Zulu Stick Fighting

7/27/2019 Zulu Stick Fighting
Zulu Stick Fighting A Socio-Historical

Overview
By Marié-Heleen Coetzee
Copyright © Marié-Heleen Coetzee 2002. All rights reserved.
1. Cultural Background
1a. Introduction
The Zulus are one of the Nguni people of South Africa. Linguistically and culturally,
the Xhosa, Pondo, and Thembu are Southern Nguni, while the Zulu, Swazi, and
Ndebele are Northern Nguni.
During the 1810s, a Zulu leader named Shaka kaSenzangakona established an empire
in northeastern South Africa whose military relied on phalanxes rather than skirmish
lines. His armies were highly successful, and within a few decades, his style of
warfare spread as far north as Lake Tanganyika.
Although Shaka was assassinated in 1828, his kingdom survived until 1879, when it
was destroyed by the British, who feared a Zulu attack on the white settlements then
expanding outward from Durban. The Zulu culture, however, survived into the
present, and today there are about 8.8 million Zulus, most of whom still live in
KwaZulu-Natal. (The name Natal is owed to the Portuguese explorer, Vasco da
Gama, who reached its coast on Christmas Day, 1497.)
1b. Origins of Zulu Stick Fighting
The genealogy of the presumed originators of Zulu stick fighting is traced to
Amalandela, son of Gumede, who inhabited the Umhlatuze valley about 1670
(Werner, 1995:28). The exact location of Amalandela’s former habitat remains an
enigma.
According to Bryant (1949:3), Amalandela was a member of the Ntunga Nguni clan.
According to Dalrymple (1983:74), he fathered two sons, respectively named Qwabe
and Zulu, and the latter gave his name to the Zulu people.
The recent
Shaka livedhistory of stick
from 1787 fighting
to 1828, andisduring
tracedhis
to the legacy
reign, of the Zuluthe
he established king Shaka.
Zulu Empire
and became Southern Africa’s most legendary warrior-king.
Until recently, historians credited Shaka with the development of Zulu warfare, with
its emphasis on stabbing spears and phalanxes, but recent research suggests that the
weapons, strategies, and tactics accredited to him were established before his rise to
power. The great warriors preceding Shaka, like so many historical figures and events,
are hidden from documented history, and forgotten even in the oral traditions.
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/zulu-stick-ﬁghting 1/34
Nonetheless, it is generally agreed that during Shaka’s reign, stick fighting was used
as a means of training young men for both self-defence and war. Shaka himself, in
Ritter’s version of the story, was already a highly proficient stick fighter at the age of
11 (1957:14).
2. Social Uses of Zulu Stick Fighting

2a. Introduction
Zulu stick fighting provides an opportunity for men to build courage and skill, to
distinguish themselves as proficient warriors, and to earn respect in the community
(Ntuli, Interview, 1996). Leitch (Interview, 1996) is of the opinion that the techniques
and manoeuvres applied in stick fighting are identical to those implemented during
traditional Zulu warfare, the only difference being the weapons used. Nonetheless,
stick fighting is a game, and the dynamics of stick fighting are generally playful. The
exceptions are when sticks are used for self-defense or in a faction fight, or
whenamashinga (professional stick fighters) compete.
Dumazulu stick fighters in Hluhluwe area, 1996.

2b. ineteenth Century
According to Ntuli (Interview, 1996), Shaka (reigned 1816-1828) rewarded good and
courageous stick fighters with cattle, terming the practiceukuxoshisa. Ntuli further
postulates that the relationship of stick fighting to military practice was still prevalent
2
during the time of Shaka’s successor Dingane, who ruled until 1840 (e.g., into the era
of early white settler encroachments into the interior of KwaZulu-Natal). Ndlela
kaSompisi, commander-in-chief of Dingane’s army and senior induna (prime
minister) to Dingane, was arguably the most important figure in Zululand after the
king (Becker, 1964:69). Certainly Ndlela’s experience and skill in stick fighting
assisted him in climbing the military ladder, and helped him earn a distinguished
reputation. Ntuli (Interview, 1996) is a direct descendant of Ndlela.
During the lifetime of the next major Zulu king, Cetshwayo (1836-1884), stick
fighting was an accepted means of resolving the internal disputes (Laband, 1995:178).
During this era, combatants used the shafts of spears in a stick fight, but not the blades
(Laband, 1995:178). Additionally, stick fighters were to follow a code of conduct, as
stick fighting, unlike warfare, was not intended to cause loss of life.
Laband (1995:178-179) describes an unusual event in which the protocol of stick
fighting was breached. The occasion was a stick fight between two of Cetshwayo’s
regiments (amabutho). This fight took place on December 25, 1877, during
the UmKhosi, or advent of the first fruits, festival. It seems that Cetshwayo crammed
his favourite iNgobamakhosi regiment (ibutho), consisting of young, unmarried men,
into the same quarters as the uThulwana ibutho, which was made up of older, married
men. Cetshwayo and some of his brothers belonged to the older ibutho. The younger
men apparently did not respect the customary power relations between themselves and
their elders, and were dissatisfied with arrangements concerning the reception of
wives of the uThulwana. The rising levels of antagonism between the two parties
eventually led to a physical clash. The older uThulwana ibutho intentionally
disregarded an accepted convention by attacking the iNgobamakhosi with spears after
an initial defeat by the iNgobamakhosi. For their malpractice, Cetshwayo prohibited
the uThulwana from further participation in the festivities, and in addition,the men
were fined "a beast all round" and sent home.
Although the British effectively ended Zulu military power in 1879, stick fighting
apparently continued to play a political role throughout the lifetime of the Zulu king
Dinuzulu (1868-1913). Ntuli believes that in Dinuzulu’s times, a skilled stick fighter
was appointed to train the heir to the throne in the art of stick fighting (Interview,
1996). Thus, the king’s leadership abilities and his potential as a military commander
were judged according to his (presumably superior) martial prowess.
2c. Twentieth Century
In Shaka’s time, stick fighting was used as training for warfare. However, during
subsequent years, Zulus began using stick fighting to represent conflict resolution on a
symbolic rather than military level. This form of symbolism still appears in the inter-
district umgangela, or stick fighting competitions, held in rural areas such as
Nongoma. Still later, stick fighting came to function as an expression of Zulu
ethnicity, and to show political affiliation with the Zulu-dominated Inkatha Freedom
Party (Mnqayi, Personal Communication, 1998).
Leitch (Interview, 1996) argues that this decontextualisation and exploitation of stick
fighting for political gain has negatively affected perceptions of the art. For example,
crowds misuse elements of stick fighting during marches in cities, or use their fighting
sticks to express ethnicity. This association of stick fighting with violence and riots
negates its profundity and beneficial social implications, and accordingly, many Zulu
people distance themselves from the art (Mnqayi, Personal Communication, 1998).
Leitch (Interview, 1996) also believes that instances where crowds run out of control
parody the traditional function of stick fighting in society. Control, respect, and
accountability lack in such marches, whereas they are of the utmost importance in a
stick fight. Qoma (as cited by Krog, 1994:42) states that the use of sticks became
politicised to the extent that any African person carrying a stick is classified a "violent
Zulu". As such, a practice that once played an instrumental role in building the pride
of a nation has come to be regarded with contempt by some (Ntuli, Interview, 1996).
In the Tugela Basin and the South Coast (different areas than where I did my
research), stick fighting has all but disappeared. Stick fighting is practised less
frequently than in the past in KwaDlangezwa and Ongoye, too, apparently due to its
association with recent violence (Mnqayi, Personal Communication, 1998). Leitch
(Interview, 1996) believes that traditional stick fighting is nowadays only found in
areas where there is little political friction.
Nonetheless, traditional stick fighting still takes place in some of rural areas of
KwaZulu-Natal, where it continues to act as a process of socialisation, and to transmit
the social norms of the community in which it operates. Therefore, while the practice
of stick fighting is constantly modified by changes in the social system, it can still
serve as a vehicle for mastering the body and mind, and be instrumental in nurturing
the practitioner’s dignity and pride as a man (Ndaba, Interview, 1996).
2d. Stick Fighting as Martial Art
In the immigrant communities of Johannesburg, migrant Zulu workers sometimes
teach stick fighting as a martial art. Meanings derived from these interactions are
primarily related to sportsmanship (Qoma in Krog, 1994:42), and lack the integral
social affiliations of traditional stick fighting. Stick fight demonstrations offered to
tourists, such as at Shakaland (Home-video recording, 1996), are performances.
2e. Summary
Long past its and

Zulu people, dayspractitioners
of glory, stick fighting
struggle to is no longer
validate a common
its existence in practice among
these days of the
political turmoil, acculturation, and modernisation. Nonetheless, stick fighting appears
to assist in upholding the traditional social system by perpetuating socially accepted
modes of male behaviour and ideals. Stick fighting, as a cultural tradition, therefore
continues to fulfil its traditional didactic function in some Zulu communities.
3. Zulu Fighting Sticks (Izinduku)

