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Asad Talal - Anthropology and The Colonial Encounter - en Gerrit Huizer y Bruce Manheim - The Politics of Anthropology
Asad Talal - Anthropology and The Colonial Encounter - en Gerrit Huizer y Bruce Manheim - The Politics of Anthropology
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World Anthropology
General Editor
SOLTAX
Patrons
CLAUDE LÉVI-STRAUSS
MARGARET MEAD
LAILA SHUKRY EL HAMAMSY
M. N. SRINIVAS
Editors
GERRIT HUIZER
BRUCE MANNHEIM
FLACSO - Biblioteca
TALA L ASAD
Originally prepared fur and also appearing in: Towards a Marxist anthropology: problems
and perspectives, edited by Stanley Diamond, World Anthropology (in press).
86 TALAL ASAD
1
The most interesting of these included Banaji (1970), Copans (1971), and Leclerc
(1972).
2 It is this line of reasoning that Firth (1972) adopted to explain and endorse the recen!
anthropological interest in Marx. See for example the lntroduction by Max Gluckman and
Fred Eggan to the first four volumes in the ASA Monographs series and the Social Science
Research Council's Research in social anthropology (1968).
Anthropology and the Colonial Encounter 87
The scope of any science is to obtain and extend knowledge. In social anthro
pology as it is commonly understood we attempt to extend our knowledge of man
and society to "primitive" communities, "simpler peoples", or "preliterate
societies" ... If an anthropologist asks nai"vely why, if we are only interested in
studying society writ large, we should tum to primitive cultures rather than our
own civilization ... the answer is simply that our own society is not the only one,
and its phenomena not the same as those found, or apt to be found, in primitive
society (1953:2).
The social anthropologist studies primitive societies directly, living among them
for months or years, whereas sociological research is usually from documents and
largely statistical. The social anthropologist studies societies as wholes - he
studies their ecologies, their economics, their legal and political institutions, their
family and kinship organizations, their religions, their technologies, their arts,
etc., as parts of general social systems (1951: 11).
... economic, political and especially military necessities aroused a new and lively
public interest in the African and Asiatic dependencies of B�itain and her allies.
The plans for post-war economic and social development in these areas generated
under pressure of war-time experiences included big schemes of research in the
natural and social sciences. The boom in anthropological studies thus fore
shadowed began after Radcliffe-Brown had retired from the Oxford chair [in
1946] (1949:xiii).
• See Gluckman and Eggan (1965:xii). By 1968 the Association had about 240 members
(Social Science Research Council: 79).
90 TALAL ASAD
7
Claude Lévi-Strauss was one of the first anthropologists to note this important fact,
although he has barely gone beyond noting it (1967:51-52).
92 TALAL ASAD
he was sometimes accusingly called "a Red," "a socialist," or "an anar
chist" by administrators and settlers, did this not merely revea! one facet
of the hysterically intolerant character of colonialism as a system, with
which he chose nevertheless to live professionally at peace?
I believe it is a mistake to view social anthropology in the colonial era as
primarily an aid to colonial administration, or as the simple reflection of
colonial ideology. I say this not because I subscribe to the anthropological
establishment's comfortable view of itself, but because bourgeois con
sciousness, of w�ch social anthropology is merely one fragment, has
always contained within itself profound contradictions and amibiguities
- and therefore the potentiality - far transcending itself. For these
contradictions to be adequately apprehended it is essential to turn to the
historical power relationship between the West and the Third World and
to examine the ways in which it has been dialectically linked to the
practical conditions, the working assumptions, and the intellectual prod
uct of ali disciplines representing the European understanding of non
European humanity.
REFERENCES
ARDENER, EDWIN
1971 The new anthropology and its critics. Man 6(3):449.
BANAJI, JAIRUS
1970 The crisis of British anthropology. New Left Review (64):71-85.
COPANS
1971 Pour une histoire et une sociologie des études Africaines. Cahiers des
Études Africaines (43).
EVANS-PRITCHARD, E. E.
1951 Social anthropology. London: Cohen and West.
FIRTH, RAYMOND
1972 The sceptical anthropologist? Social anthropology and Marxist views on
society. British Academy lecture.
PORTES, MEYER, editor
1949 Social structure. Oxford: Ciarendon Press.
PORTES, MEYER, E. E. EVANS-PRITCHARD, editors
1961 African political systems. London: Oxford University Press. (Originally
published 1940).
GLUCKMAN, MAX, FREO EGGAN
1965 "Introduction," in The relevance of models for social anthropology.
Association of Social Anthropologists of the British Commonwealth
Monograph.
HARRIS, MARVIN
1968 The rise of anthropological theory. London: Crowell.
LEACH, E. R.
1961 Rethinking anthropology. London: Athlone.
LECLERC, GERARD
1972 Anthropologie et colonialisme. París: Fayard.
1966 The savage mind. London.
94 TALAL ASAD
LÉVI-STRAUSS, CLAUDE
1967 The scope of anthropology. London: J. Cape.
LEWIS, l. M., editor
1968 History and social anthropofogy. London: Tavistock.
MAcRAE, DONALD G.
1961 ldeology and society. London: Heinemann.
NADEL, S. F.
1953 The foundations of social anthropology. London: Cohen and West.
NEEDHAM, RODNEY
1970 "The future of social anthropology: disintegration or metamorphosis?"
in Anniversary contributions to anthropologv: twelve essays. Leiden:
Brill.
RUNCIMAN, W. d·.
1965 Sociologese. Encounter 25(6):47.
SOCIAL SCIENCE RESEARCH COUNCIL
1968 Research in social anthropology. London: Heinemann Educational.
v. w. TURNER, A. TUDEN, editors
SWARTZ, M. J.,
1966 Political anthropology. Chicago: Aldine.
TURNER, VICTOR
1971 "Introduction," in Colonialism in Africa 1870-1960, volume three.
London: Cambridge University Press.
VANSINA, J.
1965 Oral tradition; a study in historical methodology. London: Routledge
and Kegan Paul.