See discussions, stats, and author profiles for this publication at: https://www.researchgate.

net/publication/333758881

MESOPOTAMIAN GODS, KINGS, PROPHETS AND SAINTS

Article · June 2019

CITATIONS READS

0 1,573

1 author:

Stanley Wilkin
University of London
185 PUBLICATIONS 5 CITATIONS

SEE PROFILE

Some of the authors of this publication are also working on these related projects:

Literature View project

EXPLORE THE BEST AND OFFER IT View project

All content following this page was uploaded by Stanley Wilkin on 13 June 2019.

The user has requested enhancement of the downloaded file.

MESOPOTAMIAN GODS, KINGS, PROPHETS AND SAINTS

According to Sabina Franke1, Naram-Sin’s saving of Akkad from the onslaught of rebels gave
him unbounded charisma and lead to him calling himself a god, the protective deity of Akkad.
Enheduanna was still alive during Naram-Sin’s rule and apparently supported his cult. Like the
other members of her family her first loyalty was probably to Akkad and the Sargon dynasty
and she lent her extraordinary literary gifts to the cause.

Although Naram-Sin was extremely successful, upon his death he was routinely portrayed
negatively. The Cuthean Legend portrays him as rejecting advice when the empire is invaded
and declaring he will only rely on himself. He rejects any help of priests and Sooth Sayers. Of
course he is beaten, although there is no historical evidence for this episode, certainly not
corroboration from other sources. The Curse of Akkad is a marvellous poem that is clearly the
model for elements of Biblical literature.2

For the first time since cities were built and founded, / The great agricultural tracts produced
no grain, / The inundated tracts produced no fish, / The irrigated orchards produced neither
syrup nor wine, / The gathered clouds did not rain, the masgurum did not grow. / At that time,
one shekel’s worth of oil was only one-half quart, / One shekel’s worth of grain was only one-
half quart… / These sold at such prices in the markets of all the cities! / He who slept on the
roof, died on the roof, / He who slept in the house, had no burial, / People were flailing at
themselves from hunger.3

1
Franke, Sabina. Kings of Akkad: Sargon and Naram-Sin. Civilisations of the Ancient Near East. Ed. Sasson, Jack
M. Vol. II. Charles Scribner’s Sons. MacMillan Library Reference USA. Simon and Shuster MacMillan.
London/New York. 1995.
2
Franke, Sabina. Kings of Akkad: Sargon and Naram-Sin. Civilisations of the Ancient Near East. Ed. Sasson, Jack
M. Vol. II. Charles Scribner’s Sons. MacMillan Library Reference USA. Simon and Shuster MacMillan.
London/New York. 1995.
3
https://galatearesurrects2018.blogspot.com/2018/04/the-curse-of-akkad.html

1
There are a number of internet sites, books or even academic essays that use this work to
illustrate the end of Akkad but there were at least three kings after Naram-Sin died. Simply, it
did not happen but was meant to convey what can occur if you do not properly respect the
gods-the scribe’s gods. This event did not occur, as many events in the Bible did not occur.
They were written by priestly scribes to create lessons for a period long after the supposed
events and to support the dynasties and gods, such as Enlil in this instance, they served. They
serve a didactic purpose as does the narrative of Abraham for example. There are other poems
that praise Naram-Sin’s courage and martial expertise (Franke, 1995).

The literature connected to the Akkadians concerns a number of recognisable motifs. Journeys
to far-away lands to fight strange, unknown peoples, confrontation with highland barbarians
(evident also in the literature dealing with Kings Enmerkar and Lugalbanda from the earlier
domination of Uruk.) Sargon is represented as wise and successful, Naram-Sin a failure,
although Naram-Sin was probably more successful than his predecessor in preserving and
extending the empire. In fact the failures assigned to Naram-Sin may have been that of his son,
Shar-kali-Sharri, but more likely even later Akkad kings (Franke, 1995).

Although there is sufficient evidence that both kings existed and that many of their exploits
were true, some Akkadian kings (for example Rimus and Manitusu4) were simply ignored by
chroniclers and their exploits largely unknown. This was again common practice in the ancient
world. Caleb Chow holds that it is possible the poems, especially those regarding Sargon’s
birth and background were written by the scribes of the much later Assyrian King Sargon II
(721-705) as a means of connecting the ‘messiah’ like earlier king with his own dynasty (Chow,
73). Caleb Chow (2013) demonstrates how close the narrative of Sargon’s conquests are to
Joshua and his wars with the Canaan cities.

