Transition in times of transition:

The last year of high school and the College-going (or not-going) decision-

making process of senior high school students in Chile.

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Consuelo del Canto Ramírez
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Submitted in partial fulfillment of the

requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy
under the Executive Committee
in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences

COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY

2023
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© 2023

Consuelo del Canto Ramírez

All Rights Reserved

 Abstract

Transition in times of transition: The last year of high school and the College-going (or not-

going) decision-making process of senior high school students in Chile.

Consuelo del Canto Ramírez

My dissertation explores the higher education transition decisions made by senior high

school students from diverse social backgrounds in Chile. I examine how family, school, and the

broader institutional and political context interact with and influence these decisions during times

of major social changes and educational reform. Through a 10-month qualitative multi-site case

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study, I interviewed senior high school students from different social backgrounds and schools,
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and their close social networks. Building upon the concept of college-going habitus, I examine

how family support and expectations shape students' higher education choices.
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My findings suggest that all students participating in my study exhibited clear

predispositions towards pursuing higher education, being endowed with a certain kind of

college-going habitus transmitted by their families and mediated by social class. Yet, I find that
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this college-going habitus is a more nuanced phenomenon than has previously been

acknowledged. By proposing acquired and incipient forms of college-going habitus among

lower-class students, besides the traditional inherited one exhibited by the upper-class, I argue

that college-going habitus—even though largely dependent on social class—can also be

developed through discourses willfully integrated and learned over time, mainly through the

strength and nature of explicit parental discourses and encouragement. My study also finds that

the relationship between schools and its students’ college accomplishments is more complicated

than simply “reproduction” or “school effect.” A school's socioeconomic status influences

certain resources, organizational practices, and teachers' expectations, but does not preclude

schools from diverging and making a difference—for better or worse—in their students' college

decisions. My findings posit that a school’s academic rigor, quality of the standards in the

education imparted, and the implementation or lack of robust college-readiness strategies, largely

determines whether a school exerts a positive effect, a no-effect (reproduction), or a negative

school effect on students’ aspirations and college decisions.

Finally, my dissertation shows that not only educational policies and reform influence

students’ views on college opportunities and choices, but unexpected social events, such as the

October 2019 Social Outburst in Chile, also have dramatic consequences on students' perceptions

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of the opportunities available in Chile and, in turn, on their own college aspirations and decision-
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making. My research illuminates how the social outburst triggered a shift in students' discourses

about opportunities, from an emphasis on a meritocratic approach to a focus on prevailing

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inequalities. This gives rise to a revised meritocratic discourse that puts the accent on effort

rather than on merit (i.e., actual performance), placing an even greater burden on lower-class

students. In sum, my research sheds light on the complex interplay of factors influencing Chilean
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high school students' higher education choices, offering insights into the nuanced nature of the

college-going habitus, school effects, and the impact of societal events on students' aspirations

and decisions.
 Table of Contents

List of Tables and Figures ........................................................................................................... vi

Acknowledgements ..................................................................................................................... vii

Dedication .................................................................................................................................... xii

Chapter 1: Introduction ............................................................................................................... 1

Statement of the Problem ............................................................................................................ 1

Purpose of Study ....................................................................................................................... 10

Research Questions ................................................................................................................... 11

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General Research Question ................................................................................................... 11

Specific Research Questions .................................................................................................. 11

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The Social Outbreak .................................................................................................................. 13
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Chapter 2: Theoretical Framework .......................................................................................... 16

Theoretical Approaches and Research Abroad ......................................................................... 17

Economic Models .................................................................................................................. 17

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Sociological Models of Reproduction.................................................................................... 21

Theories of “Cognitive” and “Subjective” Rationality ........................................................ 27

The Effect of Schools on Students’ Decision-making ............................................................ 32

Comprehensive Models.......................................................................................................... 39

Transition and College (or not-College) Decision-making in Chile ......................................... 42

Previous Research in Chile ................................................................................................... 43

Gaps in Previous Research in Chile ...................................................................................... 53

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 Conceptual Framework of my Study ........................................................................................ 56

Chapter 3: Research Design, Methods and Selection of Cases ............................................... 63

