Public Relations Review 47 (2021) 102058

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Public Relations Review

journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/pubrev

Full Length Article

“We are the land:” An analysis of cultural appropriation and moral outrage
in response to Christian Dior’s Sauvage scandal
Roxana D. Maiorescu-Murphy
Emerson College, 120 Boylston St., Boston, MA, 02116, USA

A R T I C L E I N F O A B S T R A C T

Keywords: By analyzing the online social construction of Christian Dior’s 2019 Sauvage ad, the present study contributes to
Cultural appropriation the literature on public relations and diversity from the perspective of cultural appropriation, a research line that
Crisis communication has remained unexplored. The study builds on Coombs and Tachkova’s (2018) recommendation for a theoretical
Scandal
and practical delineation between crises related to products, services and operations, and scandals (crises that
Moral outrage
spur moral outrage). The results reveal that the online users’ perceptions of cultural appropriation require
Public relations
Social media communicative approaches that differ from previously employed crisis communication practices. A primary and
Social constructivism secondary type of moral outrage were found to thrive in the aftermath of the scandal. The foundation of the
Dior primary moral outrage constituted perceived injustice, exploitation, and controllability, as users attributed a high
Johnny Depp level of responsibility for a corporate scandal they deemed preventable. The secondary type of moral outrage
revealed the users’ concern about injustice, referred to as double standards vis-à-vis the cultural appropriation of
ethnic groups that had not been historically marginalized. Implications for theory and practice are discussed.

1. Introduction it comes to shedding light on stakeholder reactions to a scandal. By

To date, public relations research has looked at organizational di­
versity from multiple angles that range from underrepresentation
(Vardeman-Winter & Place, 2017) to the potential contribution of
corporate public relations functions to external and internal diversity
engagement (Ciszek, 2020; Mundy, 2019). However, crisis communi­
cation and diversity has remained a largely untapped territory. Given its
relationship building function, public relations can significantly
contribute to a company’s diversity strategy in general (Holtzhausen,
2013; Holtzhausen & Voto, 2002) and with respect to crisis communi­
cation in particular, therefore bolstering the relevance of the practice as
a strategic management function. In addition, studies in this direction
can contribute to the clarification of the crisis-scandal confusion
currently present in the literature. Specifically, crisis communication
research blurred the boundaries among corporate crises types, poten­
tially leading to misrepresentations with respect to how crises should be
addressed. By using the terms “crisis” and “scandal” interchangeably,
researchers analyzed corporate communication strategies and user
perceptions thereof without differentiating among crises related to
products/services and corporate scandals, or crises determined by moral
outrage (Coombs & Tachkova, 2018). Because diversity-related crises
are likely to spur moral outrage, the present study aims to contribute to
this clarification by offering insights into the social construction of a
corporate scandal. Further, public relations research has seldom
analyzed crisis communication in the luxury industry, particularly when
analyzing stakeholder perceptions of Christian Dior’s 2019 Sauvage
advertisement, the additional purpose of this study is to forge increased
interest in future research that would delineate potential differences
between crisis communication in the luxury versus nonluxury
industries.
Above all, the present study revolves around a corporate act of cul­
tural appropriation (CA), an increasingly important topic in today’s
business world and one thus far neglected in public relations research.
Cultural appropriation scandals have recently ravaged the fashion in­
dustry. In the past five years alone, companies like Gucci, Victoria’s
Secret, Chanel, Loewe, Marc Jacobs, Prada, and Dior were accused of
cultural appropriation for their clothing design, fashion shows, and
advertising strategies (Kong, 2019). Consequently, understanding
stakeholder perceptions of cultural appropriation represents a para­
mount first step toward ascertaining the best strategies to avert and
respond to such a scandal.
First, the current article describes Dior’s cultural appropriation
scandal and then discusses the literature review that led to the devel­
opment of the research questions the study explored. The next para­
graphs will also tackle the qualitative methodology employed in the
analysis and, at a later stage, its results. A discussion of the study’s
implications for theory and practice will conclude the article.
On August 29, 2019 the French fashion house, Christian Dior sparked
online controversy with its newly released ad for the perfume Sauvage, a
French word meaning “savage.” Featuring Johnny Depp, the one-minute

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.pubrev.2021.102058
Received 15 February 2021; Received in revised form 18 April 2021; Accepted 26 April 2021
Available online 3 May 2021
0363-8111/© 2021 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
R.D. Maiorescu-Murphy
ad was shot in Utah and focused on the wilderness of the landscape,
electric guitar rhythms, and Native American dances. At the end of the
ad, the actor is heard saying “We are the land. The new Sauvage- le
parfum Dior.” As a result of online backlash, the company withdrew its
ad within 24 h after its release (Means, 2019). It addressed the allega­
tions of cultural appropriation by arguing that the advertisement had
been developed in close collaboration with the Americans for Indian
Opportunity (AIO), a fifty-year-old advocacy organization (Perez,
2019). In addition, Dior’s spokesperson pointed to the actor’s Native
American roots and his 2013 adoption into the Comanche Nation, made
possible by social activist LaDonna Harris (Means, 2019).
The scandal did not represent Dior’s first brush with cultural
appropriation. The Italian designer Gianfranco Ferre had arguably fallen
in love with India and created Dior’s Fall/Winter 1989 collection,
drawing his inspiration from Indian craftsmanship. At that time, his
collection was considered an expression of admiration for a country he
had visited extensively as he meticulously studied local craftmanship
(Pozzo, 2020). His designs did not draw criticism. Later, in 2007 Dior’s
Haute Couture collection introduced fashion and makeup inspired by
the Japanese culture (Pozzo, 2020) and received widespread acclaim.
