CRIM 3 - Human Behavior and Victimology (BSCR II-A)

SECTION 1: INTRODUCTION TO HUMAN BEHAVIOR

INTRODUCTION

The physiological adaptations that made humans more flexible than other primates
allowed for the development of a wide range of abilities and an unpararelled versatility in
behavior. The brain's great size, complexity, and slow maturation, with neural connections
being added through at least the first twelve years of life, meant that learned behavior could
largely modify stereotyped, instinctive responses. new environmental demands could be met
by rapid adjustments rather than by slow genetic selection, thus survival in a wide range of
habitats and under extreme conditions eventually became possible without further species
differentiation. each new infant, however, with relatively few innate traits yet with as vast a
number of potential behaviors, must be taught to achieve its biological potentials as a
human.

All human beings are more or less alike with each other in physical equipment. They
vary considerably though in such factors as size, strength, color of skin, facial characteristics
and intelligence. How can we seem to be alike, and yet so different from each other? This is
a question that must be answered before any attempt is made to understand the bases of
human behavior. In the continuous process of growing up, adolescents attempt to satisfy
their own needs as well as those of society, but they came face to face with frustrations and
conflicts. Sometimes they succeed in solving these conflicts; those who fail may suffer from
maladjustments or behavior disorders. Conflicts include frustration, thwarting, tension or
humiliation.

Human behavior, the potential and expressed capacity for physical, mental, and
social activity during the phases of human life.

Humans, like other animal species, have a typical life course that consists of
successive phases of growth, each of which is characterized by a distinct set of physical,
physiological, and behavioral features. These phases are prenatal
life, infancy, childhood, adolescence, and adulthood (including old age). Human
development, or developmental psychology, is a field of study that attempts to describe and
explain the changes in human cognitive, emotional, and behavioral capabilities and
functioning over the entire life span, from the fetus to old age.

Most scientific research on human development has concentrated on the period from
birth through early adolescence, owing to both the rapidity and magnitude of the
psychological changes observed during those phases and to the fact that they culminate in
the optimum mental functioning of early adulthood. A primary motivation of many
investigators in the field has been to determine how the culminating mental abilities of
adulthood were reached during the preceding phases.

DEFINITION OF HUMAN BEHAVIOR

 1. Human behavior is the potential and expressed capacity (mentally,
physically, and socially) of human individuals or groups to respond to
internal and external stimuli throughout their life.
2. Human behavior is studied by the social sciences, which
include psychology, sociology, economics, and anthropology.
3. Human behavior refers to the range of behaviors exhibited
by humans and which are influenced by culture, attitudes, emotions,
values, ethics, authority, rapport, hypnosis, persuasion, coercion and/or
genetics.
4. It is the reaction to facts of relationship between the individual and his
environment

5. It is the voluntary and involuntary attitude a person adopts in order to fit

society’s idea of right or wrong.

Types of Human Behavior

1. Habitual – refers to the motorized reactions which is best manifested in

emotions and languages
2. Instinctive – they are unlearned reactions that comes out by instinct
3. Symbolic – these are reactions that are manifested through substitution
4. Complex – these are combination of two or more behavior occurring in one
situation
CHARACTERISTICS OF HUMAN BEHAVIOR

1. Primarily negative or primarily learned

2. Evoked by external stimuli or internal need
3. Automatic, voluntary, conscious, motorized or intentional
CAUSES OF HUMAN BEHAVIOR

1. Sensation – feeling or impression of stimulus senses

1.1 visual – sight

1.2 auditory – hearing

1.3 gustatory – taste

1.4 olfactory – smell

1.5 coetaneous – feeling

2. Perception – knowledge of stimulus

3. Awareness – psychological activity (according to interpretation and
experience of object or stimulus)
STUDY OF HUMAN BEHAVIOR CAN BE TAKEN FROM THE FOLLOWING
VIEWPOINTS:
1. Neurological – emphasizes human actions in relation to events taking
place inside the body notably the brain and nervous system.
 2. Behavioral – focuses on external activities of the organism that can be
observed and measured.
3. Cognitive – deals with brain processes and transform information in
various ways.
4. Psychoanalytical - emphasizes unconscious motives coming from
repressed sexual and aggressive impulses in childhood
5. Humanistic – focuses on the subject’s experience freedom of choice and
motivation toward self-actualization
FACTORS THAT AFFECT HUMAN BEHAVIOR