4
Chow, Caleb, Tsang-Ying. The Legacies of Sargon and Joshua. An Archaeological and Historiographical
Comparison. Thesis Westminster Theological Seminary. 2013.
https://www.academia.edu/5789953/The_Legacies_of_Sargon_and_Joshua_An_Archaeological_and_Historio
graphical_Comparison

2
After the fall of Akkad (2198 BCE), the Gutian, a people possibly from present-day Iran,
invaded Sumeria and ruled over the land for 50 years until the re-emergence of Ur and Uruk.
From these events the Ur III Empire emerged (2100 BCE); a time when the Sumerian culture,
losing out to the Semitic cities around it, attempted a revival. Sumerian probably died out as a
spoken language during this period becoming a literary language only. 5

Whatever the achievements of the Ur III period this short paper will concentrate on King
Shulgi, who followed Naram-Sin , the fall of Akkad and Gutian rule, declaring himself a god
in the middle of his reign, and the divine Gudea of Lagash, the embodiment of piety and
sainthood.

Gudea: ensi (lord not king) of Lagash

Gudea of Lagash was the first Sumerian/Mesopotamian to submit cult life to writing.
According to Vladimer Emelianov, 6 somehow ignoring the earlier representation of Sargon, to
have a sculpture made of his real appearance. All Sumerian hymns-except for Enheduanna’s
surely?-go back to his reign. Emelianov alludes in effect to genuine changes in human
representation, if not necessarily continued into several millennium, and in organised worship.
Gudea expressed the kind of benevolent spirituality of Buddha.

5
Rubio, Gonzalo. From Sumer to Babylon. Topics in the History of Southern Mesopotamia. Association of
Ancient Historians Publications. 2007.
6
The Identity of Gudea as a Cultural and Historical Problem. Kings, Gods and People. Establishing Monarchies
in the Ancient World. Muenster, Ugarit-Verlag, 2016.

3
Hands together in what was probably a gesture of prayer. Head shaven to demonstrate piety
and priestly vocation.

4
 According to Emelianov, Gudea was the first to describe religion, breaking it down into magic,
rites, predestination. He claimed Gilgamesh as his friend and Gilgamesh’s mother, the goddess
Ninsu, as his own mother-assuming semi-divine status. The cult of Gilgamesh goes back to
Gudea. In the later Ur III Empire Gudea was revered as a god. His name, Gudea, probably
means prophet. As ensi of Lagash, Gudea would be the client of a more powerful ruler but only
the city god Ningirsu is ever mentioned above him. A statue to Gudea has him, like YHWH,
demand the domestic animals should multiply and that he is their shepherd (Emelianov, 67).
While Emelianov is uncertain about Gudea’s dates he concludes by agreeing that prophetic
religion began with Gudea. With him the literature of the Bible perhaps begins.

Shulgi: Ur III

Shulgi7 was the second and most important king of Ur III who briefly resurrected Sumerian
culture. Shulgi extended the Ur III Empire but more importantly for this paper extended
religious literature and ideas. In the middle of his exceptionally long reign of 46 years he
assumed divinity-more it seems as a political move-and spread his cult throughout the Empire.
He incorporated his cult into local temples, extending the reach of his authority. The great
Sumerian classical literature of Sumeria, including Gilgamesh, probably took form during his
reign.

The royal hymns of this period impacted on later religious literature. While the hymns glorify
Shulgi, the god-king, their language, hyperbole, referencing the god-king’s superhuman
wisdom and piety resembles the Qur’an’s eloquent reiteration of Allah’s qualities. In effect
Shulgi reinforced his power through religion, and reinforced religion through literature.
Included in that literature is, as with Hebrew prophets, a description of his ascent into heaven.

In Shulgi and Gudea we have the basis of the Hebrew bible and religion. In Sargon’s narrative
is the story of Joshua. In the combination of Sargon’s kingship and messiah status we have
Jesus. Sargon, like Jesus, heralded a new age.

7
Klein, Jacob. Shulgi of Ur: King of a Neo-Sumerian Empire. Civilisations of the Ancient Near East. Ed. Sasson,
Jack M. Vol. II. Charles Scribner’s Sons. MacMillan Library Reference USA. Simon and Shuster MacMillan.
London/New York. 1995.

View publication stats