For example, Vogue Magazine wrote that “Kimonos, obis, and geisha
makeup were Dior-ified, transformed into delicate translations of New
Look peplum suits and full-skirted dance dresses” and concluded that the
collection was “brilliant” (Mower, 2007). While the appropriation of
Japanese symbolism raised some criticism with respect to the over­
simplification of the culture, it mostly did so in closed circles, as the
topic had not yet gained the public’s attention (Dark, 2021). Conse­
quently, the company did not address its cultural appropriation
transgression.
By contrast, Christian Dior’s 2019 Sauvage scandal emerged in an
industry already embroiled in accusations of cultural appropriation as a
result of closer stakeholder scrutiny (Pozzo, 2020). For example, in 2019
Gucci received significant online backlash for a sweater that online users
deemed “Haute Couture Blackface” (Chiu, 2019) and in 2018 Dolce &
Gabbana (D&G) stirred international outrage after promoting its up­
coming fashion show in Shanghai through several videos showcasing a
Chinese model trying to eat cannoli and spaghetti with chopsticks
(National Public Radio, 2018). Historically, cultural appropriation in the
fashion industry was shown to stem from the designers’ focus to push
boundaries in order to transcend cultures, therefore borrowing certain
elements for their designs (Pozzo, 2020) and promotional campaigns. To
better understand why corporate cultural appropriations spurs moral
outrage, the article will next detail past research in this direction. Given
that the public relations field has yet to explore this line of research, the
section will provide an overview of the concept and its implications by
drawing on sociology, anthropology, and legal studies.
2. Literature review
2.1. Cultural appropriation
Cultural appropriation in the fashion industry can be traced back to
the 6th century when the “roundel-and-pearl” motif was inspired by
central Asian cultures (Lunde, 2018; Pozzo, 2020). In fact, the fashion
industry has always used cultural symbolism as designers argued that
doing so represented a means to express creativity (Pozzo, 2020).
Recently, consumers have placed corporations under the magnifying
glass and under tremendous pressure to refrain from cultural appropri­
ation (Pozzo, 2020). This begs the question of what exactly constitutes
cultural appropriation and what its impact may be on a community
whose culture companies draw on for the purpose of product develop­
ment and marketing communications. Simply put, CA refers to the use of
genres, rites and rituals, symbolism, traditional knowledge, artifacts, or
technologies pertaining to a community without its permission (Pozzo,
2020; Rogers, 2006; Young & Brunk, 2012). Researchers argue that it
represents an inherent element of cultural politics, intertwined with the
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Public Relations Review 47 (2021) 102058
First Nations’ struggles for resistance in the face of a dominant culture
(Rogers, 2006, p. 474). Perhaps the most effective illustration of the
severity of cultural appropriation is provided by Greaves (1994), who
refers to the commodification of cultures for profit-making:
“The very cultural heritage that gives indigenous peoples their identity,
now far more than in the past, is under real or potential assault from those
who would gather it up, strip away its honored meanings, convert it to a
product, and sell it.” (Greaves, 1994, p.9)
Taking into account agency and power, Rogers (2006) found four
types of cultural appropriation. First, cultural exchanges represent a
form of cultural appropriation based on reciprocity and power balance.
They include mutual exchanges of rites, rituals, symbols, and technol­
ogy. Second, cultural dominance constitutes the imposition of a domi­
nant culture on a subordinated community that borrows imposed
cultural elements, including for the purpose of resistance. Third, trans­
culturation occurs when artifacts and symbols are co-created by multiple
cultures, making it impossible to ascertain their origins. Rogers (2006)
attributes transculturation to globalization and transnational capitalism
(p. 477). Fourth, cultural exploitation, represents the appropriation of
artifacts, folklore, symbols, etc. that originated in a subordinated culture
by members of a dominant one without reciprocity, compensation, or
permission. Christian Dior’s accusations of cultural appropriation fall
under the latter category, as the company was accused of borrowing
Native American symbolism to promote and sell a product. While a
company’s stance on the Native culture it uses may not be offensive per
se (as revealed in a product or marketing campaign), the very
commodification of symbolism is viewed as detrimental to the margin­
alized community it borrows from (Pozzo, 2020). For example, com­
panies rarely provide monetary compensation for their use of cultural
elements and in cases in which they do, the compensation pales in
comparison to the extensive profits derived from cultural appropriation
(Kuruk, 1998; Pozzo, 2020). Moreover, given the lack of legislation and
copyright for the use of folklore and culture (Pozzo, 2020), companies
are not compelled to provide significant monetary compensation.
Hence, cultural exploitation does little to improve the lives of the sub­
ordinated community. By contrast, it provides further material advan­
tage to the outsiders who profit from CA (Kuek, 2019; Pozzo, 2020).