Research Methods ..................................................................................................................... 66

Site Selection: Choosing the Schools ........................................................................................ 70

Getting Access to Schools ......................................................................................................... 74

Cases Selection: Choosing the Students and their Close Networks. ......................................... 75

Data Collection.......................................................................................................................... 78

Longitudinal Students’ Interviews ......................................................................................... 78

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Parents’ Interviews ................................................................................................................ 82
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Teachers’ Interviews.............................................................................................................. 83

School Counselors’ Interviews .............................................................................................. 83

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School Principals’ Interviews ................................................................................................ 84

Informal Conversations and Site Observation ...................................................................... 87

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Data Analysis ............................................................................................................................ 87

Reliability and Validity Considerations .................................................................................... 89

Ethical Considerations............................................................................................................... 91

Timeline .................................................................................................................................... 91

Overview of Findings .................................................................................................................. 93

Chapter 4: One year, four schools, 24 students: Who are they? ............................................ 95

The Liceo................................................................................................................................... 97

The Charter School.................................................................................................................. 112

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 The Catholic Private School.................................................................................................... 127

The English Elite School ......................................................................................................... 140

Two Representative Accounts Illustrating the Complexities of College Decision-Making:

Students’ Interaction with and Understanding of the Role of their Environment Mediated

by Social Class ........................................................................................................................... 156

Chapter 5: The Role of Family. Exploring the dynamics of inherited, acquired, and incipient

college-going habitus. ................................................................................................................ 163

Forms of family support and its influence in students’ college decisions .............................. 163

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Freedom to Choose and the Pursuit of Happiness .............................................................. 165

Emotional Support ............................................................................................................... 171

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Concrete Resources: Providing Information, Advice, Funding and Time .......................... 175
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Parental Expectations, Discourses, and College-going habitus .............................................. 179

Parental Discourses and College Expectations .................................................................. 180

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Students’ Internalized Discourses: Inherited, Acquired, or Incipient College-Going Habitus

............................................................................................................................................. 183

Discussion ............................................................................................................................... 193

Chapter 6: The Influence of High School on Students’ College Decisions: A Complicated

Relationship ............................................................................................................................... 200

Concrete Strategies of College-Going Support ....................................................................... 201

Information and Assistance in the Process of Transition .................................................... 201

Career Guidance ................................................................................................................. 209

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 Quality of Education Received and PSU Preparation ........................................................ 218

Emotional Support ............................................................................................................... 231

Students’ Perception of Teachers’ Expectations ..................................................................... 237

Discussion ............................................................................................................................... 249

Chapter 7: From times of transition to times of turmoil: educational policies and an

unexpected social outbreak ...................................................................................................... 261

The Influence of Recent Educational Policies ........................................................................ 262

Class Tank in the Chilean Admission System ...................................................................... 263

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Gratuity or tuition-free higher education policy ................................................................. 267
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The Current Institutional/Political Environment in the Country: It All Comes Down to the

October 2019 Social Outburst ................................................................................................. 272

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October 18, 2019 ................................................................................................................. 272

Last Days of School ............................................................................................................. 278

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PSU Rescheduling ............................................................................................................... 280

PSU Boycott ......................................................................................................................... 283

Students’ Views of Institutional Discourses about Opportunities in Chile............................. 297

Students’ Understanding of Their Own Social Class. ......................................................... 299

Prevailing Discourses in the Environment: Greater Opportunities by Merit or Continuing

Inequalities by Class Condition?......................................................................................... 303

The Rationale Behind Students’ Decision-Making: Individual Agency and its Different

Forms. .................................................................................................................................. 312

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Chapter 8: Conclusion and Discussion ................................................................................... 322

Research Aims......................................................................................................................... 323

Main Findings and Discussion ................................................................................................ 325

Implications for Policy ............................................................................................................ 336

Implications for Future Research ............................................................................................ 339

References .................................................................................................................................. 342

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 List of Tables and Figures

Figure 1. 1 Participation in Tertiary Education by household income quintiles............................ 4

Figure 2.1 Schematic diagram of the conceptual framework ....................................................... 62

Table 3. 1 Schools selected ........................................................................................................... 74

Table 3.2 Sample of students per school ....................................................................................... 77

Table 3.3 Summary of participants and interviews conducted ..................................................... 85

Table 5. 1 Summary of students’ type of college-going habitus ................................................. 199

Table 6. 1 Desired goal, perceived self-efficacy, and enrolled career ....................................... 228

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Table 6. 2 PSU scores of top-performing students at the Charter and English Elite schools .... 230

Table 6. 3 Summary chart: Students’ perception of high school’s support practices ................ 260
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Table 7. 1 PSU non-attendance rate per type of school dependence ............ Error! Bookmark not
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defined.

