategy.
In January 1996, the Prime Minister of Viet Nam convened three meetings,
gathering together leaders in the central and local governments with the aim o f
carrying out the first phases of the strategy to advance the cause o f Vietnamese women
in the year 2000. Provincial agencies responsible for the implementation of this
165
strategy are mandated to establish a plan of action and devote enough resources to be
invested. In this potentially promising direction, the following lesson from China
might be useful for Viet Nam.
In China the introduction of compulsory education laws in 1986 was
complemented by policies intended to reduce poverty and increase gender equality.
The main decision was to develop responsibility for primary education to local
communities, which was expected to devise appropriate measures for raising primary
enrollments, especially of girls, taking into account specific local problems. Measures
by government included awareness campaigns to motivate parents to enroll all
children, flexible work schedules, evening classes, sibling care, and special schools for
girls. The programs succeeded in raising enrollments among both girls and boys, even
in some o f the poorest and most remote regions.
Again, inequality of higher education is a problem that requires alliances to
resolve. The relationships between secondary and higher education and between
industry and other working places and higher education, therefore, are necessary.
Schools from primary to higher education have to play a greater role in cultivating
students’ motivation in participating in higher education, increasing students’
aspirations to perform well academically. Industry and other working places are one
o f the primary recipients of higher education services through research and
development or graduate employment. Industry can work in partnership with higher
education to invest financial resources in increasing students or providing professional
models of various occupations to prepare for different types of positions. This
perspective is not new for many other countries, but these policies and partnerships are
also needed for Viet Nam.
166
In sum, by working with other players in the development process to identify
and implement policies that promote gender equality, governments can make a real
difference in the future well-being and prosperity o f their people. The government of
Viet Nam and the educational leaders must recognize that the process o f doi moi
cannot be separated from the development of human resources. The state and various
ranks o f management must know and recognize women’s contributions in the area o f
science and education, and their present needs must be addressed to bring their
capacities into full play and dedicate themselves more to the country’s development.
For Viet Nam, it is urgent that the state and educational institutions should
reform a salary system and other services, which guarantee the livelihood o f all women
in the work force. It is urgent to set up funds and scholarships to support poor female
students and women scientists and scholars in their academic and professional
pursuits. Because Viet Nam is in last place among the countries in the region in
investments in education, government and educational leaders o f Viet Nam need to
seriously increase investment in education, especially for women and women’s
programs, in addition to legal rights or family planning. Otherwise, as many
Vietnamese educators predict, without high and reasonable investment in education as
soon as possible, Viet Nam will not be able to take economic and other leadership in
the region.
To advance women in education requires an investment in and fostering o f
women’s opportunities by the society as well as the serious attempt for advancement
on the part o f the individual woman. To have a large group o f women scholars and
scientists, it is necessary to have an open-viewpoint concerning the training and
167
employment of women, and the programs, which include many socio-economic
measures.
These are the reasons why examining gender inequity in education is a strategy
that I consider to be a well founded, crucial first step in the search for solutions to the
problems o f the advancement o f Vietnamese women and the role o f gender in the
progress o f society. In accordance with this step, recommendations for future research
should prove helpful to present and are presented next.
Recommendations for Future Research
The data associated with this study have revealed many aspects for
additional analysis and interpretation, but the findings also identify several themes for
future research:
This study examined gender equity issues in Viet Nam National University of
Ha Noi. Similar studies might be conducted in the other educational contexts, at
private universities, Universities o f Hue and in Ho Chi Minh City, and especially
mountainous and rural colleges and universities that would broaden perspectives.
Some comparative studies of gender issues among those universities and regions are
worthy to conduct.
The perceptions of gender, gender equity, and gender equity in education from
different levels of positions, ranks, sexes, and generations might be interesting to study
further.
Sexual harassment issues need to be addressed and raised to protect women’s
rights in the Vietnamese educational environment and society.
Vietnamese scholars need to develop a “Vietnamese theory o f feminism”.
168
We need to expand training in various methodologies so researchers can use
the best research tools available in their scholarship and theory building.
Researcher’s Reflections
As a Vietnamese woman who has had the opportunity o f coming to the U.S. to
study and teach, I have received great support and encouragement from professors,
friends, and colleagues at the different American and Viet Nam universities, especially
institutions such as the University o f Oregon. The more I think about all the
knowledge that I have been able to accumulate during almost one decade o f staying in
the US, the more I love my country and think o f other Vietnamese women. This was
the first reason to choose the topic of gender equity for this study. From this long
distance, I wanted to take time to look back and understand more about my people and
country. To repeat the ideas in my 1994 article, “The Role o f Vietnamese Women,” I
really wish that together with my sisters in Viet Nam, I could contribute some useful
things to my country. Without properly understanding our own situations and fairly
valuing them, however, I cannot accomplish anything as I have wished. That was one
o f the reasons why I conducted this study.
In spite of many constraints, Vietnamese women consistently have
demonstrated that they constitute very important agents in human affairs. With their
abilities, their great sense o f sacrifice, and their habit of taking good care o f everything
in their families, Vietnamese women undoubtedly will do very well in any job they
might be given. But a good seed needs good soil. I hope the Vietnamese government
can take concrete measures to create more favorable physical and mental conditions
for women to participate in public affairs at the right level o f their capacities.
169
As many participants o f this study mentioned, the promotion of self-confidence
and effort of each woman in particular and the social system in general are the best
way to narrow the gap between dreams and realities. Besides this, with the
government’s efforts and the friendly assistance o f other countries, all the human
potential of Viet Nam should be put into use for the betterment o f the society. We,
Vietnamese women, hope that our country will renew itself everyday and move
forward in a right direction o f equity and empowerment. I offer my research as one of
the initial efforts in this renewal in higher education and the greater society.
170
APPENDIX A
VIET NAM NATIONAL UNIVERSITY (VNU)
BROCHURE
171
VIETNAM
NATIONAL
UNIVERSITY
HANOI
172
VBETHAW NATIONAL 1BHVEBS1TV. HANOI VIETNAM RATIONAL BTUVERSITV. HANOI
A I1K1LF I N T K O l I l t ' T I O N ; • T o p r o d u c e h i g h l y q u a lif ie d s p e c ia li s t s