An additional classification of cultural appropriation types was
provided by Young (2010) who regarded CA as content appropriation,
subject appropriation, and tangible object appropriation (Lalonde,
2019). Content appropriation occurs when outsiders use elements of a
specific culture as their own, irrespective of whether they claim
ownership over them or not. In the case of subject appropriation, in­
dividuals describe or portray cultural aspects that belong to a commu­
nity they are not part of. An example of subject appropriation constitutes
writing books, movie scripts, etc. Finally, tangible object appropriation
has historically occurred more often than subject and content appro­
priation (Lalonde, 2019) and refers to the outsiders’ taking of cultural
artifacts that belong to a certain community (Young, 2010). Lalonde
(2019) exemplifies tangible object appropriation by going back to the
colonial times and referring to the taking of land, human remains and
artifacts that are currently exhibited in museums. Lalonde (2019) de­
scribes the negative effects of cultural appropriation predominantly
from the perspective of cultural identity as she argues that it leads to
nonrecognition (a culture is rendered voiceless) and misrecognition
(cultural appropriation leads to stereotypes). She views the detrimental
effects of cultural appropriation by drawing on Hegel (1977). Namely,
since identity is formed through dialogue and shaped by the in­
terlocutor’s perspective of us, misrecognition and nonrecognition can
lead to diminished self-esteem and even self-loathing (Lalonde, 2019).
Further, Lalonde (2019) contends that the exploitation of culture for
profit making unmasks power imbalances as communities are negatively
impacted not only financially but also culturally. Their artifacts and
imagery may be incorrectly represented by the outsider, further
R.D. Maiorescu-Murphy
damaging perceptions and potentially desecrating symbols, rites, and
artifacts. Dior’s Sauvage scandal represents an act of subject appropria­
tion since the advertisement depicts the Native American culture as wild
and free.
By contrast, in the era of globalization, cultural appropriation has
also been viewed as a means to celebrate diversity and increase crea­
tivity (Lalonde, 2019; Lessig, 2008), a point of view referred to as uni­
versal entitlement (Nguyen & Strohl, 2019). However, this perspective
conflates cultural appropriation with cultural exchanges: it regards the
former without taking into account power imbalances and the taking of
cultural elements as one-sided rather than reciprocal (Nguyen & Strohl,
2019). Counterarguments to this stance revolve around the lack of
agency and resources that characterizes marginalized communities as
they see their culture redefined by outsiders (Lalonde, 2019; Luxem­
burg, 1968). In addition, the stereotyping that may stem from the
enactment of cultural appropriation is a stark reminder of the past
exploitation and commodification of marginalized cultures in general
and the Native American one in particular. For example, an 1899 ad for
Savage Rifles that appeared in the Cosmopolitan Magazine featured the
imagine of a Native American along with the slogan “Make bad people
good” (Biron, 2016). Other illustrations from 19th and 20th century-
advertising denote a focus on lampooning Native Americans and rede­
fining their culture as bucolic in an effort to persuade consumers of the
natural ingredients of products (Biron, 2016). Such examples of past
commodification and exploitation form the underpinning of recent
research on cultural appropriation that treats such acts as a continuation
of colonialism (Luxemburg, 1968).
With the exception of one study on cultural appropriation conducted
in 2016 (de Castro & Molleda, 2016), the public relations field has yet to
delve into this topic. Specifically, de Castro and Molleda (2016)
analyzed three successful companies from Rowanda, Brazil, and Mexico.
By identifying country-specific values along with indigenous cultural
aspects the companies adopted, the researchers cast doubt on the
country-of-origin effect, which had long been used to denote consumer
behavior based on country reputation (Suh, Hur, & Davies, 2016; Xu,
Comello, Lee, & Clancy, 2020). The country-of-origin effect refers to
prospective purchases that consumers may make based on stereotyping
a certain culture/country and was found to have more significance for
first-world nations compared to developing countries (Suh et al., 2016).
This line of research differs from studies on cultural appropriation as the
exploitation and commodification of artifacts and symbols pertaining to
marginalized communities. For a better understanding of the state of the
field with respect to diversity and in order to place the current study in
context, the next paragraphs will provide insights into past research on
public relations and differences.
2.2. Public relations, diversity, and crisis communication
The public relations field has long aimed to demonstrate its impor­
tance as a strategic management function. Over two decades ago,
scholars contended that the field’s focus on relationship building and
maintaining could engender significant contributions to organizational
diversity and encouraged further research on public relations and di­
versity while arguing that it could represent the key to ascertaining the
impact of the practice on organizational decision-making. (Holtzhausen
& Voto, 2002; Holtzhausen, 2013; Hon & Brunner, 2000).
However, diversity has remained rather unexplored particularly with
respect to the specific PR functions that could inform organizational
diversity. As mentioned in the introduction of the article, scholars made
significant contributions to the understanding of underrepresentation
(Grunig, Hon, & Toth, 2013; Mundy, 2016; Pompper, 2012; Sha, 2013;
Vardeman-Winter & Place, 2017; Waymer, 2021) as well as the chal­
lenges faced by minority PR practitioners (Appelbaum, Walton, &
Southerland, 2015; Gallicano, Curtin, & Matthews, 2012; Mundy, 2016;
Vardeman-Winter & Place, 2017). In addition, researchers called
attention to the possible influence that intersectionality may exert on
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Public Relations Review 47 (2021) 102058
salary gaps as well as the delegation of PR tasks (technical role vs.
strategic management) (Vardeman-Winter & Place, 2017) as they dis­
cussed intersectionality in relation to gender and ethnicity (Parker,
2002; Pompper & Jung, 2013; Pompper, 2012; Tindall, 2009).