Table 7. 2 Student’s perception of own position in social class ladder...................................... 353

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 Acknowledgments

Gratitude is such a profound and beautiful word. Friendship. Support. Love. Those are

words with immense and deep meanings as well. Yet, I feel they all fall short to express how

grateful, blessed, supported, cared for, and loved, I have felt throughout this journey. Moving

from ABD to Ph.D. has certainly been one of the most challenging and hard endeavors in my

life, but I would have never achieved it if it were not for the grace and luck of having been

surrounded by the most nurturing community of mentors, family, and friends that anyone could

dream of. To all of them, I owe the successful completion of this dissertation.

I extend my heartfelt thanks to my professors at Teachers College, who served as

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mentors, sources of inspiration, and role models. My deepest gratitude goes to Professor Aaron
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Pallas, my dissertation advisor, for his steadfast support, encouragement, and belief in my

abilities, even when I doubted them. His generosity in sharing knowledge and wisdom while
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allowing me the freedom to think independently and dare to develop my own analyses has been

pivotal for my academic growth, enabling me to navigate the pathway to become a thoughtful

and responsible social scientist. Aaron's mentorship transcended academics; he was also a
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remarkable example of integrity, wisdom, and compassion along the process.

All my committee members played critical roles throughout my doctoral studies, and I

consider myself fortunate to have learned from them all. Professor Kevin Dougherty was a

tremendous source of inspiration, triggering my research interests and sparking enlightening “aha

moments” during his classes and conversations. Professor Carolyn Riehl was always available to

provide meaningful advice and helpful tips throughout the process, and Anna Neumann was the

most thoughtful and warm defense hearing moderator a doctoral student could have hoped for.

Thanks to her, I was able to overcome my nerves and genuinely enjoy my defense. I am

especially grateful to Professor José Joaquín Brunner for agreeing to serve as the fifth examiner
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of my thesis and for being the Chilean education scholar, as well as my former boss, from whom

I have gained invaluable knowledge and the highest level of admiration.

Financial support from CONICYT and its exceptional Becas Chile Program, the

Fulbright Commission, the Proyecto Semilla I earned while I worked at Universidad Diego

Portales, and the scholarships granted by the Education Policy and Social Analysis Department

at Teachers College were decisive in allowing me to start and finish this doctoral journey.

The solitude of writing a doctoral dissertation is as harsh as it is necessary. Attaining

those eureka moments was only possible by allowing myself to become absorbed, and at times,

lost in the depth and complexity of my reflections and analyses. Spending countless hours in

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such an introspective state of mind was only made possible thanks to the loving and caring
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network of family and friends. They not only managed everything else, allowing me to immerse

myself in my work, but were also available for conversation or silent company, coffee or wine,
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providing an ear to vent or a warm embrace, challenging me while also offering a safe place.

I am especially grateful to my friends, each and every one of them, for their unwavering

belief in me and their continuous encouragement. Trinidad Vidal and Paloma Opaso were my co-
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pilots throughout this journey and every other life challenge I have experienced, they have lifted

me up when I felt like I couldn't anymore. Josefina Valenzuela, my constant source of light. Pilar

Opazo, who generously shared her own doctoral experience and always offered the most

thoughtful and opportune advice. Magdalena Zarhi, one of my most loyal and solution-oriented

friends. I remember leaving our meetings with a clear sense of what I needed to do and a

reassuring feeling that everything would be okay. Paula Guzmán, a refugee, whose endless

generosity continuously showered me with treats that gave me the energy to keep moving

forward. Paula Pacheco, Macarena López, Sofía Araos, Maripaz Muñoz, and all my fantastic

nuyorkers, who were my chosen family. My college friends, who are not only admired
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colleagues but also life companions. And my high school friends, who over the years have

continued to be my secure place. Thanks to Andrea and Checho for the complicity, and to Mark

and Emilia for the cheering. Thanks to so many other friends who have helped me to row this

boat at different moments and in so many ways.