3a. Introduction
Zulu men traditionally owned fighting sticks (izinduku). The sticks were stored in the
roof of a house, and were carried for self-defence or used when the owner was
challenged to a stick fight (Ntuli, Interview, 1996).
Adult males often owned several fighting sticks, and from these, they selected a pair
to fight with (Ndlangavu as cited by Krog, 1994:42).
3b. Appearance and Construction
At the age of about 16, a Zulu boy’s father took him into the forest to choose and cut
his own fighting sticks from trees. (Fighting Sticks, Episode 2, [S.a.]). As an adult, a
man might make his own izinduku or employ a specialist to do so. Apartheid laws
prohibiting South African people of colour from owning guns or displaying traditional
weapons in public led to the use of instruments such as umbrellas and ordinary
walking sticks as substitutes for traditional izinduku (Fighting Sticks, Episode 1,
[S.a.]). Nonetheless, the practice of carrying sticks still prevails in some rural areas of
KwaZulu-Natal, such as KwaDlangezwa.
Izinduku may differ in appearance according to their region of manufacture (Mzobe,
Interview, 1996). However, regardless of appearance, izindukumust be stout enough to
withstand the impact of blows from an opponent’s weapons.
Although the choice of wood for fighting sticks is often specific to the practitioner’s
family lineage, (Fighting Sticks, Episode 2, [S.a.]), various local trees are suitably
strong for use as fighting sticks. Thus, izinduku are made from trees such as
the umqambathi
umthathe,, umazwenda , ibelendlovu,umphahla
1996), and umunquma (Ndlangavu as cited(Ntuli, Interview,
by Krog, 1994:24). [EN1]
Decorations on izinduku are for aesthetic purposes or to identify members of the
different sides in a regional stick fight (Zulu, Interview, 1996). Decorations on the
fighting sticks of informants observed at Nongoma include painted patterns,
beadwork, and pieces of cloth.
3c. Offensive Fighting Stick (Induku)
For faction fighting and war, there are a number of sticks available. Examples include
the short stabbing spear or iklwa, the swallow-tail axe orisisila senkonjane,
the isizenze axe used by commoners, and the long spear named isijula (Derwent et al.,
1998:86). The knobkerrie, or iwisa andisagila, is also available. Stick fighters,
however, make use of two specific sticks in single combat.
The first stick is the offensive fighting stick, or induku. [EN2] This is a strong stick or
shaft of wood without a knob carved smooth and used specifically for stick fighting.
The length of the induku depends on the physical stature of its owner, but is generally
about 88 centimetres in length. The induku’s circumference increases slightly from
bottom to top, and the extra weight that the head carries enhances the mobility of the
stick during offensive manoeuvres.
The induku is held in the right hand, and used to strike at the opponent’s body and
head. [EN3] A piece of cowhide can be tied around one end of the stick to secure the
fighter’s grip on the weapon, and the whisk of a cow’s tail can be tied around the
bottom ofdoing
the stick
so istonot
hide a sharp point. Although this sharp point canstick
be used for
stabbing, considered appropriate during an honourable fight.
Thabang Senye demonstrating grip on the induku, Pretoria, 1998.

3d. Blocking Stick (Ubhoko)
Ubhoko or blocking stick, is a long, smooth stick that tapers down to a sharp point. As
a defensive weapon, it is skilfully manoeuvred with the wrist of the left hand, and
used to protect the body of a combatant from the opponent’s blows. Although its
length depends on the physical stature of its owner, the ubhoko is meant to ensure
protection from head to foot, and so is notably longer than induku. Ubhoko is
generally about 165 centimetres in length. Like induku,ubhoko’s circumference
increases from the grip upwards.
Although the ubhoko could be used as a stabbing weapon, in a stick fight, protocol
demands that it be used exclusively for the purpose of defence. The action of defence
with ubhoko can be referred to as ukuvika or ukuzihlaba (Mzimela, 1990:12).
3e. Umsila (Short Stick) and Ihawu (Shield)
Another short stick, umsila, is held in the left hand together with ubhoko. Not used for
fighting as such, it is used instead to uphold the small shield, or ihawu, that protects
the left hand. (The umsila runs vertically down the middle of the shield through four
triangular nooses, and tapers to a point.) Fighters in Nongoma maintain that umsila is
also used to protect the face during a stick fight. As an aesthetic accessory, Nongoma
fighters tie strings of antelope skin to the top of umsila.
Ihawu is a relatively small and oval shaped piece of cow skin, held in the left hand.
During Shaka’s regime, warriors were ranked by means of the colour of
the shields they carried (Fighting Sticks, Episode 1 [S.a.]), but this convention is
seemingly not evident in the choice of shields used for stick fighting.
There is no set size for ihawu, although it should be large enough to protect the hand
and wrist, used
and small enough not to ubhoko’s mobility. As a rule, however,
the shield for stick fighting is impede
betweenon
55 centimetres and 63 centimetres long,
and 31 to 33 centimetres wide. A handle big enough to hold two or three fingers (the
index, middle, and ring fingers) is located at the back of the shield, left of the umsila.
Fighters first clutch the handle with two or three fingers before placing ubhoko in the
left hand.
A soft cushion is placed on the inside of the shield to ensure that the hand remains
protected from an opponent’s blows. Traditionally, this cushion was made from
sheepskin, and called igusha. In contemporary times, sponge or other soft material,
named isibhusha, has been utilised as a protective measure inside the ihawu (Zulu,
Interview, 1996).
Thabang Senye demonstrating grip on the umsila and ubhoko, Pretoria, 1998.
4. Traditional Medicine (Intelezi)

4a. Introduction
Traditionally, Zulu stick fighters prepared for a fight using medicine (intelezi)
prepared by a herbalist (inyanga). In contemporary times, the widespread use
of intelezi has been inhibited by changes in the social and religious structure of Zulu
communities (Zulu, 1996). This is probably due to European and missionary
influences.
7
4b. Definition of Intelezi

Krige (1965:329) identifies intelezi as "the generic name for all medicinal charms, the
object of which is to counteract evil by rendering its causes innocuous". Intelezi is
also a collective name for a variety of sprinkling charms. The kind of traditional
medicines used on sticks vary according to specific purposes, and specific ingredients
are necessary for the outcome required (Stewart, Interview, 1996).
Specific intelezi used for stick fighting assist in warding off evil, going into battle at a
psychological and physical advantage, weakening the opponent, and strengthening
sticks.
4c. Rituals (General)
Before battle, Zulu armies underwent cleansing rituals conducted
by inyanga (herbalists) and/or isangoma (diviners). A very important aspect of this
preparation involved the sprinkling of the warriors and their weapons with a
certain intelezi the day before the battle (Stewart, Interview, 1996). Krige (1965:272)
points out that

just before the process
a battle of sprinkling,
commenced. called chela
Krige (1965:272) in Zulu,
provides could also
a detailed take place
description of
the ritual procedures related to the cleansing and strengthening of warriors.
Intelezi is not used exclusively for battles. For example, stick fighters often
use intelezi to strengthen their sticks before accepting a challenge. Reportedly this
increased the strength of the sticks in order to withstand attacks, and multiplied the
impact of the offensive blows (Ntuli, Interview, 1996). Other intelezi can reportedly
cause dizziness, strokes, or impair the vision of an opponent (Mzobe, Interview,
1996). My personal sample ofintelezi prepared by an inyanga in KwaDlangezwa in
December 1998 contained a silvery ingredient said to cause bright flashes to appear
before the opponent’s eyes, thus distracting him and negating his concentration.
4d. Rituals Associated with Stick Fighting

The intelezi rituals used before a stick fight bear a striking resemblance to the rituals
associated with traditional Zulu preparations for warfare. For example, on the day
preceding an umshado or wedding ceremony, sticks are treated with intelezi and left
overnight outside the home (Mbanjwa, Interview, 1996), usually at one end of the
cattle enclosure (Stewart, Interview, 1996).take
When two
at unrelated
the home groups
of men(local
prepare for a clash, the ritual proceedings place of an induna
leader). Again, the sticks are kept in the intelezi until the next morning (Ntuli,
Interview, 1996).
The sample of intelezi obtained by Mnqayi is a brown powder. Details regarding the
application of intelezi are subject to notable differences in opinion, but informants
generally agree that the intelezi is mixed with water and placed in an ordinary clay pot
(Stewart, Interview, 1996). On the morning of the fight, the stick fighters go to the
cattle enclosure, where they make use of the intelezi (Mbanjwa, Interview, 1996).
Vusi Buthelezi
the intelezi (Interview,
is sprinkled 1996),
on the the inyanga
weapons yemithi
in the cattle at Dumazulu,
enclosure explained that of
in acknowledgement
the congregation of ancestors inhabiting the territory. Alternatively, the izinduku are
placed in the intelezi, which is washed onto the weapons with a broom (Mbanjwa,
Interview, 1996) or dipped into the medicine (Ntuli, Interview, 1996). Some fighters
also drink theintelezi.
In a powder form, intelezi may be administered through small incisions in the skin
called ingcabo. This manner of applying intelezi forms part of the fighter’s
preparation for the contest. Buthelezi (Interview, 1996) states that ingcabo are made
on:
• The ankles and wrists so that they are supple.
• On the biceps, for strength.
• On the top of the head, to protect the head from the stick, because stick fighting
is all aimed at a person’s head.
Ingcabo are also made in the fold of the elbow and in the armpit (Mbanjwa, Interview,
1996).
Small quantities of intelezi in powder form are taken orally in small quantities, usually
after mixing it with sugar and then eating the mixture from the palm of the hand. This
method reportedly provides the stick fighter with psychological and physical strength.
During the fight itself, intelezi are put inside a leather band that is tied around the
biceps for the duration of the fight (Fighting Sticks, Episode 2, [S.a.]). Finally, some
stick fighters place the bark of the uphindamshaye climber under their tongues, chew
on it, and then spit it onto the opponent during a fight (Mzobe, Interview, 1996).
4e. Rituals Associated with Sticks
Like fighters, sticks are routinely treated with ritual medicines. For example, the use
of menstrual blood or snake venom is considered a dangerously potent stratagem.
Historically, menstruating Zulu women were considered unclean, and a number of
social taboos had to be respected during the menstruation period (Krige, 1965:82).
The Zulu people believed that a woman lingers in a marginal state of existence during
menstruation; she Personal
does not Communication,
completely surface in lifeInorintelezi
death, relating
but abides in a state of
transition (Clegg, 1996). to stick
fighting, menstrual fluids are combined with a number of other medicinal substances,
and then applied to the sticks. This allegedly renders the opponent’s defence impotent
(Zulu, Interview, 1996). The use of menstrual blood on sticks is known among stick
fighters at Nongoma. However, according to Clegg (Personal Communication, 1996),
this practice is more prominent in the province that was known as Natal prior to the
1994 elections than in the province that was known as KwaZulu before the elections.
Mzobe (Interview, 1996) explains that snake venom, especially that of the mamba and
the cobra, can be utilised as protective medicine for sticks. Medicine relating to the
use of snake venom is termed isibiba (Zulu, Interview, 1996). To paraphrase Mzobe’s
statements, a snake is barbecued and its body ground up, then mixed with fat and
smeared onto the fighting sticks.
4f. Associated Medicinal Plants