With respect to specific public relations functions, past research
stressed the importance of corporate social responsibility in fostering
diversity and discussed the possibility of taking an ethical approach
toward differences (Pompper, 2020; Uysal, 2013). In addition, re­
searchers argued that embracing both the visible (gender, ethnicity, age,
etc.) and invisible (skills, expertise, professional experience, etc.) layers
of diversity could provide the key to promoting an inclusive organiza­
tional culture through public relations efforts (Mazzei & Ravazzani,
2012). However, this line of research that tackles specific PR functions in
relation to diversity has remained in its incipient stages, with few and
fragmented research trajectories that inform the practice. For example,
Mundy (2015, 2016) argued that public relations could play both a
structural and cultural role in developing and implementing organiza­
tional diversity programs. He recommended that such roles be played
internally and externally, ranging from employee trainings and fostering
an organizational culture around differences to conducting external
issue scanning (Mundy, 2016). Further, the dialogic function of public
relations was explored by Ciszek (2020) who determined trust to be a
prerequisite for the development of organizational relationships with
the LGBTQ + community. Most recently, Waymer and Logan (2021)
analyzed social justice corporate communication in the context of Nike,
a company with a troubled past. Their study revealed that, despite the
company’s reputation, marginalized groups were more inclined to
welcome the company’s stance for equality than view it as an intrusion
into a space reserved for entertainment (Waymer & Logan, 2021).
Further, crisis communication and diversity has remained one of the
most underresearched functions despite the fact that it represents a
paramount domain that propels PR practitioners to the executive
decision-making table in times of organizational turmoil. To date, two
studies have been conducted on this topic. The first study analyzed the
communication strategies of a US-based university in response to a di­
versity scandal related to underrepresentation. The researchers assessed
the degree to which the university’s responses aligned with the in­
stitution’s operations (Brunner & Brown, 2008), therefore shedding
light on the importance of value convergence in all communicative and
operational processes. The second study determined the impact of
gender discrimination scandals on perceived relationship management
(Krishna, Kim, & Shim, 2018). By the use of a survey, Krishna, Kim, ans
Shim (2018) ascertained that US consumers’ moral orientation and
critical view of corporations impacted the way they responded to
corporate scandals of gender discrimination. The study assessed mo­
rality by drawing on Lindenmeier, Schleer and Pricl (2012) according to
which stakeholders judge corporate behavior against their own norms
and values. High deviations from such norms were likely to render
corporate behavior morally outrageous (Krishna et al., 2018). To gain
further insight into what constitutes moral outrage as this relates spe­
cifically to cultural appropriation the first research question (RQ1) of
the current study asked:
RQ1: How do stakeholders make sense Dior’s cultural appropriation
scandal?
Further, research in crisis communication has focused extensively on
the way corporations, government agencies, politicians, and celebrities
manage and respond to crises (Coombs & Tachkova, 2018; Cwalina &
Falkowski, 2018; Ki & Nekmat, 2014; Stambulova, 2017). Using the
prominent theories of situational crisis communication (SCCT)
(Coombs, 2004; 2020) and the image repair discourse (Benoit, 1997,
2020) studies investigated the best communicative practices that, if
employed, are likely to engender less reputational damage. More
recently, increased attention has been given to how publics react to crisis
communication efforts, and studies employed both qualitative and
quantitative methodologies to understand stakeholder perceptions of
crises and crisis management (Coombs & Holladay, 2014; Smith, Smith,
R.D. Maiorescu-Murphy
& Knighton, 2018; Zheng, Liu, & Davison, 2018). However, in doing so,
past studies did not delineate between crises and scandals (Coombs &
Tachkova, 2018). Crises arise when stakeholders perceive that a com­
pany has not met or has violated their expectations (Coombs, 2015;
Coombs & Tachkova, 2018, p. 75). Such transgressions may be the result
of defective products, ineffective operations, poor customer service, etc.
By contrast, scandals are known to represent “a violation of the accepted
societal norms and moral codes” (Coombs & Tachkova, 2018, p. 75) and
could include worker abuse, inequality, sexual harassment in the
workplace, corporate bribery of government officials, etc. Scandals elicit
emotions different from those triggered by crises. Specifically, Hoffman
(2000) contended that while stakeholders predominantly react to a crisis
by displaying anger, scandals elicit moral outrage, a deeper form of
emotion (Coombs & Tachkova, 2018, p. 75). In turn, moral outrage is
assuaged when a certain form of punishment has been inflicted upon the
corporation that committed a breach of morality (Grebe, 2012). The
delineation between crises and scandals is particularly important since
recent research suggests that, given the different reactions that ensue in
the aftermath of a scandal versus a crisis, current communication
practices may not effectively address corporate scandals (Coombs &
Tachkova, 2018).
Finally, drawing on Antonetti and Maklan (2016), Coombs and
Tachkova (2018) argue that perceived scandal severity, the controlla­
bility of the scandal, as well as injustice are likely to trigger perceptions
of moral outrage particularly when coupled with perceived greed. The
present study aimed to analyze the way these concepts (severity,
controllability, injustice, and greed) emerged in the context of cultural
appropriation. Therefore, the second research question (RQ2) asked:
RQ2 How do perceived injustice, greed as well as scandal severity
and controllability emerged online?
3. Methods
Given the paucity of studies on crisis communication and diversity in
general as well as on cultural appropriation in particular, the present
study employed a case study approach. The methodology is regularly
used for an in-depth analysis of a single, revelatory phenomenon that
has rarely been studied before (Eisenhardt, 1989; Yin, 2017). Christian
Dior’s Sauvage ad was considered revelatory for the study of online
perceptions with respect to cultural appropriation as a result of the
immediate and harsh backlash the company received on social media
and the promptness with which it took action to retract it. While the
total cost of the advertisement remains undisclosed, it is argued that the
sole presence of Johnny Depp in the one-minute commercial cost the
company up to five million dollars (The Guardian, 2019). The use of a
single case was considered the most appropriate given its potential to
shed light on in-case relationships (Ridder, 2017) among the concepts
that form and shape moral outrage online, such as perceived injustice,
greed, scandal severity and controllability.