I owe special thanks to Nila Girón, my partner and teammate, for her invaluable help.

Entrusting her with the care of the ones I love most, my children, was a decision I will forever be

grateful for. I thank her for filling my home with joy and sharing it with my family every day.

Completing this dissertation would have been impossible without her.

I am for life indebted to the amazing and talented Javiera Gonzalez for her brilliant

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insights, analyses, and genuine interest in my research. Javiera accompanied me on this journey,
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serving as my "Sancho Panza." She rocked my work, brought joy to the final stage, and

reminded me of the significance of it all, even when I momentarily forgot. Without her, this
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thesis would never have seen the light. You will shine.

I would also like to thank my sisters, who traveled all the way from Chile to New York to

be by my side when I defended this dissertation. This was just one of the hundreds of times they
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have stood by my side to ensure my wellbeing. Thanks to Carola, my best friend forever and

soulmate, and to Marcela, my second mom and my conscience since childhood.

Special thanks to my parents, María Inés Ramírez and Carlos del Canto, for their

unconditional support since the day I was born. My parents provided me and my sisters with

every opportunity they could and encouraged me to pursue my passions with dedication and

commitment. I am especially thankful for their boundless generosity in recent years. They have

been my most crucial support network, my biggest fans, and the world's best grandparents. Their

love, infinite and selfless, has shaped me.

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 I am also grateful to my in-laws, my earned family, for their closeness and constant

support for my husband, children, and me, especially during this last year. I thank them for

supporting me without questions and cheering without answers. I feel incredibly fortunate to

have them all in my life.

I am deeply grateful and touched by the love and patience of my children: Miguel was

my inspiration, Ismael was my driving force. Struggling and giving my best to complete my

doctoral studies was not just for me, but also for them to feel proud of Mom. Not because Mom

now holds a Ph.D., but because she achieved a goal that required considerable time and effort. I

hope that this experience remains in their memories as an example of teamwork, persistence,

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family support, and unconditional love. I also hope that by the time they both graduate from high
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school, our country will be more equitable. I eagerly expect to be able to provide them with the

confidence and tools to make decisions on their own, with us by their side, watching them shine.
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Above all, my deepest gratitude goes to the man who is the beginning and end of this

story, and all my stories. I thank Octavio Lizama—Tavo—my husband, for being my relentless

support. Tavo was so generous, consistent, and loyal that he continued to validate and support
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my Ph.D. crusade despite all the sacrifices this entailed for our family and his own professional

development. I doubt I will ever be able to thank him enough for hanging in there, firmly

supporting me over the years, without ever making me feel guilty or inadequate for the

challenge. Moreover, I admire him deeply for his dedication and passion as an educator, and I

am grateful for the daily lessons I learn from him. I respect him beyond words and love him

beyond love.

Lastly, but by no means least, I want to express my heartfelt gratitude to each of my

informants, particularly the young students who opened their lives to me, sharing their deepest

dreams and fears about their future.

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 This journey has been long and filled with a blend of feelings, but above all, it has been a

meaningful path of learning. And what is the point of pursuing doctoral studies if not to earn

profound knowledge of a field and also of ourselves? As my husband often says, "There is no

easy path that is truly worth it." Normally, I do not fully agree with this saying because I believe

(and want to believe) that many easy paths are also worth traversing. However, I must admit that

achieving this goal after embarking on such a challenging journey, involving substantial personal

and collective effort, has made me realize that it was not only worthwhile but also beautiful,

healing, and necessary. Therefore, I express my gratitude for this journey, and I welcome those

that will come next, in all their diversity and with an open heart.

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 Dedication

To my family, for their steady support and endless love.