To keep opponents from working counter-spells, the exact nature of the medicinal
plants used for intelezi is secret.
Nonetheless, some generalisations are possible. For example, the ingredients generally
consist of a number of herbs and plant extracts, and aninyanga can obtain ingredients
for the medicine from as far afield as Zanzibar (Mzobe, Interview, 1996). To give a
second example, one kind ofintelezi consists of the climber uphindamshaye and
10
the uphind’umuva cut into pieces, then mixed together with a small aloe
named cene and the roots of the uMazwende tree (Buthelezi, Interview, 1996). [EN4]
4g. How Intelezi Are Obtained
Intelezi can be bought from an inyanga. In the past, herbalists were offered cattle for
the service of preparing the medicine to strengthen the sticks of the combatants.
Nowadays money is acceptable as payment for the inyanga’s assistance (Ntuli,
Interview, 1996). Intelezi can still be bought in rural areas of KwaZulu-Natal or
informal trading areas such as taxi ranks. The prices in KwaDlangezwa in 1998
ranged from R400 to R2 000 (about US $40-$200) depending on the availability and
geographical location of medicinal plants, and the sort of plant or animal extracts used
(Mnqayi, Personal Communication 1998). An inyanga can specialise in the field of
fighting intelezi, and be consulted exclusively for such purposes. It is not necessary
for the inyanga to apply the intelezi personally to the sticks or fighter, only to prepare
it.
4h. Summary
Intelezi, or medicine, is intimately associated with traditional Zulu stick fighting.
However, as stated earlier, it seems as if the widespread use ofintelezi has been
inhibited by changes in the social and religious structure of Zulu communities,
possibly due to increased urbanisation and Westernisation.
5. Sparring with Sticks (Ukungcweka)

5a. Introduction
Tyrell and Jurgens (1963:111) point out that Zulu children did not receive much
formal education
"Traditional designed
education to mould
for the themconstitutes
individual for their roles in traditional
a gradual society.
absorption into society
and the acquisition of certain skills and behaviour patterns". In this world, informal
stick fighting was one of the "skills and behaviour patterns" that instructed Zulu males
about the social roles, qualities, and behavioural patterns expected of them. Younger
boys fought with sticks while tending herds, while older boys and young men sparred
publicly at ceremonies and festivals (Mzobe, Interview, 1996). The practice of
sparring with sticks is called ukungcweka, and it differs from a stick fight challenge
(Msimang, 1975:166).
5b. Learning to Spar
From an early age, a Zulu boy was expected to look after cattle in the field, "exploring
his manliness and independence in a world away from parental supervision". Part of
this exploration involved a boy’s fighting his way up to a position of leadership
among the other herders (Tyrell and Jurgens, 1983:11, 115). The way he did this was
by defeating his age mates at sparring with sticks.
The intricate skills of stick fighting and sparring are learned by observation, imitation,
and experience (Stewart, 1996). Very young boys train using switches or small sticks,
11
and they practice their skill with the sticks on trees in preparation for fighting another
boy. Fathers also instruct their little boys in the art by standing on their knees and
sparring with the child (Stewart, Interview, 1996).

5c. Sparring Matches
Sparring can be a daily occurrence amongst the herd boys. No specific amount of time
is set aside for training; it occurs when the situation arises. Nonetheless, boys use
every opportunity to spar and thereby establish their reputations as stick fighters and
thereby prove their manliness.
To"verbal
in incite agymnastics".
sparring match,
TheNdaba (Interview,
competition 1996) states
and sparring does that herd boys
not have often
to take engage
place
according to age groups; older boys can clash arms with younger boys. Although this
could lead to physical bullying, no one is compelled to take part in a game of sparring.
According to Krige (1965:79), the recognised manner of challenging another herd boy
to a sparring match is to tap him on the head with a stick and utter a daring verbal
comment. Comments such as "I am your master" (igqotho) are considered
invitations to a fight. The challenged then either prepares to fight or agrees with the
statement and prevents a fight.
Sparring between herders takes place under strict supervision of the inqwele, or leader
of the herd boys (Ntuli, Interview, 1996). The inqweleassumes his position of
leadership after defeating all the opposition in the area during stick fights. Refinement
of stick fighting skills is encouraged, as the other herders judge the proficiency of the
combatants. An informal audience is thus present during the training process.
There are strict rules governing the sparring exercise. Partners sparring with the sticks
do not aim to hit each other’s heads, and often do not use anihawu (small shield). As
such, a hit to the hand is a foul. Should any of the participants fall down or lose their
12
stick, the sparring stops until sparring partners are on equal footing again. It is not
necessary to use induku or ubhoko, and rough branches of trees are accepted
substitutes for fighting sticks (Msimang, 1975:166). Exclamations indicating an
acknowledgement of a hit (ngiyavuma) or requests to stop the sparring
(khumu ormalushu) are utilised for both sparring and combat, and are strictly adhered
to.
5d. Female Sparring
No matter how important the role of sparring with sticks in the social construction of
masculinity, it is an undesirable skill for females. Should a woman "jump over the
sticks", especially during her menstrual cycle, misfortune is supposed to fall upon the
owner of the sticks (Ntuli, Interview, 1996). Ironically, menstrual blood can be a
potent medicine for strengthening the sticks when applied in conjunction with a
number of other substances (Zulu, Interview, 1996). Nonetheless, Leitch (Fighting
Sticks, Episode 1, [S.a.]) indicates that Zulu women can and will use this martial art
when necessary. If a man has no sons to tend to the cattle, one of his daughters has to
go to the field with the herd boys and she learns to stick fight with them. Tankiso
Mafisa (Personal Communication, 1996) stated that her mother used to tend to cattle
as a young girl, and stick fight with the boys.
6. Competitive Stick Fighting

6a. Playing Sticks (Ukudlalisa Induku)
Competitive stick fighting at festivals is called ukudlalisa induku, or "play sticks" (or
alternatively, ukudlala induku, which roughly translates as "play sticks with you").
Although Msimang (1975:166) argues that by teaching methods, techniques,
manoeuvres, and rules, sparring prepares the boys for fighting in single combat, Zulu
stick fighting is essentially playful in nature.
Schoeman (1975:166) says that playing sticks at festivals such as the iphapu (lung
festival) provide an opportunity for Zulu boys and men to experience first-hand
different strategies, techniques, and rules. Derwent et al. (1998:36) argue that a
challenge to play sticks can only take place at a wedding, but other sources contest
this viewpoint. For example, stick fights challenges have been reported at the first
fruits festivals (Clegg, 1981:8), the installation of a new traditional leader (Larlham,
1985:13), and inter-district fighting (Clegg, 1981:8). Stick fighting also occurs at
social gatherings such as beer drinking (Stewart, Interview, 1996), an imbizo (Zulu,
Interview, 1996), the iphapu festival (Schoeman, 1982:49), courtship (Stewart,
Interview, 1996), and the thomba ceremony (Elliot, 1978:143). These sources do not
indicate the nature of the combat, e.g., whether it was ukungcweka or a challenge.
Stick fighters begin to fight competitively at public ceremonies and social gatherings
at about 18 years of age (Ntuli, Interview, 1996). The youngest fighters are about 15
years old, but it is unusual for a boy to start fighting publicly before he has fully
passed puberty. When a boy reaches puberty, he receives a second name that is
13
indicative of a contribution he made to the community (Stewart, Interview, 1996).

This second name, or isithopo, may be self-composed or granted by peers and parents.
Either way, the second name gradually develops into a personal izibongo that
mediates an individual’s personal and social identity (Brown, 1998:87). This is
mentioned because during a stick fight, the fighter is called by his second name, and
his friends recite the story of how he acquired this second name (Stewart, Interview,
1996; Mzobe, Interview, 1996). Dumisani Mbhense (Personal Communication, 1996)
points out that the recital of praises by the fighter’s peers is an enjoyable aspect of the
action. Consequently,izibongo are statements of friendship among a combatant and his
friends/family.
Leitch (Interview, 1996) points out that stick fighting is considered an activity for the
young. Thus, a man will usually stop fighting in his mid-thirties, by which time he has
earned respect as a proficient stick fighter. Older men assume responsibility for
upholding the fabric of society, and become mentors to the younger men.
Furthermore, to "retire" from stick fighting while your reputation as a fighter is intact
is a means of ensuring that you remain respected as a warrior in your older days.