in v a r io u s f i e l d s o f s c ie n c e and
h e V ie tn a m N a t io n a l U n i v e r s it y , te c h n o lo g y , fr o m u n d e r g r a d u a te to
T H a n o i. ( V N U ) w a s f o u n d e d
a c c o r d a n c e w it h D e c r e e N o . 9 7 /C P .
d a te d D e c e m b e r 1 0 th , 1 9 9 3 . T h is d e c r e e ,
is s u e d b y t h e G o v e r n m e n t o f V ie t n a m ,
in
•
p o s t g r a d u a te a n d d o c t o r a l le v e ls :
To carry
t e c h n o l o g ic a l
c o m b in a t io n
out s c ie n t if ic
research in
w it h t r a in in g , a n d t o
an d
c lo s e
u n i f ie d th e t h r e e le a d in g u n i v e r s i t ie s , a p p ly t h e r e s u lt s o f t h is r e s e a r c h to
w h ic h had b e e n fo u n d e d in t h e 1 9 5 0 s . p r o d u c tio n a n d e v e r y d a y lif e ;
T h e s e w e r e T h e H a n o i U n iv e r s it y , T h e • T o p r o v id e a c a d e m i c s u p p o r t t o o t h e r
H a n o i T e a c h e r s' T r a in in g C o l l e g e N o . 1, i n s t it u t io n s t h r o u g h o u t t h e c o u n tr y :
and The H a n o i F o r e ig n L anguages • T o p a r t ic ip a t e in th e d e v e l o p m e n t o f
T e a c h e r s ' T r a in in g C o ll e g e . S ta te p o l i c i e s o n e d u c a t io n , t r a in in g ,
an d s c ie n tific resea rch .
The VNU is a m u lt id is c ip lin a r y
i n s t itu t io n and research cen ter of ( IR C A N IZ A T K >N :
e x c e l l e n c e . T h e V N U tr a in s a n d p r o d u c e s
th e m a jo r ity o f th e s c ie n tis ts an d - In o rd er ’ t o r e a l iz e t h e m i s s i o n o f t h e
t e c h n ic ia n s fo r t h e c o u n tr y . T h e V N U V N U , an d t o p r o v i d e t h e e d u c a t io n in t h e
h o ld s a s p e c ia l p o s it io n in t h e s y s t e m o f m o s t c le a r a n d e f f i c c n t m a n n e r , t h e V N U
tertia r y e d u c a t io n o f th e S o c ia lis t R e p u b l ic h as been d iv id e d in to fiv e a f f ilia t e d
o f V ie tn a m . It h a s t h e rig h t to w o r k w ith u n iv e r s it ie s :
th e r e la ted m in i s t r ie s in o r d e r t o s o l v e I. U n iv e r s it y o f G e n e r a l E d u c a t io n
p r o b le m s r e la tin g t o V N U . U n iv e r s ity o f S c ie n c e
3. U n iv e r s ity o f S o c ia l S c i e n c e s a n d
H u m a n it ie s
M IS SIO N ST a TK.M F.N1 .
a. U n iv e r s it y o f P ed agogy
5. U n iv e r s it y o f F o r e ig n L a n g u a g e s .
T h e '••'NU o p e r a t e s a c c o r d in g to a VNP S T A T IS T IC S :
s p e c ia l r e g u la tio n p r o m u lg a te d b y th e
P r im e M in is te r of th e V ie t n a m e s e D e p a r tm e n ts: 40
G o v e r n m e n t ( D e c i s i o n N o .4 7 7 / 1 I g , d a te d R esearch C e n te r s: 24
S e p te m b e r 5 th . 1 9 9 4 ) w it h th e f o l l o w in g T o t a l S tu d e n ts: 3 0 .0 0 0
o b ic c tiv e s : V N U Staff: 2 .S S 7
173
VKTHftH RATKfflAL WH?EBStTY. HANOI VIETHAH HATlQHftL UMIVERSITY. HANOI
Doctors o f Science: 639 (ii) Cau Gray, (in the West o f Hanoi
Professors: 69 City): 27 ha;
A sslrofessors: 276 (iii) Thnong Dinh and Me tri, 90 Nguyen
Lecturers! Teachers: 1,690 Trai Road: 7.7 ha.
Apart from these locations, the