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 Chapter 1: Introduction

Statement of the Problem

The period preceding the transition from high school to post-graduation life—either

college or work or both or none—is known to be a crucial, yet complex stage for everyone. A

fair number of academics and researchers have engaged in the study of this transition from

different fields and approaches, using different methodologies, focusing on different populations

and geographical locations, and emphasizing particular factors that, either theoretically or

empirically, are judged (or shown) to be relevant in shaping students' plans and decision-making

about their future after high school. All these studies have contributed to a better understanding

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of the topic and the complexity of the multiple dimensions involved in it. They have also
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enriched the theories that either from an economic, psychological, sociological, or organizational

perspective underlie this transition and decision-making phenomenon. Particularly in Chile, past
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research was largely confined to the extent to which, and why, access to higher education was so

unequal. However, due to the rapid massification in access to higher education Chile experienced

during the last decade, and newly launched reforms aimed at continued democratization of
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participation in higher education, a new wave of studies that focuses on the experience and

rationale by which students make their decisions during the cuarto medio, the last year of high

school in Chile, is emerging.

It’s not only the literature and research that have shed light into the particularities of the

senior year of high school and the imminent transition ahead. Most of us have experienced this

process personally, and probably still remember it as a period of confusion and contradictory

feelings: from the illusion of being finally entitled to make decisions by oneself and the hope of

beginning the path to become “what we wanted to be in life,” to the anxiety and puzzlement for

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not really knowing what we wanted, the uncertainty of whether we would be able to achieve it,

external pressures, and the fear of failure. Yet others, less lucky than us, have only experienced

the early frustration of realizing that they weren’t allowed to choose or dream.

In Chile, the decisions made by senior high school students are considered high stakes.

Whether these students just 17-18 years old—and just beginning to understand what they are

good at and what they like—decide to go straight to college, or to a vocational school or to work,

it is commonly assumed they have the power to determine who they will be and what they will

do later in life. Enrolling in university is the path sought by most senior high school students,

who usually see this track as the only way “to become someone in life” (Canales, Opazo, &

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Camps, 2016). This explains the expansion of programs to support students in this stage and,
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whenever possible, push them to continue to college (e.g.: Propedéuticos 1, PACE 2, among

others). The distinctive pressure that encompasses this stage seems stronger in a conservative
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country such as Chile, where second chances to change careers are not ordinary and where an

undergrad degree (or the lack of it) and the specific major and institution chosen (or attainable by

default), seem to pigeonhole for life the skills that people are supposed to have and the kind of
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jobs they can access. This is why in the social imaginary of Chileans, traditional majors- even

though they no longer guarantee access to high-status jobs- are still the most valued (Lagos &

Palacios, 2018). Consequently, the path to be taken after high school is, for Chileans, the

important decision that youth must make consciously and, hopefully, without error (Sepúlveda,

2017). This process and decision-making is seen as a reflection of the image that youth have of

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A form of class-based affirmative action that operates by allowing students who went to poor public high schools
and are ranked within the top 5% of their class rank to gain admission to college through an alternative route that
does not require the PSU, the national college entrance examination.
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The Programa de Acompañamiento y Acceso Efectivo or PACE is a governmental program launched in 2014
intended to prepare and support students in the transition from high school to higher education, providing academic
and emotional support from 9th grade through their first three years in college.

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themselves and of the place that they will occupy in the world (Orellana, Guzmán, Bellei,

Gareca, & Torres, 2017). It is no surprise then that the year preceding this transition in Chile, i.e.,

the senior year of high school, is particularly challenging and critical for young students, making

it worthy of further study.

On top of that, at present, and throughout the last decade, this decision-making has been

taking place in a context of change and reform in Chilean society and its educational arena,

which adds complexity, novelty, and pertinence to the study of this primary stage of the

transition to adult life. First, access to higher education in Chile has expanded exponentially over

the last three decades. According to the Socioeconomic Characterization National Survey, the

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gross enrollment ratio (GER) in postsecondary education has almost quadrupled from 14% in
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1990 to 57.9% in 2020 (Ministerio de Desarrollo Social, 2016, 2018; Ministerio de Desarrollo

Social y Familia, 2020). Figure 1.1 below also shows that students at the bottom of the income
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distribution, in quintiles I and II, are the ones experiencing the largest growth in enrollment, from

4% and 6% in 1990 to 46% and 49% in 2020, respectively. Even though low-income students

continue to enroll in post-secondary education in lower proportions than their well-off

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counterparts (46% vs 99%), suggesting a persistent, strong association between social origin and

college attendance, it is undeniable that enrollment in higher education in the country has

massified to unprecedented levels. Pursuing tertiary education is thus rapidly becoming the rule

rather than the exception for Chileans.