Case study research can be conducted by taking one of the four ap­
proaches clarified by proponents of the methodology and their appli­
cation is contingent upon the purpose of the researcher. First, “the no
theory first” approach implies a bottom-up research process meant to
understand a unique phenomenon without consulting prior literature
(Eisenhardt, 1989). Its purpose is new theory development. Conversely,
when taking the “gaps and holes” approach researchers must consult
prior literature to ascertain a research problem and (Yin, 2017). The
third case study design is triggered by contradictions in the previous
literature and concerns the study of phenomena that represent outliers
that have remained unexplained in previous studies (Ridder, 2017).
Lastly, the fourth research design implies taking a social constructionist
approach whose epistemological foundation represents the concept of
reality as co-created through symbolic interactions among individuals
that assign meaning to external phenomena (Ridder, 2017). Given the
fact that the purpose of the present study was to gain an understanding
of how online users co-construct and assign meaning to Dior’s cultural
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Public Relations Review 47 (2021) 102058
appropriation scandal, the fourth approach was deemed the most
adequate. In addition, the fourth approach was considered suitable since
the study aimed not to create new theory, as recommended in the case of
the “no theory first approach”, but rather to allow for an understanding
of the moral outrage that acts of CA may spur. Finally, this study
employed a social constructionist approach based on Coombs and
Tachkova (2018) who argued that scandals are socially constructed as a
result of the stakeholders’ ongoing sensemaking processes.
The data were collected from the microblogging site Twitter, used in
previous studies as a result of its high stakeholder engagement with
corporations in general and with respect to social issues in particular
(Ravaonorohanta & Sayumwe, 2020; Xiong, Cho, & Boatwright, 2019).
An advanced search was conducted on Twitter using the keywords
“Sauvage,” “Dior,” “Christian Dior,” “Dior cultural appropriation,” “Dior
scandal,” “Dior ad,” “Dior Sauvage ad,” and “Sauvage ad” for the period
of 12 months starting from the moment the first comment about the ad
was posted on Twitter, namely from August 29, 2019 until July 29,
2020. It was considered that a twelve-month period of analysis would
provide sufficientinsights into the social construction of the scandal,
particularly since after July 29, 2020 tweets about Dior did not revolve
around the scandal, but discussed the company’s varied products. The
tweets were collected using screenshots and then manually transcribed
to be processed in NVivo. Spam/promotional tweets as well as those
written in other languages but English were manually removed from the
sample. The final sample consisted of N = 138 tweets. Each tweet rep­
resented a unit of analysis.
The data were analyzed with the help of a thematic analysis, in
accord with Ridder’s (2017) recommendation with regard to the po­
tential of the qualitative methodology to unveil covert meanings and
nuances in order to successfully establish relationships among concepts.
The thematic analysis was conducted at a latent level through the ex­
amination of both the semantics and the hidden assumptions within the
text, all of which allowed for a robust analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2006;
Maguire & Delahunt, 2017).
At first, the analysis involved becoming familiar with the data corpus
through multiple exposures and the recording of first impressions
(Houghton & Houghton, 2018; Maguire & Delahunt, 2017). Next, initial
codes (nodes) were recorded in NVivo and refined after several addi­
tional exposures to the data. The codes were revised multiple times and
were later classified into broader themes. Several codes emerged as part
of multiple themes and were classified as such (Maguire & Delahunt,
2017). During the analysis it became apparent that several concepts led
to the creation of subthemes that could not be classified as such due to
the technical features of NVivo. Therefore, the researchers continued the
classification of the subthemes manually after additional exposures to
the text. No new codes emerged and the classification and definition of
the themes and the subthemes were once again refined (Maguire &
Delahunt, 2017).
4. Results
The most prevalent theme in the users’ online communication con­
cerned the etymology of the word “sauvage” and subsumed two main
subthemes. Users discussed predominantly its English translation
(“savage”) and its connotations, labelling it a racial slur. These com­
ments were preponderant within the etymology theme and were cate­
gorized as a subtheme. Illustrative of these online interactions is a
comment made by a Native user who shared her experience at the
workplace:
“I was 26… a dispatcher used the word Savage [sic] describing a First
Nations person. I cringed and sank down. My heart broke a little that
day. The day I was called a Savage [sic]. I will never forget that.”
Other users opined that the translation of “Sauvage” was fraught with
ambiguity. They contended that because the French word stood for both
R.D. Maiorescu-Murphy
“wild” and “savage,” the use of the former constituted an allure rather
than an offense. Comments referred to the history of Dior’s use of the
term and argued that it represented a derivation of a mispronounced
word that the company found unique and alluring in the ‘60 s, a time
when “Sauvage” was not viewed as wild, but rather as unique. The
preceding comments represented the second most employed subtheme
within the etymology category and triggered divergent opinions on
colonialism and stereotyping that were coded as major themes, dis­
cussed next.