ACADEMIC PROGRAMS: University has also acquired 1,200 h i in
the Thach That District o f the Ha T iy
The VNU afters 98 full-tim e and 32 Province. This grei is located
part-time programs, consisting o f 1,540 approximately 30 Km to the North-West o f
subjects. The University training program Hanoi. This w ill be developed to meet the
is four yean in duration. It is comprised o f current demand for training and research
two separate cycles. The first cycle facilities for the VNU, with its projected
consists o f three terms, which are student body totaling 50,000 students.
undertaken at the Univenity o f General
Education. The second cycle continues at OFFICERS OF THE VNU:
one o f the four specialized universities.
The Univenity annually awards degrees at -* Prof., Dr. Nguyen Van Dao,
the Bachelor, Master, and Doctoral levels. President;
Prof., Dr. Dao Trong Thi,
I MVERSITY CALENDAR: Vice-President o f Science and Technology;
Prof. Nghiera Dinh Vy,
The VNU follows a two-term calendar Vice-President o f Academic Affairs.
The first term begins in early September Prof. Nguyen Due Chinh,
and ends in late January. The Second term Vice-President o f Finance and Physical
resumes in Mid-February and ends in late Facilities.
June.
\ I >MIM5TRATIVE I MTS:
LOCATION: ■• Office of the President
• International Relations Department
A t. present, the VNU has three • Academic Affairs Department
campuses, comprising a total area o f 37 • Science & Technology Department
hectares, located at the following • Organization-Persoonel Department
addresses: • Student Affairs Department
(i) 19, Le Thanh Tong Street, (in the • Planning-Finance Department
Center of Hanoi City): 4.3 ha: • The VNU Publishing House.
174
,r * f ? « s s i s ? 5 r s s 't : - . ; « T 3 x ; .. • • £ ' - - .U T i n s a c 'zzza-r
I i .m kks \ ia \\(; kd u v t iik v m - • School of Business

• Biotechnology;
• Quality Assurance, Educational • Marxism-Leninism, and the
Development and Research: Ideology of Ho Chi Minh.
• Natural Resources Management and
Environmental Studies; For further information, please contact:
• Student Residences; International Relations Department
• System Development; 19, Le Thanh Tong, Hanoi - Vietnam.
• Vietnamese and Inter-cultural Tel: (84.4) 8245164 - 245165
Studies; Fax: (84.4) 8245507
University's Organizational Structure
jTrainmg & Scientific Council President and Vice-Presidents Office of the President
! Other Consultancy Councils and ocher Administrative Units
Specialized Departments Speaalued universities &. schools Research institutes and centres ' Service centres
Departments ^ Schools Research centres University service units Research offices I Service uruis \
uncer Umveraty's direct management t
VMJ Aflltaied Imivcrsities’s Organizational Structure
Training i Saennfic Council Administrative offices
Research centres Departments under

affiliated university's direct management
175
' -•':'-,r;:v ;.' . VV ^ •T-r.r;;;;<. I' ^.L.-