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Figure 1. 1
Participation in Tertiary Education by household income quintiles

99%
100%
90% 87%
80% 82%
80%
70% 64%
58% 58%
60% 54% 54%
48% 50%
48% 49%
50% 46%
43%
38% 40% 42%
40% 33%
31%
28% 27%
30%
20% 20%
20% 14% 15%
11%

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8%
10% 4%6%
0%
1990 2000 IE 2009 2017 2020

I II III IV V Total
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Source: Elaborated with data from CASEN 1990, 2000, 2009, 2017, 2020

Secondly, this increase in enrollment of students from disadvantaged backgrounds is

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expected to keep rising even further in the years to come, as a result of recent reforms —largely

triggered by students’ protests and movements— intended to continue expanding opportunities

and equalizing access to higher education.

Before continuing with this introductory chapter, a clarifying note becomes necessary.

Even though further changes in the higher education arena have occurred and new policies have

emerged in the country since April 2020, the time when I finished gathering my data, for the

remainder of this introduction and also throughout my literature review, I will focus on

describing the context that existed in the country before the beginning of my fieldwork. This is

important to keep in mind because the period between 2020 and today (2023) has probably been

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the most hectic and chaotic in terms of changes and new policies regarding the higher education

admission system (and every other matter as well), but I cannot refer to facts that did not exist at

the time I collected my data.

By 2019, two education reforms had been particularly significant in this regard: 1) the

inclusion of class rank in college admission criteria, and 2) the enactment of a tuition-free higher

education law for low-income students. Next, a brief account of each of them.

1. Class rank. In 2013, students’ class rank was for the first time included in the college

admission criteria of universities participating in the national admission system (Sistema Único

de Admisión, SUA). Before this, the University Selection Exam (Prueba de Selección

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Universitaria, PSU) scores were weighted 90% in the admission formula, and high school GPA
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the remaining 10%. The new admission formula required that grades and high school rank

combined should represent at least 20%, and up to 50%, of the weighted application score,
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reducing the weight of the PSU from an overwhelming 90% to a range between 80% and 50%.

The specific weight is defined by each institution and major field of study, but it must be within

that range.
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Why is the inclusion of class rank in the college admission criteria so relevant? The

evidence suggests that class rank is a more objective and equitable criterion than test scores, as

historically low-SES students have performed lower than well-off students on standardized tests,

including the PSU (Bravo, Manzi, & Silva, 2012; Contreras, Corbalán, & Redondo, 2007;

Koljatic & Silva, 2010). In addition, PSU scores—originally intended to measure the actual

learning of the school curriculum content—are likely to just be signaling (and reproducing and

reinforcing) the large inequalities and segregation of the high school system in Chile, in which

many schools serving low-income students do not get to cover the entire curriculum during the

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year (Koljatic & Silva, 2010; Larroucau, Mizala, & Rıos, 2015). Furthermore, class rank has

shown to be better than PSU scores at predicting the students’ academic potential and college

readiness (Beyer, 2009; Koljatic & Silva, 2013; OECD & The World Bank, 2009; Pearson,

2013). Therefore, the theory of action behind this policy suggests that the inclusion of class rank

in the admission equation increases the chances of students from underprivileged background—

who have traditionally underperformed on the PSU—to gain access to college. The scarce

evidence made recently available about the impact of this new admission formula in Chile is

mixed. However, most studies are cautious in supporting this rationale, and suggest that

including class rank has a positive but small impact on college admissions for low-income