6b. Surrogate and Professional Stick Fighters
Although Zulu people consider it chivalrous to fight one’s own fight, it is acceptable
to stick fight
younger on behalf
brother of another
who lacks person.
experience Such
in the a person
skill, might who
or someone be anisaggrieved
unable to fight
at the time. For example, a migrant labourer can request a man back at home to fight
on his behalf. As such, he does not have to leave his work to stick fight and settle the
issue at hand (Fighting sticks, Episode 1, [S.a.]).
Stick fighting can also take place on a "professional level". Leitch explains that a
professional stick fighter, or ishinga, travels around in search of stick fights
(Interview, 1996). According to Mzobe (Interview, 1996), the term ishinga refers to a
14
very brave and even rude person. Unlike "social fighters", to use Leitch’s (Interview,
1996) phrasing, an ishinga’s only ambition is to demolish the opposition and earn
another victory as the top stick fighter. His only reward is social recognition. He
normally uses well-worn fighting equipment, and has an unkempt appearance. Men
tend not to fight him, since the element of play is seemingly lacking in the ishinga’s
approach to stick fighting. Mzobe (Interview, 1996) states that in cities such as
Johannesburg, amashinga can fight for prizes or money. However, social stick
fighting normally does not have an economic reward for the participants involved.
7. Rules and Protocols of Stick Fighting

7a. Introduction
Stick fighting takes place at different times, occasions, and places. As information
about technical aspects of Zulu stick fighting appears in The Fight Master, 34: (2),
2001, it will not be repeated here. However, the rules and protocols of stick fighting
deserve some attention.
For the most part, stick fighting takes place outside the cattle enclosure of a
homestead (Ntuli, Interview, 1996). If a stick fight does take place inside the cattle
enclosure, it is a fight among the men of that family, or umuzi. (Other people would
not fight inside another’s cattle enclosure, due to the presence of a family’s ancestors
in the enclosure.) However, should a stick fight be connected to the chief, then the
fight might take place in his cattle enclosure (Stewart, Interview, 1996).
Other than this, there is no space specifically set aside specifically for stick fighting.
Instead, a space is selected to suit the needs of the occasion (Leitch, Interview, 1996).
In urban areas such as Johannesburg, stick fights take place on Friday or Saturday
evenings in the hostels (Ndlangavu as cited by Krog, 1994:42).
7b. The Role of Elders
The action and structure of a stick fight follow a common, recognisable pattern. The
reason is that for Zulus, stick fighting is a gentleman’s game, and specific rules and
protocol govern its practice. Breach of rules or protocol is unacceptable, as it indicates
that the fighter does not have confidence in his own abilities to beat the opponent by
the rules (Ntuli, Interview, 1996). A man only proves his supremacy at stick fighting
in a fair fight, or "impi yamanqanu", where the rules are followed (Derwent, et al.,
1998: 83).
Derwent et al. (1998:63) state that a stick fighter voices a challenge to indicate that he
is ready for fighting. Elders should grant permission for a fight before any challenge is
made. Mbhense (Personal Communication, 1996) calls a challenge "inselelo". At
public ceremonies the warrior captain, or umphathi wezinsizwa, is supposed to
regulate the activities, but induna sometimes fulfil this function (Mbanjwa, Interview,
1996).
15
The person regulating the fight should make sure that the correct sticks are utilised,
that "the weight is the same, that there is no possibility of your adversary being
unduly hurt" (Ndaba, Interview, 1996). His task is thus to ensure that the rules are
followed, and that a fair fight takes place. Warrior captains can remain in command
up to their late forties, and would only engage in a stick fight when forced to assert
their authority (Leitch, Interview, 1996). A man fights his peers, and not someone
significantly younger or older that himself.
7c. The Ukugiya (Solo Display of Skills) and Associated Izibongo (Praises)
and Izigiyo (Chants)
Once people have gathered around the selected space, the stick fighters take turns
demonstrating ukugiya (solo display of stick fighting skills) against imaginary
opponents. Ukugiya derives from fighting in single combat, and is where each
individual can display his own characteristic style (Dalrymple, 1983:160).
Historically, ukugiya prepared fighters psychologically for warfare and reaffirmed the
army’s superior skills, and todayukugiya still takes place before a stick fight (Leitch,
Interview, 1996).
Ukugiya do not follow set floor- or step patterns (Dalrymple, 1983:160), and are
usually accompanied with praises, called izibongo, and war cries and chants,
called izigiyo (Gunner & Gwala, 1994:1). Izigiyo are characterised by a militaristic
phallocentrism, and often liken men to powerful totems such as bulls or lions that are
self-reliant and "fiercely individualistic" (Derwent et al., 1998:70,136).Gunner and
Gwala (1994:230) cite an example:
Igoso: Yaphind’ inkunzi!
Abanye: Yahlaba!
Gunner and Gwala (1994:231) translated this war chant into English:
Leader: The bull came again!
Others: It stabbed!
Credo Mutwa (1992:12) also uses a Zulu izigiyo in his play uosilimela:
Ikhalaphi?
Induku zethu
Sizwa ngothi
Ikhalaphi?
Gunner and Gwala (1994:230) document this chant, too, although their documentation
differs slightly from Mutwa’s in terms of spelling and punctuation. Gunner and
Gwala’s last line also differs from Mutwa’s, reading "Ukuthi Ikhalaphi". Anyway,
their English translation (1994: 231) of this izigiyo reads:
Where does it call from?
16
Our stick?
We can tell by the smell of blood!
Where it calls from!
Izibongo occupy a distinctive cultural space, and served a political function within the
stratified Zulu monarchy (Brown, 1998:50). Izibongo in theukugiya before a stick
fight is understood in relation to izibongo recited at other occasions, but remains
distinctly different from those. For detailed accounts of the various izibongo and
discussion of their social significance, compare Gunner and Gwala (1994) and Brown
(1998).
Izibongo in the ukugiya often link the fighter with a powerful animal. For example,
Shaka’s izibongo often referred to him as lion or elephant (Brown,
1998:98). Izibongo can also associate a fighter with the heroic deeds of his ancestors
(Leitch, Interview, 1996). These observations echo in the izibongo of Siyabonga
Mzobe, recited by himself as an example of the manner in which his friends praise
and encourage him during a stick fight:
Habu, Habu kaluphonjwana,
awumuhlabi, uyamshosholoza.
Thatha mfo kaMzobe,
mbulale!
Mzobe translated the praise as:
Small horns,
you don’t stab him, you are showing him.