Historical and current misrepresentations surfaced as the second
most employed theme. Comments that fell under this umbrella were
broken down into two subthemes: references to misrepresentation in
popular culture and history along with perceived double standards with
respect to the misrepresentation of nonnative groups. The most preva­
lent subtheme made reference to popular culture and recent films among
which “Winchester”, a 2018 horror movie whose plot users argued that
it revolved around “a crazy white lady” who “decided Native ghosts
haunted her.” Additional discussions were focused on the “Red Rose” TV
mini-series, inspired by Stephen King’s novel whose plot constituted a
Native American burial site. Several comments made reference to the
historical misrepresentation of marginalized populations. For example,
users evoked the museums that had drawn a distinct line between arti­
facts that represented the “civilized Europeans” and those that relegated
Native Americans to “nature, loud colors, and wild animals.” References
to being depicted as “savage” and the profit made by giant conglomer­
ates permeated the online communication. In addition, the analysis
found comments that disagreed with this interpretation. They were
coded as a second subtheme and revolved around past and current
misrepresentations of nonnatives. Specifically, users brought up the fact
that popular culture humorously stereotypes and portrays nonnative
populations such as the Scottish as “men wearing skirts, being cheap,
and drinkers” without engendering backlash. Users who shared similar
views also discussed the ambiguity of the French translation for “Sauv­
age” and contended that it could be interpreted as “wild.” Therefore,
they viewed it as not reminiscent of past atrocities committed against
Native Americans.
Next, the third most employed theme was that of greed, illustrated in
comments that discussed the profit that companies had been making at
the expense of Native Americans. For example, drawing attention to the
movie Winchester once again, an online user concluded: “Dark skin
makes white people money.” Several online conversations reflected this
perspective as users deemed the use of Native American culture for the
purpose of profit making unacceptable.
By contrast, the fourth most prevalent theme denoted agreement to
the company’s ad, which was viewed as a respectful illustration of the
Native culture particularly when it came to the presence of actor Johnny
Depp, whom users regarded as a great ambassador for Native American
tribes. This conversation led to further discussions around the sensitivity
displayed by users who felt offended by the ad, despite not being part of
the Native American community. For example, one user argued:
“As a proud Native American I love the ad. JD [Johnny Depp] is a
great spokesperson and all the people flipping out are non tribals
[sic] that need to get over themselves…Please keep your hate for
yourselves.”
Finally, the fifth most present theme subsumed conversations around
the company’s decision to feature Johnny Depp, who had been previ­
ously entangled in a divorce scandal and had been accused of domestic
violence (Sillito, 2020). While some of the comments entailed thanks to
the company for supporting the actor in times of personal turmoil, others
conflated Dior’s cultural appropriation transgression with Johnny
Depp’s accusations of domestic violence, deeming the company
irresponsible.
In sum, the comments that prevailed in response to Dior’s ad shed
light on a strong opposition to the company’s use of Native American
5
Public Relations Review 47 (2021) 102058
culture, as users predominantly viewed the company’s decision as racist,
insensitive, and inappropriate. The discussions that illustrated these
stances revolved primarily around the inappropriateness of the per­
fume’s name and discussed to a lesser extent the company’s use of
Native American symbolism in its ad. Users placed Dior’s scandal in the
context of past and current misrepresentation of First Nations in popular
culture as well as the historical stereotyping of Native Americans. Such
reactions exceeded perceptions of Dior’s appropriate and respectful use
of Native American symbolism. The latter referred to the ambiguity of
the perfume’s name as well as the company’s use of an actor with Native
American roots.
The second research question (RQ2) set out investigate how
perceived injustice, greed as well as scandal severity and controllability
emerged online. The results revealed the interconnectedness of these
concepts in the users’ sensemaking process. For example, the etymology
of the word “sauvage” and its connotation of a racial slur formed the
nexus of online conversations that denoted the users’ perceived injustice
as well as the severity of the scandal. Specifically, users argued that
Dior’s use of the term constituted a major transgression that further
buttressed colonial stereotypes. Perceived injustice surfaced in conver­
sations that concerned the ongoing misrepresentation of Native Ameri­
cans dating back to colonial times. The severity of the scandal was
present in conversations regarding the exploitation of culture for the
purpose of profit as well as in comments that expressed outrage at the
company’s choice of what users perceived as a blatantly racist perfume
name. It could be argued that the severity of the scandal was determined
by controllability or the extent to which the company’s scandal was
viewed as preventable. Specifically, online comments that implied or
discussed corporate greed were intertwined with the users’ stances on
responsibility attribution. Passionate online reactions shed light on the
users’ disagreement with what they perceived to be a purposeful use of a
racial slur for profit making. Among the concepts of scandal severity,
controllability, perceived injustice and greed, severity constituted a
primary conversational driver that dominated online communication
through the permeating theme of the “sauvage” etymology.
Similarly, the etymology of the word “sauvage” formed the nexus of
online conversations that rendered Dior’s ad as not offensive. These
comments, which emerged to a lesser extent than those that expressed
moral outrage, made use of transcendence to place cultural appropria­
tion into a broader context that included moral transgressions
committed against ethnic groups that did not represent First Nations. In
this case, the users’ perceived injustice derived from what they viewed
as a double standard with respect to the backlash against the stereo­
typing of minority communities versus ethnical groups that hadn’t been
historically disadvantaged. Scandal severity was not determined by
Dior’s ad per se, but rather by what was regarded as the acceptance of a
double standard. Specifically, the users did not view Dior’s act as a
transgression, but communicated their concern about the severity of the
moral outrage caused by a perfume name and an ad that they failed to
perceive as offensive. Unsurprisingly, such conversations did not refer to
corporate greed and the controllability of the scandal was discussed in
the context of the moral outrage triggered by an unpredictable “over­
sensitivity” that companies cannot foresee.