-•'; ;>:-.r^::- ‘ r :.-.'(V.I-'-
.. - -. -~c ..'t: P':-y: -- ' -"’ - (. r—.-_-2i-32!L-.-ci : ' ‘:■
i m v e r s it y o h g e n e r a l e d u c a t io n I ’M V E R S T T Y O H S C IE N C E
The task o f th is U niversity is to both Follow ing its predecessor, the Hanoi
im plem ent and provide a high-quality U niversity, th e University o f Science will be a
curriculum o f general education for students in leading 'institution in fundam ental sciences.
i he first cycle. T h is cy cle is divided into three The U niversity o f Science offers several fu ll
academ ic term s, a n d includes the follow ing six tim e a n d part-tim e training program s in
fields: various field s o f natural sciences and
technology.
I Social S ciences
2. H um anities Location: T h u o n g Dinh C am pus.
3 N atural S ciences and M athem atics 90 N g u y en T rai Road. H anoi. Vietnam .
-l Foreign L anguages Rector: Prol. Dr. Dao T rong Thi
3 M ilitary E ducation Founded: 1956
6. Physical E d u catio n . T otal Students: 2.950
S ta ff -21
Upon co m p letio n o f the first cycle, the Professors: 27
students are aw ard ed a C ertificate in G eneral A ssociate P rofessors 118
Education. T hey th e n have the ch o ice o f D octors o f Science: 2S7
continuing th eir subject at one o f the o th er Lecturers 603
lour universities o f the VNU. o r they m ay
apply to a sp e cialized university that is
appropriate to the train in g they have acquired.
D epartm ents:
D ich Vong. T u Liem district.
H anoi. V ietnam . l M a t h e m a t i c s . I n f o r m a t ic s , in d
h e c to r Prof. D ang T ran Phach M e c h a n ic s
at 1993. 2. Physics
T o t a l S tu d e n t; >.'-*■ 3. C h e tn is trv
S ta ff 113 Biology
F u l l .t i m e F a c u l t y c 3 G eology
P a r t- t im e F a c u lty , 96 6. G eography
p r o fe s s o r : o M eteorology. H ydrology, and
. i i u t . e i r P r o fe s s o r s ■ 33 O ceanography
D a rte r s o f Sctenc-r 3 X E nvironm ental Studies
9 in fo rm atio n T echnology
r e t fu r th e r •r.l'o rtn n trjn . p le a s e c o n h tt t. 10. E lectro n ics and
T el (8-1.-U 8 3 3 2 0 0 F ax (8 4 4 ) S .3 4 0 7 2 4 T elecom m unication T echnology.
•7.yv;~
sir.;.
Research Centers:
1. A pplied M icrobiology
2. M ycology
3. Industrial M ineralogy.
For further information, please contact:

T el.: (84.8) 8332008 Fax: (84.4) 8 3 4 0 7 2 4
R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission.
177
3:
IV .V
&rv
lM V ERSI*n* O F S O C IA L S( 7 E.NCKS WO I M V ERSITY OF l*F.D \ C , o n \
HI M .V M T I tS
T he U niversity o f Pedagogy is the oldest
T he U niversity o f Social Sciences an*l
tertia ry institution m V ietnam . T he university
H um anities. fo rm erly know n as the H anoi
p rovides undergraduate a n d postgraduate
U niversity, is on e o f the original U niversity
te a c h e r education. P resently, it has expanded
m em bers o f the V N U . It offers o v er 100
its training. It now offers secondary school
undergraduate a n d postgraduate program s,
co u rses for students gifted in M athem atics and
including full-tim e, p art-tim e, on-site train in g ,
Inform atics, as well as sum m er "refresh er”
and evening classes.
co u rses for secondary school teachers, distance
C ocation’ T h u o n g D inh Campus.
train in g courses, a n d o th er sim ilar p ro g ram s
90 N guyen T ra i R o a d . Hanoi. V ietnam
that are geared tow ards th e developm ent o f
R ector• Prof. P h u n g Huu Phu
education.
fo u n d e d ' 1956
Totaf Students 11.(XXI L n rm w rt Dtch vong.
S ta ff 500 T u lic m D istrict. H anoi. Vietnam
Professors 9 R ecto r Prof N ^hiem D inh Vv
4 tsoc'Cte p r o v is o e s 59 19 5 1
fo u n d e d
D octors oj S c ie n c e : 104 T o ta l Students 2.9X0
le c tu r e rs 308 S m ff: 665
P rofessors 26
U 'D c p a rlm c n t.s : fKssuetate Professors 25
I Philosophs 8. V ietnam ese D octors o f Science 224
2. Law S udies le c tu r e rs • JdJ
3 E conom ics 9. International
■i Psychology Studies
fCSoCIOiOgV 10 Oriental
D epartm ents:
.c.urnalis.-n Su.ticv
*> His: o n 11 Linguistics 1 M a th e m a t ic s . X i * ie o g rap h > ;
Tourism «£; Literature ■> PllVMCN. <J i\v c h o lo g y
C h c m iM r r . A P edagogy.
4 R e s e a rc h C e n te rs ; 4 H ioU \ev & i n P o litic a l
! M a m s m - L e n m t \ m S tu d ie s A g r tc u liu r c : S c ie n c e .
2 L .b t a r y - i n f o r m a t i o n 5 E n g i n e e r in g . 1 1 , P r.rn .irv
A'*i.m u u l P a c i f i c S t u d i o <v H iM o ry ; E d u c a ti o n .
I Id C u l t u r e S iu c iic \ 7 V ie tn a m e s e 12- E a rly
••-•ft, c ’C,n l a n g u a g e «£: C h il d h o o d
7> r i,V4 ; ,■ v '.V C?yf> f a \ ;->'4 - j .'fvfT**.? > L ite r a tu r e ; E d u c a ti o n
R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission.
178
UNIVERSITY OF FOREIGN LANG I 'AGES
T h e role o f the U niversity is to train