Take it son of Mzobe,
kill him!
The ukugiya is therefore a statement of the fighter’s own ethos; a statement of himself
as warrior, a celebration of youthful masculinity, and a display of physical prowess
that can include re-enactment of heroic battles of the past. The praise is not
necessarily serious, but can include comic elements such as jokes and humorous
physical actions intended to amuse onlookers (Leitch, Interview, 1996).
Although
associatedGunner andand
with "war Gwala (1994:1)
martial pointthey
prowess", add izigiyo
out that and ukugiya are
that in contemporary closely
South
African life, "they stress a potential rather than constant all-embracing link with war
and the martial". Thus, the ukugiya is not performed exclusively as an introduction to
physical conflict. Instead, it has transcended its historical roots to become a
celebration of youthful masculinity:
The ukugiya dance is often wild, flamboyant, athletic and even balletic.
It often shows the exuberance and vigour of youth, particularly male
17
youth, rather than harking back to the old martial ties and the days when
men in the regiments (amabutho) performed ukugiya and were praised
after battle. These warlike ties can, however, be called upon, depending
on the context of place and time where the dancing and praising happens
to be. (Gunner and Gwala, 1994:1-2)
The ukugiya still performed before faction fights (Ntuli, Interview, 1996) and stick
fights (Clegg,is1981:10). Its continued use in stick fights is perhaps in recognition of
stick fighting as a form of symbolic warfare.
7d. The Challenge to Fight
Following the performance of a ukugiya, the challenge takes place. Mbhense
(Personal Communication, 1996) calls a challenge inselelo, or "I challenge you to
fight".
The challenge is unambiguous and clearly distinguishable from the action. The
challenge often involves the challenger slowly circling the fighting space while
brandishing his shield, then bounding across the space up to the chosen opponent and
shouting ansi Inkunzi, or "here is the bull" (Derwent et al., 1998:63).
To accept the challenge, a man from the opposite party steps forward, and replies,
"And here’s another bull" or nansen yinkunzi! Another reply
toinselelo is woz’uzithane izinduku or "sticks understood" (Alegi, 1997).
7e. The Contest
Fighters do not rush into an attack after the challenge is accepted. Instead they square
up and exchange blows to the shields, thus giving each other a chance to warm up to
the situation. Stewart (Interview, 1996) believes that the warm-up also gives the
fighters a chance to detect a weakness in their opponents’ defence.
Graham Stewart with shield, in Hluhluwe, 1996
18
The intensity of the action increases after the initial prodding, causing the fight to
escalate (Fighting Sticks, Episode 1, [S.a.]). During this portion of the fight, the men
consciously focus on the weak points of the opposition.
One of the basic rules of a stick fight is that stabbing is not allowed. (Zulu, Interview,
1996). In addition, a club or a stick with a knob is not used in a challenge match
(Ntuli, Interview,
a chance1996).
to pickFurthermore,
if a fighter drops
fighthis
stick, it Sticks
is honourable
give him it up before resuming the ( Fighting , Episodeto1,
[S.a.]). The main aim is to strike the opponent’s head (the action is
termed ukuweqisa). Thus, all the blows delivered to the body attempt to create an
opening in the opponent’s defence, in turn allowing the stick fighter to strike his
opponent’s head.
Foul play includes hitting a man with your shield and tripping him (Zulu, Interview,
1996). If a man falls down, he should not be hit, but rather receive a chance to regain
his composure before the fight continues (Fighting Sticks, Episode 1, [S.a.]).
Frustration or weariness can motivate a combatant to cling to the opponent, or grab
hold of him or his weapons. Such practices are inadmissible in a stick fight. Locking
shields in the air can cause combatants to wrestle rather than stick fight, and should be
avoided.
7f. Introducing on-traditional Methods into a Stick Fight
Although Ntuli (Interview, 1996) believes that techniques from other martial arts can
be incorporated in a fighter’s technique, the consensus is that stick fighters should
maintain the style of stick fighting by conforming to the techniques specific to the art.
Stick fighters are thus concerned with the style of their discipline, and should not
incorporate techniques foreign to the style as a means of defeating the opponent
(Stewart, Interview, 1996).
7g. Determining the Winner
A stick fight ends when one of the combatants is severely beaten or when the first
blood is drawn (Stewart, Interview, 1996). The fighting is stopped by
the inqwele (Ntuli, Interview, 1996), the induna (Mbanjwa, Interview, 1996), the
warrior captain, or the elders (Fighting sticks, Episode 1, [S.a.]). According to
Msimang (1975:166), combatants can also stop the fighting by exclaiming khumu, "it
is enough", or maluju, meaning "hold it". The victor should accept the surrender with
humility, as a "recognition of limit and self-restriction in spite of the moment of
triumph" (Ndaba, Interview, 1996). Ndaba further points out that the victor should
also take into consideration that the triumph is his, because of the opponent. As such,
stick teaches participants sportsmanship, e.g., how to win or lose with grace.
7h. Injuries
The injuries sustained in a stick fight can be quite severe, and typically involve broken
wrists and ribs (Leitch, Interview, 1996). First aid consists of placing cow manure
(Shakaland, Home-video recording, 1996) or a handful of earth on a wound (Elliot,
19
1978:144). Should the victor have inflicted a wound on the loser’s head, he
accompanies the loser to the river or any source of water, and helps him to wash his
wounds as a token of goodwill (Leitch, Interview, 1996). Neither hostility nor
resentment remains after a stick fight.
Although stick fighters never intend to kill a man in a stick fight, Mzobe (Interview,
1996) recalled how a small boy accidentally killed and
another with aboy
blow
didtonot
thereceive
temple.
The inqwele was held responsible for the incident, the small
punishment. Clegg (1981:9) points out that adults are also not taken to court if a man
is killed in a stick fight, but Mbanjwa (Interview, 1996) contradicts his statement.
8. Stick Fighting and the Larger Community

8a. Inter-District Stick Fights (Umgangela)
8a. (1). Background
Under Zulu rule, KwaZulu-Natal was divided into various regions, districts, and inter-
district areas under the rule of the king, chiefs, paramount chiefs, local chiefs, and
headmen (Clegg, 1991:8). This traditional organisation was a fertile breeding ground
for competition and rivalry. Feuds about the possession of land inflamed tension
between leaders, and disputes over territory were settled by means of stick fighting
(Leitch, Interview, 1996). Stick fighting was thus a method of defending a group’s
territory, and asserting its boundaries.
Clegg, in reference to the Thembu clan of the Natal Midlands, argues that traditional
districts were no longer practically in use after the arrival of European farmers in the
late nineteenth century. Nonetheless, Zulus still operated within their traditional
territorial boundaries. Limited offers of employment on the farms created further
tensions regarding the occupation of traditional land among the indigenous people,
perpetuating the practice of stick fighting into the present (1981:9).
Although such classical expressions of command and land distribution have officially
been replaced by European structures, a strong sense of competition between
traditional districts remains prevalent in the Natal Midlands (Clegg, 1981:8).
Traditional leaders in KwaZulu still exert influence over their communities and
competition between regional leaders is common (Zulu, Interview, 1996). The
imaginary boundaries of traditional territories are still maintained as a "conceptual
construct", or what Clegg (1981:9) terms "phantom districts".
While Clegg specifically directs his study towards the Thembu clan in the Natal
Midlands, the notion of "phantom districts" is equally applicable to clans living in the
Nongoma area. Zulu (Interview, 1996) identifies areas in and surrounding Nongoma
with names different to the official names available. These "phantom" areas are
further recognised by the appearance of landmarks and the characteristics of the
landscape (Clegg, 1981:9; Zulu, Interview, 1996).
20
Clegg states that inter-district tensions were traditionally expressed during social
rituals involved with the spring festival and weddings (1981:8-9). Schechner
(1985:230) supports the origin of ritual in conflict:
In both animals and humans rituals arise or are devised around
disruptive, turbulent, and ambivalent interactions where faulty
communication
interactions thatcan
leadsurround,
to violentcontain,
or evenand
fatalmediate
encounters. ...The
rituals almost always
concern hierarchy, territory, and sexuality
Stick fighting serves as a social ritual that redirects the potentially dangerous
interactions between people in hierarchical or territorial conflicts: "In the classic
system these tensions [competition between districts] were expressed and contained in
certain rituals. ...One of the most important elements in expressing and containing
inter-district competition was theumgangela" (Clegg, 1981:8).
Manzabelayo Zulu and Dukubonge Shongwe sparring in ongoma, 1996.

8a. (2). The Umgangela
The umgangela is a highly organised, "pre-arranged inter-district stick fighting
match" with set rules. Clegg (1981:8) suggests that the umgangela as social ritual,
although expressing a violent subtext, actually contains and controls the potential
violence. Stick fighting thus "sublimates violence", in Schechner’s terms, providing a
socially sanctioned release for aggression while strengthening and reaffirming the
social fabric of the society. Stick fighting is thus an endless postponement of violence,
enacting or channelling violence in such a way as not to endanger the immediate
social environment. Potential antisocial impulses are transformed into an interactive
and constructive process of socialisation.
The inter-district umgangela incorporates various layers of meaning within a well-
known structure. Clegg (1981:9) states that such an umgangelatakes place during the
summer (e.g., between November and January). At an inter-district umgangela, men
from the same region wear costume pieces to identify them as belonging to a certain
21
region. Costume thus makes a statement about a group’s social solidarity, and can
manifest itself in many forms, from sashes to hairstyles. Zulu (Interview, 1996) states
that men from the same region should display something identical in their way of
dressing for the event. Stick fighters of a region may take a collective name as a
means of identification. Informants at Nongoma use the collective name Mshanelo, or
broom, as a metaphor for fighting prowess (Zulu, Interview, 1996). Additionally,
fighting sticks may be decorated to co-ordinate with the men’s clothing.
Three or four districts may be represented at the inter-district umgangela, forming
"companies of men singing and shouting their war cries" (Clegg, 1981:9). The stick
fight takes place on a predetermined space at an agreed date. Clegg explains that the
war captains of the districts (known to each other) come together and lead the
companies into rhythmic movements, thus displaying their district’s potential ability
to conquer. They also make a symbolic statement about going into other districts and
courting the sisters of the men in the conquered district.
Next, well-known stick fighters from each district break away from the group and
perform their ukugiya, or ritual solo combat. Should a fighter do an
impressive ukugiya, he is unlikely to be challenged. However, the ukugiya can also
give clear indications of the shortcomings of a warrior’s technique or display habitual
actions that provide clues as to how he can be beaten. As soon as a weakness is
noticed, an opponent challenges the warrior by walking up to him during the course of
the ukugiya (Clegg, 1981:9). In theory, normal etiquette applies, but Clegg (1981:9)
mentions that inter-district stick fights can take place in long lines of 40-50 people
(imigangela), where it is difficult to maintain the ethos of stick fighting.
Manzabelyo Zulu and Dukubonge Shongwe posing in their team costumes for the
umgangela, 1996.
8a (3). Spectators and Officials
22
Spectators are always present during stick fights to acknowledge what happened
(Mbanjwa, Interview, 1996), and to judge if the fight was fair (Fighting sticks,
Episode 1, [S.a.]). Although spectators play an integral role in the proceedings of a
stick fight, they are not to interfere with the fighting.
Spectators consist mainly of men and young unmarried women in traditional attire
(Mamthetwa as citedshow
by Zulu, Interview, 1996).of
Men whistle, women ululate, and the
spectators generally a verbal appreciation exciting actions (Zulu, Interview,
1996). The reaction of spectators can enhance the performance of the fighters, and the
fight is followed with great enthusiasm (Leitch, Interview, 1996).
Although the duties of the warrior captains, or umphathi wensiswa, include
maintaining order during the fights (Leitch, 1996), Clegg (1981:9-14) believes that
the umgangela cannot contain the tension between the districts. This can lead to
violent encounters; hence the development of theisishameni style of dancing, which is
today a more socially acceptable expression of conflict in KwaZulu-Natal. Leitch
(Interview, 1996), with reference to KwaZulu, is of the opinion that the escalating
violence in contemporary Zulu society is a direct result of the decline in the practice
of stick fighting. Faction fighting can be seen as a modern manifestation of tensions
between parties, but is by no means an acceptable method of resolving conflict
through physical interaction (Ntuli, Interview, 1996).
8a. (4). How Umgangela Differ from Faction Fights
The ritual combat of an umgangela is significantly different from faction fighting,
during which induku and ubhoko are utilised as real weapons. Moreover, faction
fights are not governed by the same rules as a stick fight: in faction fights, the
intention is to cause harm and the fight erupts as an expression of aggression (Ntuli,
Interview, 1996).
Leitch (Interview, 1996) indicates that since there is little restraint on the use of
weapons in a faction fight, participants are not restricted to the use
of induku and ubhoko. In contrast, Zulu (Interview, 1996) emphasises that no
"meanness" should be involved in district fighting; the umgangela is an opportunity
for "playing" and "peaceful fighting", and determining who the best fighter in the
region is.
Ntuli (Interview, 1996) recalls that in his youth, "tribal wars" in the Gingingdlovo-
Dokodweni (KwaZulu) area assumed the form of a stick fight.Regional stick fighting
is still prevalent today in the Nongoma area (Zulu, Interview, 1996). Stick fights
between people of Mtunzini and Durban also take place (Mbanjwa, Interview, 1996),
although traditionally stick fighting was not as prominent in Natal as in KwaZulu
(Clegg, Personal Conversation, 1996).
In any event, faction fights are armed brawls, whereas inter-district stick fighting is
consciously a game, loaded with symbolism familiar to both the fighters and the
observers.
23
8b. Stick Fighting and Rites of Passage