5. Discussion
This analysis revealed that Dior’s scandal was predominantly trig­
gered by the company’s perfume name, “Sauvage,” as the preponderance
of the comments that expressed moral outrage discussed its racist con­
notations and argued that it reinforced and bolstered perceptions of
racism. As some users rightly pointed out, the company first introduced
the perfume in 1966, yet its name triggered moral outrage more than
five decades later, when Dior used Native American symbolism to pro­
mote it. Had the company not decided to appropriate cultural elements
in its marketing efforts, it is likely that the perfume’s name would have
not become conspicuous. While Christian Dior took subsequent
R.D. Maiorescu-Murphy
corrective action and retracted the ad, the perfume’s name remained
unchanged, despite the fact that it represented the nexus of the moral
outrage. In its crisis communication, Dior focused extensively on
emphasizing the Native American consultants and experts who had
advised on the ad and discussed the fact that the advertisement entailed
exclusive Native American representation. Such efforts were shown in
past research to avert cultural appropriation (Lalonde, 2019). However,
the ad that the company retracted represented solely the driver of cul­
tural appropriation accusations rather than the cause.
In addition, moral outrage ensued as a result of the perceived greed
or exploitation of the Native American culture for the purpose of profit.
As discussed in the previous sections, exploitation occurs as a direct
consequence of the lack of legislation with respect to copyrights and
folklore. As today companies are held under close scrutiny for corporate
responsibility and social justice (Waymer & Logan, 2021), compensation
for the borrowing of symbolism and culture becomes the sine qua non
for averting a cultural appropriation scandal. Given the extensive
knowledge that online users have with regard to CA, transparency about
corporate contributions to the conservation of culture become a pre­
requisite for deterring scandals.
To a lesser extent, users expressed concerned about the sensitivity of
those who feel offended by cultural appropriation. Yet, such comments
emerged less in the present analysis, as did those who found the ad
adequate. Several users pointed to the ad’s protagonist, Johnny Depp,
either praising or criticizing Christian Dior for hiring him. These findings
suggests that celebrities’ past may add another layer of controversy to an
already ongoing scandal. It is important to note that, in the eyes of on­
line users who disagreed to Dior’s ad, Johnny Depp was also held
accountable for his personal scandal. By contrast, online comments that
reflected no moral outrage toward Dior’s cultural appropriation, also
viewed the actor as a victim of a personal scandal. The impact of a
celebrity’s own accusations related to morality on a corporate scandal
merits further exploration, particularly since past research solely
focused on the influence of celebrities’ scandals on political and
corporate endorsement (Um, 2013; von Sikorski, Knoll, & Matthes,
2018).
Upon investigating what caused moral outrage and how perceived
injustice, severity, controllability, and greed emerged in the social
construction of a scandal, this analysis found two types of moral outrage,
primary and secondary. The primary moral outrage was present in the
comments that expressed or denoted the injustice done to the Native
American culture as a result of the company’s use of a racial slur that it
promoted for the sole purpose of profit. Therefore, moral outrage was
caused by the severity of the crisis (the use of “sauvage”) as well as by
exploitation. Both perceived injustice and severity emerged in relation
to the misrepresentation of Native Americans through the use of a racial
slur and as result of greed or exploitation. The foundation of the primary
moral outrage constituted controllability, a result that sheds light on the
fact that online users attributed a high level of responsibility for a
scandal that they deemed preventable. The secondary moral outrage
revealed the users’ concern about injustice, referred to as double stan­
dards vis-à-vis ethnic groups that had not been historically marginal­
ized. Scandal severity appeared in relation to the societal acceptance of
double standards as well as the lack of controllability that companies
face due to what users deemed to be an oversensitive society.
The present study embraced a case study approach, which was
considered necessary given the lack of research on public relations and
cultural appropriation. As stated by Yin (2017), generalizations in case
study research should not be a scope greater than the deep under­
standing of the phenomenon analyzed. Yet, there are several theoretical
and practical implications that should be pointed out. In both the pri­
mary and the secondary moral outrage types, the outrage was pre­
dominantly triggered by the severity of the scandal, whether the scandal
was caused by the company or by the subsequent online reactions. In
addition, online users communicated about the severity of the scandal in
relation to perceived injustice in both the primary and secondary types
6
Public Relations Review 47 (2021) 102058
of moral outrage. For a better understanding of the relationship between
the two concepts future studies should make use of quantitative meth­
odologies. It could be cautiously argued that stakeholders who regard a
scandal as bringing about injustice may be more likely to view it as more
severe. In turn, severity emerged to a great extent in comments that
denoted controllability in both the primary and secondary types of
moral outrage. In the case of the former, users who viewed the scandal as
severe also commented on its preventability, therefore attributing a high
level of responsibility to the company (Coombs, 2020) whether directly
or implied. Finally, perceived injustice occurred as a result of misrep­
resentation (alluding to Native American culture as “sauvage”) while
severity emerged in communication related to controllability (Dior
could have prevented the scandal) and exploitation (the company
appropriated culture for the purpose of profit). The nexus of the online
communication represented the perfume’s name that came to light as a
consequence of Dior’s featuring of Native American symbolism in its ad.