te ach ers o f fo reig n languages (R ussian,
F rench. E n g lish , C h in ese, G erm an, and
Jap an ese) as w ell as to offer courses on the
cu ltu res o f th e co u n tries w here these
languages are sp o k en .
L o ca tio n : D ich V ong. T u Liem D istrict.

Hanoi. Vietnam.
R ector: Prof. N g u y e n Due C hinh
F ounded: 1967
T o ta l Students: 22>45
Staff: 617
P rofessors: 1
R esearch C en ters: .Associate P ro fesso rs 11
D o cto rs o f S c ie n c e : 19
I P edology L ectu rers: 116
2. E nviro n m en tal E ducation
3 P o pulation E ducation D e p a r tm e n ts :
-4 M angrove E cosystem R esearch
5 V ietn am ese Studies 1. E n g lish -A m e ric a n l-anguage and
6 A u stralian Studies C ulture
W om en's Studies 2. R u ssian L an g u ag e and Culture
S S outheast A sian Studies 3. F rench L an g u ag e a n d Culture
- - V ietnam ese L anguage & 4 C h in ese L anguage and Culture
C ulture 5. O rien tal L anguage and Culture
IC* S in o lo g y 6 W e ste rn L anguage and C ulture
II T e a c h i n g T e c h n o lo g y 7 O n -site T rain in g .
- 12 R e s e a rc h & D e v e lo p m e n t o f
S p e c ia l E d u c a t i o n C enters:
1' D is ta n c e E d u c a tio n .
1 T estin g an d A ssessm ent
2. A u d io -V isu al M aterial
3 F o reign L anguage.
:rr - inform ation p le a t* contact. F or fu rth er in fo rm a tio n , please contact
fU n £ 7 4 7 /0 / r a x . (84 S) SSJ0 7 2 1 T el: (84-1)81-160.16 Fax fX4 4 t S 346016
:f$r&
179
APPENDIX B
HUMAN SUBJECT APPROVAL FORM AND
LETTER OF INVITATION TO
PARTICIPATE IN STUDY
180
UNIVERSITY OF OREGON
December 4 . 199t
TO: Nguyen Ngoc BicJl. Principal Investigate

Depanm rai of Educational L eaderahi..___
FROM: Gaorge Sugai. Chair / <U t / '