8b. (1). Introduction
Most societies have rites of passage that are regarded as the "passport to adult status"
(Elliot, 1978:142). Mlotshwa (1988:5) states that such rites of passage indicate the
transition from one set of socially identified circumstances to another. They are
concerned with personal development, and include the celebration of transitional
stages in life such as birth, puberty, marriage, and death.
8b. (2). The Thomba (Male Puberty) Ceremony
In Zulu society, the thomba or male puberty ceremony marks the "attainment of
physical maturity, and the occasion is a very important one both for the individual and
for his kraal [village]" (Mahlobo & Krige, 1934:166). Elliot (1978:142) is of the
opinion that a puberty rite is not only significant in terms of its social function, but is
also pivotal in a young man’s spiritual development. Stick fighting is a prominent
element of male puberty rites, and so forms part of the symbolic passage of a male to
the adult world. However, since Mahlobo & Krige (1934:166-181) analyse
the thombaceremony in detail, for the purposes of this article, a brief overview of
selected aspects of the ceremony is all that is necessary.
The thomba ceremony starts after a boy experiences his first nocturnal emission, thus
providing concrete evidence that he is entering a new phase of his life (Elliot,
1978:143). The boy follows a customary, set procedure to announce the event
publicly. Firstly, he gets up before dawn, secretly steals his father’s cattle, and drives
the herd to a place where they will not be easily located. The father, on noticing the
missing cattle and son, announces the news and prepares the appropriate intelezi for
the
andevent. Secondly,
join the thethe
cattle with boy’s peers
stolen follow
herd. the example
As soon of is
as the boy stealing
found,their fathers’
the area cattle
around
his stomach is smeared with "crab mud" and he must swim in nearby water
(Mkhonza, 1984:19). Thirdly, the cattle must be found. Although Elliot (1978:143)
acknowledges that differences exist among various clans, the observation provided is
in accordance with the account given by Bryant (1949:654).
According to Elliot (1978:143), the first attempt to reclaim the cattle involves sending
girls of the local kraals to return the boys and cattle home. Both girls and boys carry
sticks and shields, and a stick fight erupts between the sexes. Gender roles are clearly
delineated in the Zulu society, and stick fighting belongs to the sphere of the man
(Ndaba, Interview, 1996). Since the socially ascribed gender role for women does not
include warfare or martial arts (Ndaba, Interview, 1996), it is highly unusual to find
instances where women wield the sticks. The thomba ceremony serves as an example
of such an exception to the rule.
The fight presumably takes place in the space selected to hide the cattle. Elliot
(1978:143) insists that the girls observed were experts with the fighting sticks,
24
although they were eventually beaten in combat by the boys and chased home. Bryant,
however, describes quite a different outcome of events:
the girls, armed with their switches, were mustered and despatched to
bring both cows and truant back. A brisk battle, in which sticks were
liberally used all round, naturally ensued out on the veld between the
rival sexes; butthem
sooninthe bigger girls gotall
boys and cows together on the
run and drove one big scamper back home.
Ritter (1957:16) states that both sticks and switches were employed in such a battle.
Elliot (1978:143) argues that whipping switches were traditionally used, but were
replaced by fighting sticks. On the supposedly rare occasion that the girls won, the
boy reaching puberty was labelled a weakling (Elliot, 1978:143). Mahlobo & Krige
(1934:157-1181) do not give an account of any practice similar to the fighting girls. It
is thus difficult to determine whether the custom has its origin in ancient traditions, or
whether it is a relatively modern development. Leitch (Interview, 1996) maintains that
it is very seldom that girls fight the boys at a contemporary thomba ceremony, due to
the decline of attention to the intricate details of the ritual.
Sotho men playing with sticks during a ceremony that celebrates the transition to
manhood. (The youths sit in front of the men, and are not visible in the photo.) Sotho
sparring is distinct from Zulu stick fighting.
If
to the girls
fetch didcattle
their not succeed in A
and boys. recovering
stick fightthe stolen cattle,
between the boystheand
fathers of the
the men kraals
then go
takes
place, usually with devastating consequences for the inexperienced boys. Once back
at home, the boy undergoing the thombaceremony is given intelezi and beer drinking
begins. Further rituals take place over a number of days, and throughout the rest of the
ceremony, the boy is constantly instructed on the appropriate patterns of social
behaviour (Elliot, 1978:144).
25
It appears that participants in the ceremony are fully aware of the symbolic nature of
their interactions. Furthermore, the playful subtext of the fighting actions is evident at
all times. The boys are presumably engaged in sparring rather than actual stick
fighting.
8b. (3). The Iphapu (Lung) Festival
During the iphapu (lung festival), stick fighting manifests itself in a highly organised
format (Schoeman, 1982: 51).
Schoeman explains that participation in the iphapu festival is the sole privilege of
herd boys. Herd boys are unmarried men and boys ranging in age from about 7-25
years. When a kraal slaughters a cow, certain parts of the beast are reserved for the
herd boys only (1982:48). These parts include the heart, lungs (iphapu), and smaller
fleshy parts of the animal such as the ears, spleen, and upper lip (Msimang,
1975:167). The lungs and the best meat received are not eaten in the kraal, but are
taken away by the senior boy to a space specifically selected for the lung festival
(Schoeman, 1982:48).
Strict criteria govern the selection of a suitable space. Schoeman (1982:48) identifies
some of the determining factors. Firstly, the space should be located in an area high
enough to keep a watchful eye on the surrounding area and possible enemies.
Secondly, the space chosen should accommodate the need for privacy and safety of
participants. Msimang (1975:166) points out that the area should be suitably private to
play the game of stick fighting without being disturbed by the women of the kraal.
Thirdly, a substantial amount of rocks should be available. The rocks are to be shifted
around in order to produce a sound that is clearly audible throughout the surrounding
area.
The sound functions as an invitation to the iphapu festival for other herd boys of the
area. The boys drive their herds of cattle in the direction of the sound, and once
assembled at the designated space, the younger boys are sent to collect wood for a
fire. The boys barbecue the lungs, cut them into pieces, and distribute the pieces for
consumption among the participants. Meanwhile, the izingqwele (senior boys) stuff
the pleura with choice meat. The pleura are barbecued exclusively for
the ingqwele (leader of the herd boys), and juniors only get a taste if a piece of the
meat is offered to them as a reward for courage or bravery (Schoeman. 1882:48-
49). Next they barbecue the heart of the animal, cut it to pieces, and divide the meat
between the izingqwele (senior herd boys). Schoeman (1982:49) clarifies the action by
providing a technical description of the procedure involved in eating the heart.
During the iphapu ceremony, juniors can challenge the leadership of their seniors.
Boys from throughout the area gather to witness a challenge and acknowledge the
victor as leader (Msimang, 1975:166). A challenge occurs within an accepted
structure of events. Placing fat from the piece of lung reserved for the izingqwele on a
stick and daring boys to take it away and eat it constitutes a challenge. The senior is
expected to accept the challenge. Boys other than the most senior can turn down or
26
ignore a challenge, unless the challenge is directed toward them by name, but by
doing so, they acknowledge the current izingqwele as the undisputed leader
(Schoeman, 1982:50-51). The izingqwele can also invent a reason for a youngster to
go and see if all is well with the cattle. Upon his return, the youngster is told that
another boy made inflammatory statements about him, or about his mother’s private
parts. The statements might well have been made, but are very likely a fabrication. In
either case, the boy is morally obliged to accept the challenge and initiate a fight.
A stick fight at the iphapu festival continues until a combatant emerges as the victor
(Schoeman, 1982:50-51) or until one of the pair exclaims "khumu!" (Msimang,
1975:166), meaning, "It is enough". The spectators are fully involved in the fight, and
the participants are enthusiastically encouraged and well-executed blows receive
praise. Afterwards, the victor receives praise and applause from the whole
congregation of boys, while the loser is subjected to playful jests and laughter.
Organised raids on the herds of cattle belonging to neighbouring kraals also take place
during the lung festival. The intention of these raids is never to steal cattle. Instead,
the intention is to create a playful scenario that provides a motivation for a stick fight.
These cattle raids have the potential of involving a large number of boys and young
men in what is essentially a game of tactics. Firstly, a group of spies is selected from
the younger boys participating in the festivities. The spies are then dispatched to
establish when and how the raid will take place. The ingqwele may even accompany
the boys on this expedition. Secondly, the cattle are brought to the grazing fields of
the attackers. When the cattle are found missing, the victims arrive en masse to claim
back their cattle, with the result being a stick fight. Should the victims lose the stick
fight, then their cattle are not returned to them. Instead, they have to seek the
assistance of older men, who negotiate with the attackers. The older men are supposed
to be embarrassed by the actions of the youngsters, and will scold them thoroughly
before attempting to retrieve the cattle. The cattle are given back to the men
immediately upon their arrival, and the victims return home while enduring joking
remarks from the attackers (Schoeman, 1982: 49-52).
After engagement in the necessary action, the cattle thieves return to their home kraal,
where the rest of the meat (ears, lip and spleen) is eaten and washed down with Zulu
beer (Msimang, 1975:166). It is highly probable that yet another fight between groups
of boys will erupt after the general feasting back at home.
Schoeman (1982:52) claims that the highly structured and hierarchical nature of the
programme gives rise to an almost political organisation among the herd boys.
Authority flows down from the senior ingqwele to the izingqwele, and from
the izingqwele to the ordinary herd boys. The organisation, the power structures, and
the negotiations required following cattle raids are simply reflections of the power
structures existing in the wider community.
27
Dukubonge Shongwe showing the cushions (isibusha) inside the shield.