These results complement Coombs and Tachkova’s (2018) findings with
respect to the situational factors that cause moral outrage, namely
perceptions of misrepresentation, exploitation, and controllability
increased the severity of the scandal.
From a practical perspective, this study reveals the inter­
disciplinarity of the field, as public relations practitioners should be
well-versed not only in communication and organizational theory, but
also in sociology and history. The fact that the concepts determined to
comprise moral outrage emerged as intertwined denote the need to
understand the sociology of online communication particularly in the
case of societal issues such as cultural appropriation that are likely to be
extensively debated given that activism is an inherent feature of the Web
2.0 (Chon & Park, 2020). Moreover, the past misrepresentation and
exploitation of Native Americans emerged as drivers of perceived
injustice and scandal severity, rendering the understanding of the his­
torical context paramount. An interdisciplinary reservoir of knowledge
may help public relations practitioners avert corporate scandals, proving
their work indispensable for both the communities in which their
companies operate and for the upper corporate echelons. While the re­
sults of the present study are applicable to Christian Dior, they reinforce
the tenets of the crisis communication theory (Coombs, 2020), accord­
ing to which stakeholders will hold a company responsible if the crisis it
faces is perceived as preventable. In the case of the scandal analyzed,
users attributed responsibility to Dior as a result of the perceived
exploitation that ensues from cultural appropriation (no known
compensation to the Native American community and a focus on profit).
In addition, users regarded the scandal as severe precisely as a conse­
quence of its preventability. These results suggest that public relations
practitioners should engage in meticulous issues scanning to ensure that
cultural appropriation scandals are first averted. In situations in which
symbolism and folklore are indeed used, practitioners should consider
the importance of compensation for the purpose of cultural preserva­
tion. Further, it is unlikely that cultural appropriation will be viewed as
moral and corporations could seize this opportunity to contribute to
historically marginalized communities. For example, as companies
embed cultural symbolism in their products and marketing communi­
cations campaigns, a significant portion of the proceedings should be
donated to communities in the form of scholarships or grants for cultural
preservation. Social responsibility should constitute the primary objec­
tive for corporate borrowing of cultural symbolism.
The extent to which cultural appropriation scandals impact the re­
lationships between stakeholders and luxury companies on the one hand
and stakeholders and nonluxury ones on the other hand, should be the
subject of further investigation. The public relations field would greatly
benefit from such studies given that business research evinced low
stakeholder expectations with respect to social responsibility in the
luxury sector (Donato, De Angelis, & Amatulli, 2018).
By the end of 2019 Dior’s revenue that stemmed from its perfumes
and cosmetics line increased by 9% from 2018, contributing to com­
pany’s overall gains of €53.7 billion (GlobeNewswire, 2020a). The year
R.D. Maiorescu-Murphy
of 2020 brought about a 18 % decline in perfumes and cosmetics, yet the
causes for this decline remain unknown (GlobeNewswire, 2020b).
Shedding light on the impact of scandals on the reputation of luxury
companies may reveal the importance of taking a responsible approach
to diversity in general and to cultural appropriation in particular. Such
research will also evince the important role that public relations can play
in corporate diversity. While, moral outrage was shown to be a predictor
of behavior (Coombs & Tachkova, 2018; Hoffman, 2000) the extent to
which it impacts relationship management and, ultimately, purchase
intentions has remained largely unexplored.
This study used social media communication as a means to gain in­
sights into the social construction of Dior’s ad. Web 2.0 platforms foster
spontaneous communication due to their interactive features and their
potential to erase social markers among which gender, ethnicity, socio-
economic status, etc. (Matei & Bruno, 2015). Therefore, it was consid­
ered that performing an analysis on an online platform such as Twitter
helps to gain insight into immediate and transparent reactions to the
scandal, facilitating insights into the bottom-up process through which
the scandal is socially constructed, without interference from the com­
pany. While Dior’s response was published by traditional media outlets
that users may have read prior to engaging in online communication,
other companies may provide systematic scandal responses on their
social media platforms. Future studies could assess online interactions in
relation to corporate communication to better illustrate the emergence
of moral outrage. Such interactions could be studied via network and
semantic analyses in order to understand the dynamics behind the users’
sensemaking processes.
6. Limitations
The present study assessed solely tweets written in English, therefore
limiting the understanding of the social construction of the scandal faced
by a multinational conglomerate. In addition, many of the tweets may
have stemmed from countries outside the US and perceptions are likely
to be culture-dependent. It is highly probable that Dior’s scandal caused
more extensive moral outrage in the US than abroad, given the fact that
it revolved around a historically marginalized community from Amer­
ica. However, the study considered that users connect around a hashtag
regarding the scandal to form their own culture as they engage in a
sensemaking process (Sison, 2017). Therefore, while their own cultures
form the socio-psychological background that shapes their understand­
ing and communication about the scandal, they play less of a paramount
role in the overall sensemaking process (Sison, 2017). Future studies
could shed light on the cross-cultural social construction of a scandal
and analyze the role of proximity in reactions to a scandal. Finally,
studies could expand on the understanding of moral outrage by
employing the social-mediated crisis communication model (SMCC)
(Austin, Fisher Liu, & Jin, 2012; Cheng, 2020) and the integrated crisis
mapping model (ICM) to shed light on the extent to which the level of
organizational engagement during scandals impacts the stakeholders’
emotions (Jin, Pang, & Cameron, 2010) that arise in the aftermath of a
morality breech.
Declaration of Competing Interest
There is no conflict of interest associated with this research project.
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