C aootM a forA s Protectionof HumaSubjecm/
Inatinuional Review Board (CPHS/IRB)
RE: Proaocol/X l(3-99F. aatided'O andsr Equity in Higher Bducaaiaa o f Viet Nam: A (
Study o f W ouna Facaky at Viet Nam National Uatvershy-Hn Nai*
The materials cadosaduriA this aotica have been REVIEWED and APPROVED by AeCommfcase for AeProaaction
of Human Subjar laHaarfcta lnnal Review Board. Fleaae keep A t aaariala an file along wfch docuaaaraaion of
informed cooaaaa a t m applicable.
Tbc approval o f A t CPHS/1RB it kaaad upon your itpceanaatinns of Aa nanno o f Aa ptoj act rod A t involvement
of human aabjacA. If daring d>ecoone of yoar project you change your lanbndnlogir A any way Aai materially alien
A t iniotvemeni o f human subjects. you art teqairad aa submit u r t changes m Ae CHQ/1RB far approval prior io
impltflwflodott.
Thii approval ia for oar year, unless otherwise noced. Under die regulabooa, the CPHS/IRB arill review projeca at
least annually, or omro often if it dccma Aai the riaks to subjects warrant a omrt frctpacac review. investigators will
be notified approximately one month prior to expiration of Ac current approval period Aar the CONTINUING
REVIEW FORM o ast be completed and ntbmlned. along with a sample of Ae informed conaaat form A uae. to the
Human Subjects Compliance Office. If Acre are no problems, advene effects on subjects. o r changrt A activities
by ihc inviMlgtanr. meainaliig review anil be handled edmiaiatrstivclr. (f any of daee inmRhona ate preeem. review
of Ac prpjact arill be conducted by Ae CPHS/IRB and a revised HUMAN SURIECTS ACTIVITY REVIEW FORM
must be tubminad
During that period of Ac project when human tubjecu are involved, graduate students mum meet Ae univenity
requirements of cootiououa curottment. The imrina must register for 3 graduate credlta each term , excluding summer
seasieoa. to he caarhuioualy enrolled. Undergraduate Studrnn muai be anrollad for at Icaet one credit hour of
research.
When the project ia terminated (i.e.. procedures involving human subjects are complcscd). the investigator should
complete Ae FINAL REPORT portion of Ae CONTINUING REVIEW FORM m d scad it to Human Subjects
Compliance. All <•""—«« forms must be kept by the investigator for three yean after Ae research is completed.
If you have any questions, please contact me at 346-2510. You may also consult the i— v i p - ' ' Manuel nn
Remsrrh witti Mu— i U M sm available from Ae Human Subjects Compliance Office.
cc: Ken Kempocr. Faculty Advisor

Philip Pieic. Unit Reviewer
COMMITTEE FOR THE PROTECTION OF HUMAN SUBJECTS

Human Subjects Complianoe/ORSA • 5219 University ot Oregon Eugene OR 97403-5219 (541) 346-2510
http :/ /darkw tnguoregon.edu/ -huroansub/
181
Nguyen Ngoc Bich

Educational Leadership, Technology and Administration
University o f Oregon
Eugene, OR 97403
November 19, 1998 “APPROVED'
Dear Colleagues,
You are invited to participate in the research study conducted by Nguyen Ngoc
Bich, from University o f Oregon, Dept, o f Educational Leadership, Technology and
Administration. This study is examining the gender equity issue in higher education o f
Viet Nam, a case study o f women faculty at Viet Nam National University-Ha Noi.
I would hope your contribution would be to agree to engage in a one to two hour
interview, audio-taped if you agree. It is further hope that your personal experiences as a
faculty will enhance the research and gender equity in education o f Viet Nam.
Any information you provide will be subject to your review. Your participation
will be voluntary. Your responses will be coded to protect your confidentiality. Your
decision whether or not to participate will not affect your relationship with the University
o f Oregon, Viet Nam national University-Ha Noi. and the researcher. If you decide to
participate, you are free to withdraw your consent and discontinue participation any time
without penalty.
If you have any question, please feel free to contact me at my US address: 2053
W 14 Place, Eugene OR 97402 and my tel. number is (5 4 1)-484-9594 o r my Vietnamese
address: 9B Dang Van Ngu, Phuong Lien. Dong Da-Ha Noi; tel. num ber 8522937; or
my Adviser, Dr. Ken Kempner, Department o f Educational Leadership, Technology and
Administration, University o f Oregon, Eugene OR 97403 His tel. number is (541)- 346-
1366 If you have questions regarding your rights as a contributor, please contact the
Human Subjects Compliance Office, University o f Oregon. Eugene, OR 97403-5219,
USA; tel. number is: (54l)-346-25I0
Your signature below indicates you have read and understand the information
provided above, that you willingly agree to participate, that you may withdraw your
consent at any time and discontinue participation without penalty You will b e offered a
copy o f this form to keep and you are not waiving any legal claims, rights or remedies
1 appreciate your understanding and participation
Signature o f participant date

I give permission for the interview to be audio-taped (check the box): yes I J no □
name and signature
182
NguySn Ngoc Bich ^ ^