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students (Larroucau et al., 2015; Santelices, Catalán, Horn, & Venegas, 2018).
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2. Gratuity. In 2016, the state launched a policy that ensures tuition-free higher education

for students at the bottom half of the income distribution (decile 1 to 5). Tuition-free higher
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education is intended for low-income students who are admitted into universities that belong to

the National Board of Rectors (Consejo de Rectores de Universidades Chilenas or CRUCH) —

which are the institutions that get direct subsidies from the government—or into eligible private
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institutions, including Vocational and Professional Education and Training (in Chile, Centros de

Formación Técnica, [CFTs] and Institutos Profesionales, [IPs]), from now on, VPET

institutions, that are accredited for at least four years and are not-for-profit. This policy was

enacted in 2016 and 2017 as a “short law,” which is a specific indication included in the annual

Budget Act presented by the government. However, in 2018 this annual annotation to ensure free

higher education was extended to benefit the bottom 60% of the income distribution (decile 1 to

6), and was included in an article within the new Higher Education Reform that was passed into

law. The actual impact of free-tuition in the enrollment of low-income students in higher

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education is not yet clear, and the scarce evidence available up to now is mixed. Bucarey (2018),

the most recent and reliable of these studies, suggests that even though the demand for college

after the introduction of free tuition will increase among low-income students, the higher

education system won’t be able to absorb it by increasing its capacity to the same level. Thus, to

attain a new equilibrium, universities, and mainly the most reputable and highest quality ones,

will have to increase their admission cutoff score (resulting from the weighted score of PSU,

class rank and GPA) which, paradoxically, may end up being detrimental for low-income

students (Bucarey, 2018). Still, further studies need to be conducted to understand the actual

effect of this free-tuition policy on the college behavior of students and on their aspirations and

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decision-making rationale.
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As a result of these changes in the current educational and policy context, a classic clash

of underlying institutional discourses resurfaces and regains strength, contrasting one that
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focuses on the power of individual merit and another that emphasizes the inertia of structural

inequality. On the one hand, the rapid change from elite to mass higher education and the

ongoing reforms encourage an account of the facts and a political, social, and institutional
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discourse that highlights the greater opportunities available for students from across the board.

This discourse backs up the belief among certain sectors of the society and policymakers that

students who lag behind do so mainly because of lack of merit or because they did not try hard

enough. This meritocratic discourse regains legitimacy in the country, and the motto of “working

hard to achieve what you want” becomes an imperative (and also a burden) for youth and their

parents (Canales et al., 2016). On the other hand, recent findings suggest that this discourse does

not really correspond to the actual experience and perceptions of senior high school students in

Chile. The hope for better opportunities and social mobility that spread mainly across low-

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 income students seems rapidly frustrated by their experience of a persistent situation of relative

disadvantage and ingrained inequalities, in which the promise of a better-off future after

engaging in the effort of reaching higher levels of education doesn’t necessarily arrive. Thus,

there is a sense that greater opportunities bring along with them higher risks of failure, a paradox

that seems to cause further uncertainty, distrust, fear and guilt among youth (Canales et al., 2016;

Orellana et al., 2017; PNUD, 2017; Sepúlveda, 2017). Lower and middle-lower class students

are aware that overall, their generation has much better chances than their parents to access

material goods and services, including education; but it also becomes increasingly more evident

to them that no matter how hard they try, the highest ranked jobs and privileged social positions

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are off-limits for them, reserved for the elites and their networks (Hopenhayn, 2008; PNUD,
IE
2017). In addition, the proliferation of higher education institutions and majors implies that many

degrees do not necessarily ensure future employability and higher earnings, meaning that the
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credentials they provide do not render the same returns for the time and economic resources

invested, preventing students from disadvantaged backgrounds (who are the ones that attend

those lower-quality and lower-reputation institutions in higher proportions) to truly ascend the
PR

social ladder (González & Valenzuela, 2016; Sepúlveda, 2017). The meritocratic promise is

installed, but it seems to have already failed.

Senior high school students, and especially those coming from disadvantaged

backgrounds, are the ones most affected by these contradictory discourses and realities. They are

the ones facing high expectations, the ones who are supposed to benefit more broadly by the

recent reforms, the ones ad portas of making important decisions about their futures and lives,

craving greater and now attainable opportunities while dreading the prospect of failure and an

inability to meet the growing expectations of those who believe in them. At the other extreme,

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