8c. Courtship
Traditional Zulu courting custom dictates that a boy should discover where the girl he
admires collects water, and "waylay" her on her way to or from the water. A girl,
or intombi, can accept or reject the boy’s advances by changing her customary route
to the water. Should she have another admirer, then the boys may test their skill in
stick fighting in an attempt to win her favour (Stewart, Interview, 1996). Ntuli
(Interview, 1996) points out that the girl would always be present to observe the
outcome of such a fight.
According to Stewart (Interview, 1996), the outcome of this contest might further
develop into a fight between two groups of boys. This is most likely to occur if the
loser is seriously aggrieved, or wishes to challenge the outcome of the fight. The loser
will inform hisThe

performance. friends about
loser’s the fight,
friends mightand
wellprovide a handy
be aware excuse
that the forishis
excuse weak
fictional,
since it is generally accepted that the better stick fighter should win a stick fight.
However, they willingly suspend their disbelief in order to have an opportunity to
stick fight. The victor anticipates the loser’s actions, and in turn, notifies his friends
about the fight that took place. Both parties then patiently wait for an appropriate
opportunity (such as a wedding) to engage in a clash of arms, one party to restore its
28
friend’s honour and impress the intombi, the other to again prove its superiority and
impress the intombi.
Ntuli (Interview, 1996) believes that many stick fights are caused by rivalry for
female attention. Stewart (Interview, 1996) points out that should a boy be too shy to
confront a girl with his amorous advances, his sister or a female friend can come to
his assistance
withand
court the girl on his behalf. The female will dress in male attire,
complete induku, ubhoko, and ihawu. She might display arrogance or aggression
(associated with masculine behaviour), and might even stick fight, although not to the
extent that a boy would.
Additionally, a young man or boy might carry a stick heavily decorated with
beadwork as an indication that he is interested in a particular girl. The stick is not
utilised for fighting purposes, although it is carried with his fighting sticks
(Shakaland, Home-video recording, 1996).
8d. The Umshado (Wedding) Ceremony
A Zulu wedding is a public event that takes place over a period of about three days
(Dalrymple, 1983:121). It involves specific rituals in various stages of the ceremony
that Dalrymple (1983:121-194) and Bryant (1949:533-604) have described in detail.
Therefore, I will only pay attention to the role that stick fighting plays in the occasion.
Nowadays stick fighting often takes place before a wedding ceremony to settle any
disputes between parties (Larlham, 1985:6). However, Mbanjwa (Interview, 1996)
and Dalrymple (1983:131) indicate that stick fighting can also take place after the
wedding ceremony. For example, the last afternoon of the wedding observed by
Dalrymple (1983:121-131) concluded with older men drinking beer in the cattle
enclosure while younger men fought with sticks.

Ntuli (Interview, 1996) indicates that stick fighting is an expected part of a Zulu
wedding, and that participants will engage in a fight even if there are no disputes to be
settled. Accordingly, men attend the wedding fully prepared for a stick fight. Young
men might also decorate their bodies and their hair with beadwork, or dress up in
beautiful pants and string vests to impress the girls present. Mzobe (Interview, 1996)
notes that to this day, Zulu men often dress in traditional attire for a wedding, and
even hire the appropriate clothes if they do not possess their own.
Stick fighting takes place at a wedding to impress the girls and to build a reputation as
ainterested
stick fighter of calibre
in another (Leitch,
man’s Interview,
girlfriend 1996).a A
to provoke man
fight might even
(Shakaland pretend to be
, Home-video
recording, 1996). Alternatively, a man might intentionally overdress and appear very
arrogant in order to anger other men (Stewart, Interview, 1996).
It seems that people at the wedding are aware of the playful dynamics operating in the
attempts to provoke a stick fight, and go along with the game. Zulu (Interview, 1996)
sees a wedding as an opportunity to "play umgangela", suggesting that the action is
not an overly serious competition between men.
29
As always, a suitable space for the fighting is selected. This space must be in view of
the wedding party, but not disturbing the proceedings. The warrior captain chooses the
ground, usually situated on a hillside that overlooks the wedding. (Although level
ground is preferable, steep slopes will not prevent a stick fight from taking place.) The
place at which a stick fight happens is termed umgangelo, and spectators delineate its
space by forming a human circle big enough to accommodate the action (Leitch,
Interview, 1996).
To ensure correct protocol, the fighting takes place under the supervision of the
warrior captains or leaders of the group. There is a specific structure in the flow of
events. Firstly, people gather around the selected space and the men take turns
to ukugiya. Larlham (1985:6) states that the performance of a ukugiya serves as a
challenge to any man who wishes to display his prowess as a stick fighter. Dalrymple
(1983: 160), however, indicates that a person who disrupts an ukugiyaat a Zulu
wedding risks a stick fight. After the performance of a ukugiya, the challenge takes
place.
Johannes Bofelo, on right, during a Sotho ceremony celebrating the boy’s transition
to manhood. (Bofelo was not an initiate, but the person who performed the surgery.)
Mzobe (Interview, 1996) points out that a man could challenge another by teasing
him. At his sister’s wedding in 1995, Mzobe’s peers jokingly remarked that his lean
physique would hinder him in a stick fight. Mzobe accepted this challenge in an
attempt to prove his fighting skills. The challenge is unambiguous and clearly
distinguishable from the action.
30
To begin the stick fight, a man from the opposite party accepts the challenge by taking
a step forward. The resulting fight can incorporate comical elements designed to
entertain the spectators and infuriate the opponent (Leitch, Interview, 1996). The
reactions of the spectators vary according to the course that the fight takes. The
spectators exclaim their delight at a good manoeuvre and watch quietly as the fight
grows serious. Ululating girls assist in building the excitement, and perform their
stamping dance (ukuggiza) (Larlham, 1985:8), thus encouraging the fighters to prove
their superiority at stick fighting. As soon as a man is defeated, another from the
opposition takes the stage. A great number of men can partake in the stick fighting
depending on the following of the bridal parties (Stewart, Interview, 1996). Leitch
(Interview, 1996) indicates that five or six hundred men can be engaged in the
fighting, without any fatalities occurring.
Stick fighting at weddings has been discouraged of late, due to the serious nature of
the injuries that might occur. Mafisa (Personal Communication, 1996) states that stick
fighting at Zulu weddings is no longer a common practice, and only occurs in the rural
areas.
9. Conclusion
Traditional stick fighting, as performed in the rural areas of KwaZulu-Natal, continues
to serve as a process of socialisation, and to transmit the social norms of the
community in which it operates. In recent years, stick fighting has become politicised
to the extent that this practice, which once played an instrumental role in building the
pride of the Zulu nation, has come to be regarded with contempt or suspicion by
some. Contemporary practices of stick fighting such as occurs in the hostels of mines,
in the parks of Johannesburg, or in the competitive team sport played by men
travelling to countries such as Japan, is a faint echo of the art’s traditional richness
and social importance. In a country historically associated with the violation and
exploitation of indigenous cultures in all spheres of life, vibrant arts such as Zulu,
Pedi, Xhosa, Sotho or Ndebele stick fighting are long awaiting the recognition and
respect that these arts deserve: fighting arts that are uniquely, and proudly, South
African.
Bibliography
ALEGI, P. 1997. Umlando Wemidlalo Emasendulo Eningizimu Afrika: The pre-
colonial origin of soccer’s popularity in modern South Africa.
http://people.bu.edu/palegi/imidlalo.html.
BECKER, P. 1964. Rule of fear: the life and times of Dingane king of the
Zulu. London: Longmans.
BOFANA, M. 1997. Personal communication by Monica Bofana, domestic worker,
Goedgedacht farm, Fochville, South Africa, January 29.
31
BROWN, D. 1998. Voicing the text: South African oral poetry and performance.
Cape Town: Oxford University Press.
BRYANT, A.T. 1949. The Zulu people: as they were before the White Man came .
Pietermaritzburg: Shuter & Shooter.
BUTHELEZI, V. 1996. Interview with Vusi Buthelezi, Herbalist, Dumazulu, South
Africa.
CLEGG, J. 1981. Towards an understanding of African dance: the
Zulu isishameni style. Unpublished paper, Symposium on Ethnomusicology, Rhodes
University.
CLEGG, J. 1996. Personal telephone communication by Johnny Clegg, University of
Zululand.
DALRYMPLE, L. 1983. Ritual performance and theatre with special reference to
Zulu ceremonial. MA thesis, University of Natal, Durban.
DERWENT, S. Leitch, B., De La Harpe, R., and De La Harpe, P. 1998. Zulu. Cape
Town: Struik Publishers.
ELLIOT, A. 1978. Sons of Zulu. Johannesburg: Collins.
GUNNER, L. & GWALA, M. 1994. Musho: Zulu popular praises. Second edition.
Johannesburg: Witwatersrand University Press.
KAVANAGH, R. M. (ed.). 1992. South African people's plays: ons phola hi .
Johannesburg: Heinemann.
KRIGE, E. J. 1965. The social system of the Zulus. Second edition. Pietermaritzburg:
Shuter & Shooter.