Khoa Lanh dao, KythuSt va Hahh chinh giao due
-Dai Hoc T8ng Hdp Oregon
Eugene, OR 97403
Ngay 19 th u g 11 narn 1998.
Cac anh/chi kinh men,
^ Tfii la Nguygn^Ngoc Bich, hi£n dang hoc chiidhg trinh ti&Tii tai khoa I^anh dao,
Ky thuat va Hahh chinh giao due. Toi vilt ttad i i y xin m&t anh/chi m p u f f i trong^
videhdian thanh hi$n an. Lu£n ah t&tnghiQ)c£at&inghifia afu v € v |n d eb ip h d iiig aid i
trorig m&i tnldog Au hoc Vi€t Nam, va se gidi han nghifia cihi s&i v8 vfin d t binh dang
gi&i d’Oai hoc QuAcgia Ha N&i. ^ } ^ ^ x
T&i hy vong c u anh/chi dong y cho toi Aide phong « n til root dot hai gid, co ghi
am. M&t s&"c£u hoi ed ban dajdiiBc cbu£n hi .kem theo thtf nay.
Ttoca cac thdng tin c u anh/chi cung cip seAldc cac anh/chi cjuy& lai. Viec th^m
gia latiinguyfn va^pwi y ki£n ca nhfiidai au'dcbao dim an toan. C^canh/chi co quyen
tuchoi tham gia b it ciTluc nao, va dieu nayJdiSng anh MBog 9 den quan he cua cac
anh/chi vdiOai Hqc Oregon, Dai Hoc Quocgia Ha Noi, vabdn than toi. j
Ntu calc anh/chi cin h&i gi'viTluan an, xin lidn he vdi toi tai dia d y d My: 20S3
W. 14 Plue, Eygene OR 97402, dien thoai: (54l)-484-9594 hay dia chi d Viet Nam; fB
Dang Van Ngi£ Phddhg L iu , 0 6 ng da-Ha Noi, di?n thoai: 8522937; hoac lien he vdi,
giao sd hddng din c&a toi, Dr. Ken Kempner, Khoa Lanh ago, Ky"thuat Vk Hanh chinh
giao due, Dai Hoc Oregon, Eugene OR 97403, dien thoai la (S41) -346^366. NSu cac
anh/chi mufin hoi th€m v£ quy€n han dia ng&di tham gia, xin lien he vdi vih phong ‘T he
Human Subjects Compliance Office,” University o f Oregon, Eugene, OR 97403-5219,
di£n thoai Jji (541 >-346-2510. ^ , 9 ^ j ^ " s
's jChif ky"cua cac anh/chi di/di day dambao cac anh/ghi da doc va dong y tham gia
vdi dioi kien difdc ton trong hoan toan cac y kien va quyen ca nhan. Xin ch£n thanh cam
dn cac anh/chi.
Chtiky cua ngddi tham gia ngay, thing, nam

TOi dong y cho ghi am (danh dau vang hoac khong): vang □ khong I 1
Ho tfii va chtf ky"
183
November 23. 1998
Faculty Member/Administrator Name (■ .1 "

Viet Nam National University-Ha Noi
"APPROVED”
Dear Colleague/Administrator
My name is Nguyen Ngoc Bich, a faculty member o f Viet Nam National

University (VNU)-Ha Noi and doctoral student o f University o f Oregon, Department o f
Educational Leadership, Technology and Administration.
I would like to invite you to participate in my research project on gender equity
issue in higher education o f Viet Nam, a case study o f women faculty at VNU. I hope
your contribution would be to agree to engage in one to two hour interviews. Your
knowledge and experiences will enhance the research and gender equity in education o f
Viet Nam
I will be in Ha Noi from December 10 to December 29, 1998, but it will be
helpful if you can respond as soon as possible. M y US address:
Bich Nguyen Tel. ft: (54I)-484-9594
2053 W. 14 Place e-mail: BICHN@Oregon.Uoregon edu
Eugene, OR 97402 fax #: (541 )-346-0802
My address in Viet Nam is:

Nguyen Ngoc Bich
9B Dang Van Ngu
Phuong Phuong Lien. Dong Da. Ha Noi.
Tel. H: 8522937
Please, feel free to call me or inform me whether you have time or the interest. If I
am not home, leave a message on my answering machine letting me know when and
where 1 can best reach you
I appreciate your response and your contribution I am looking forward to talking
with you soon.
S in cerely .
Nguyen Ngoc Bich
184
Ngay 23/11/1998
/
Anh/chi kinh men,
T6i la Nguyen Ngoc Bich, giao vieh Dai Hoc Qu3c gia - Ha noi va hien dang hoc
chddhg trinh tifti si vd lanh dao, ky thuat va hanh chinh giao due tai Dai Hoc Oregon.
T8i v ift thd nay mdi anh/chi tham gia vao qudtrinh nghien cub cua tdi vd vin (ft
binh dahggidi trong mOi tnitfngdai hoc V ift Nam,gidi h a n 6 Dai hoc Q udcgia-H aN di.
Kidn thsfc va kinh nghi$n quy^bau cua anh/chi se^drag gap r it Idn trong vide tin g cUdng
binh dang gidi 6 mdi tnldng dai hoc cua V iet Nam.
Toi se 6 Ha Noi hi 10 ddh 27/12/1998, nhiihg tdi rat mong anh/chj tra Idi sdm.
Xin cac anh/chi goi di^n hoac thSbg bao sdm. Neu toi khong co^nha, xin nhin lai trong
may va cho b ift thdi gian va dia diem thuan Idi dd toi co thd lien hd hoac gap cac anh/chi.
*7 j ,
D ia chi d My cua toi:
y
Nguydn Ngpc Bich Didn thoai: (541)-484-9594
20S3 W. 14 Place e-mail: BICHN@Oregon.Uoregon.edu.
Eugene, OR 97402 fax #: (541 >-346-0802
> ■> .
D ia chi d Viet Nam:
’ >>/ /
Nguydn Ngoc Bich
9B D in g Van NgU
Phildng Phiitihg Lien,D6ng Da, Ha Noi
Oi€h thoai: 8S22937
Xin cam on rftt nhieu vc y ki€n va su’tham gia cua anh/chi.
Kinh thil,
Nguyen Ngoc Bich
185
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Bell & Howell Information and Learning

A CASE STUDY OF WOMEN FACULTY AT VIETNAM

NATIONAL UNIVERSITY (VNU) - HA NOI

NGUYEN THI NGOC BICH

Presented to the Department of Educational Leadership,

Bell & Howell Information and Learning Company

o f Vietnam National University (VNU) —Ha Noi." a dissertation prepared by Nguyen

degree in the Department of Educational Leadership, Technology and Administration.

This dissertation has been approved and accepted by:

Dr. K^n Kempne/jChair of the Examining Committee

Committee in charge: Dr. Ken Kempner, Chair

Vico'Provost and Dean o f the Graduate School

An Abstract of the Dissertation of

Nguyen Thi Ngoc Bich for the degree o f Doctor o f Philosophy

in the Department o f Educational Leadership, Technology

to be taken June 2000

Title: GENDER EQUITY IN THE HIGHER EDUCATION OF VIETNAM:

A CASE STUDY OF WOMEN FACULTY AT VIETNAM NATIONAL

Recently, many international and national development programs have

acknowledged the importance o f gender issues. The current feminist theories,

expanded in cross-cultural contexts, especially in developing countries. Viet Nam, as

a country in transition from a central-planned to market economy, is a special case for

The purpose o f this study is to examine gender issue in higher education in

equity issues in education in Viet Nam.

data were supplemented by government documents, classroom observations, and

public discussions at a conference on gender equity.

The study’s findings indicated that there is a significant gender inequity in

policies have mistakenly conceptualized gender equity as sameness. Both o f these

found at all levels o f analysis-contextual, organizational, and individual.

This study suggests that having appropriate understandings of gender equity is

will remain forever a universal debate.

NAME OF AUTHOR: Nguyen Thi Ngoc Bich

PLACE OF BIRTH: Ha Noi. Viet Nam

GRADUATE AND UNDERGRADUATE SCHOOLS ATTENDED:

AREAS OF SPECIAL INTEREST:

Teaching Assistant, Department o f Educational Leadership, Technology and

Teaching Assistant, Southeast Asian Language Program. University o f Oregon,

Member of Advisory Council, Center for Women’s Studies, Viet Nam

Instructor of Vietnamese Language, Southeast Asian Summer Studies Institute

Instructor of Vietnamese Language, Southeast Asian Summer Studies Institute

Instructor o f Vietnamese Language, Southeast Asian Summer Studies Institute

Instructor o f Vietnamese Language, Southeast Asian Summer Studies Institute

Instructor o f Vietnamese Language, Southeast Asian Summer Studies Institute

Instructor o f Vienamese Language and Culture, Phnom Penh Institute of

Instructor o f Vietnamese Language and Culture, University o f Phnom Penh.

Faculty Member-Lecturer, Department of Vietnamese Studies, Ha Noi

AWARDS AND HONORS:

Scholarship of the International Trade and Development Graduate, 1998-99

Fellowship Program, Oregon State System o f Higher Education, 1998

Fellowship of Viet Nam Research Interest Group (RIG). 1998

Fellowship of Viet Nam Research Interest Group (RIG). 1997

Research Fellowship o f Graduate School, University o f Oregon, 1997

Nominee, Graduate Teaching Fellow Award for Outstanding Teaching, o f

I would like to acknowledge and honor all American and Vietnamese