KROG, A. 1994. Stokveg. Die Suid Afrikaan, October: 42-43.
LABAND, J. 1995. Rope of sand. Jeppestown: Jonathan Ball Publishers.
LARLHAM, P. 1985. Black theatre, dance and ritual in South Africa. Michigan: UMI
Research Press.
LEITCH, B. [S.a.]. Fighting sticks. Video. SABC Production.
LEITCH, B. 1996. Zulu stick fighting. Personal interview. Umhlali, South Africa.
MAFISA, T. 1996. Personal communication by Tankiso Mafisa, Honours student,
University of Zululand.
MAHLOBO, G.W.K. & KRIGE, E.J. 1934. Transition from childhood to adulthood
amongst the Zulus. Bantu Studies, VIII (2), June: 157-191.
MBANJWA, M. 1996. Zulu stick fighting. Personal interview. Mtunzini, South
Africa.
MBHENSE, D. 1996. Interview with Dumisani Mbhense, third year student,
32
MKHONZA, M.F. 1984. A brief analysis of Zulu drama. Honours thesis, University
of Zululand.
MLOTSHWA, N. 1984. A study of diverging and converging points between ritual
drama and contemporary drama with special reference to Zulu rituals. Honours thesis,
MNQAYI, P. 1998. Ukungcweka. Personal explorations. University of Zululand.
MSIMANG, C. 1975. Kusadliwa ngoludala. Pietermaritzburg: Shuter & Shooter.
MUTHWA, C. 1992. uNosilimela. In: Kavanagh, R. M. (ed.). South African people's
plays: ons phola hi. Johannesburg: Heinemann: 5-61.
MZIMELA, B.M. 1990. A brief survey of Zulu warfare vocabulary and its literary
contribution to the Zulu language. Unpublished research essay, University of
Zululand.
MZOBE, S. 1996. Zulu stick fighting. Personal interview. University of Zululand.
NDABA, J. 1996. Zulu stick fighting. Personal interview. University of Zululand.
NTULI, J. H. 1996. Zulu stick fighting. Personal interview. University of Zululand.
POOLEY, E. 1993. The complete field guide to the trees of atal, Zululand and
Transkei. Durban: Natal Flora Publications.
RITTER, E. A. 1960. Shaka Zulu: the rise of the Zulu empire. London: Longmans.
SCHECHNER, R. 1985. Performance studies. London: Routledge.
SHAKALAND. 1996. Zulu stick fighting. Home-video recording.
SCHOEMAN,
Universiteit vanH.S. 1982. Spel in die kultuur van sekere atalse guni. Pretoria:
Suid-Afrika.
SOTHO, Lebhulo. 1997. Personal observation, Goedgedacht farm, Fochville, 29
January.
STEWART, G. 1996. Zulu stick fighting. Personal interview. Hluhluwe, South
Africa.
TYRELL, B. & JURGENS, P. 1983. African heritage. Johannesburg: Macmillan
South Africa.
WERNER, A. 1933. Africa: myths and legends. London: George G Harrap & Co.
ZULU, M. 1996. Zulu stick fighting. Personal interview. Nongoma, South Africa.
Information was also obtained by observing informal stick fights whilst based at the
University of Zululand (1994-2000).
End notes
EN1. Providing Western names for these trees is problematic, as amongst other
difficulties, the names vary according to regions and dialects.uMquambathi, or protea
33
roupellia, is commonly known as the silver sugarbush. It is found in Zululand and the
Transkei (Pooley, 1993:86).uMazwende, or artabotrys monteiroae, is commonly
found in northern Zululand, where it is known as the red hook-berry tree (Pooley,
1993:94).uMazwende can also refer to the uMazwende-omlhope tree,
or monanthotaxis craffa, which is renowned for its magical properties. This latter tree
is commonly called the dwaba berry (Pooley, 1993:94). The ibelendlovu tree, kigela
africana, is popularly identified as the sausage tree. Its wood is not very hard, but it is
tough (Pooley, 1993:94). uMphahla is a tree from the Brachylaena species,
and umthathe or ptaeroxylon obliquum is generally referred to as the sneezewood tree
(Pooley, 1993:448). Available Western botanical resources do not list uMunquma.
EN2. The induku is also called umshiza, umzaca, isikhwili, isiqwayi, imviko,
and umqambathi, depending on the regional discourse (Mzimela, 1990:21). For
example, informants in Nongoma favour the name isikhwili, while informants in
Mtunzini and Hluhluwe favour the name induku.
EN3. The action of striking with induku can be
called ukugadla, ukushaya, ukubhonya, ukuqunsula, or ukuvithiza (Mzimela,
1990:21).
EN4. uPhindamshaye, or the adenia gummifera, is a poisonous climber often used for
medicinal purposes (Pooley, 1993:338). The phind’umuva is an unfamiliar species of
plant, identified as a creeper by Buthelezi (Interview, 1996). Cene seems to be a
generalised term indicative of a number of small aloes.
About the Author

Dr. Marié-Heleen Coetzee lectures at the drama department of the University of
Pretoria in stage movement, educational drama and theatre, and drama and film
studies. She was previously on faculty at the University of Zululand (1994-2000).
Whilst based in Zululand, her research focused on the cultural-anthropological and
physical dynamics of Zulu stick fighting and its application to theatre. Most of her
research on the cultural-anthropological aspects of stick fighting was conducted and
documented between 1995-1996 as part of the research project "Playing Sticks: An
Exploration of Zulu stick fighting as performance". She has addressed national and
international conferences on her field of study, taught at national and international
stage combat workshops, and published academically. Additionally, she has directed,
performed in, and choreographed various theatrical productions. She serves on the
executive board of the South African Performers’ Voice and Movement Educators
(SAPVAME) and on the Artistic Advisory Committee of the International
Organisation of the Sword and the Pen (IOSP). She initiated and organizes the annual
"Rendezvous South Africa!" international stage combat workshops.

Zulu Stick Fighting

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

You might also like

Zulu Stick Fighting

Uploaded by

Document Information

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

Zulu Stick Fighting

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

7/27/2019 Zulu Stick Fighting

Zulu Stick Fighting A Socio-Historical

Copyright © Marié-Heleen Coetzee 2002. All rights reserved.

2. Social Uses of Zulu Stick Fighting

Dumazulu stick fighters in Hluhluwe area, 1996.

Long past its and

3. Zulu Fighting Sticks (Izinduku)

Thabang Senye demonstrating grip on the induku, Pretoria, 1998.

4. Traditional Medicine (Intelezi)

4b. Definition of Intelezi

points out that

Dumazulu stick fighters in Hluhluwe area, 1996.

4d. Rituals Associated with Stick Fighting

Dumazulu stick fighters in Hluhluwe area, 1996.

4f. Associated Medicinal Plants

5. Sparring with Sticks (Ukungcweka)

Dumazulu stick fighters in Hluhluwe area, 1996.

6. Competitive Stick Fighting

indicative of a contribution he made to the community (Stewart, Interview, 1996).

Dumazulu stick fighters in Hluhluwe area, 1996.

7. Rules and Protocols of Stick Fighting

you don’t stab him, you are showing him.

Graham Stewart with shield, in Hluhluwe, 1996

8. Stick Fighting and the Larger Community

Manzabelayo Zulu and Dukubonge Shongwe sparring in ongoma, 1996.

8b. Stick Fighting and Rites of Passage

Dukubonge Shongwe showing the cushions (isibusha) inside the shield.

will inform hisThe

enclosure while younger men fought with sticks.

Shuter & Shooter.

About the Author

You might also like