1. Heredity – it is determined by genes.

2. Environment – consists of the conditions and factors that surround and
influence an individual
3. Learning – it is the process by which behavior changes as a result of
experience or practice

SECTION 2: STUDY OF HUMAN BEHAVIOR

Most human behavior results from a combination of many factors. For example, a person
might shout at someone who has insulted him or her, This response probably results from
more than just the insult. It may be caused partly by being tired or hungry or by having been
hurt by someone similar to the person now doing the insulting.
 Although behavior has many causes, most scientist seek to isolate single causes. This
makes the scientific study of human behavior hard. Many researchers in psychology used
controlled experiments in which they can examine the effect of one factor at a time on a
particular kind of human behavior. Some investigators designed experiments to test the
behavioral effects of several factors in various combinations. Still other researchers study
human behavior in the real world by observing people go about their daily activities.
There are various specialists in many fields that study human behavior. Psychologists
study individuals of small group of people in controlled games or tasks to understand many
aspects of human behavior, including the reasons for people's feelings, thoughts, and
motives. These studies help establish principles that can be used to explain, predict, and
modify behavior. Educational researchers study how people behave in the classroom. In
sociology, behavioral research focuses mainly on the behavior of people in large groups and
social institutions such as businesses, churches, governments, and hospitals. An
anthropologist may live in an isolated community to study the behavior patterns of a whole
group.
Scientists from different fields carry out joint studies of specific problems on human
behavior. For example, many psychologists, educational researchers, sociologists and
anthropologists are concerned with the ways human behavior is connected to physical
illnesses. Scientists work together to learn why people adopt harmful behavior patterns such
as smoking and drinking.

STUDY OF HUMAN BEHAVIOR CAN BE TAKEN FROM THE FOLLOWING

VIEWPOINTS:
1. Neurological – emphasizes human actions in relation to events taking place inside
the body notably the brain and nervous system.
2. Behavioral – focuses on external activities of the organism that can be observed and
measured.
3. Cognitive – deals with brain processes and transform information in various ways.
4. Psychoanalytical - emphasizes unconscious motives coming from repressed sexual
and aggressive impulses in childhood
5. Humanistic – focuses on the subject’s experience freedom of choice and motivation
toward self-actualization

FACTORS THAT AFFECT HUMAN BEHAVIOR

1. Heredity – it is determined by genes.
2. Environment – consists of the conditions and factors that surround and influence an
individual
3. Learning – it is the process by which behavior changes as a result of experience or
practice

OTHER DETERMINANTS OF BEHAVIOR

Needs and Drives
 Need, according to a drive reduction theory, is a biological requirement for well being of
the individual. This need creates drives – a psychological state of arousal that prompts
someone to take action (Berstein, et al, 1991). Drive therefore is an aroused state that
results from some biological needs.
Drives are states of comfortable tension that spur activity until a goal is reached.
Motivation

 refers to the influences that govern the initiation, direction, intensity, and
persistence of behavior
 it is the hypothetical concept that stands for the underlying force impelling
behavior and giving its direction (Kahayon, 1975)
Drive and motivation are covered in the world of psychology for they energize behavior and
give direction to man’s action.
Classification of Needs

 Biological needs – food, water, sex, etc

 Psychological needs – those related to individual happiness and well being

ABRAHAM MASLOW HIERARCHY OF NEEDS

1. Biological or Physiological needs – these motives include the need for food, water,
oxygen, activity, and sleep
2. Safety needs – these pertains to the motives of being cared for and being secured such
as in income and place to live.
3. Love/belongingness – it is the integration into various kinds of social groups or social
organizations. Love needs means need for affection
4. Cognitive Needs – our motivation for learning and exploration
5. Esteem needs – our motivation for an honest, fundamental respect for a person as a
useful and honorable human beings
6. Aesthetic needs – our motivation for beauty and order
7. Self-actualization – pertains to human total satisfaction, when people are motivated not
so much by unmet needs, as by the desire to become all they are capable of (self-
realization)

Frustration, Conflict and Anxiety

Frustration
- refers to the unpleasant feelings that result from the blocking of motive satisfaction. It
is a form of stress, which results in tension. It is a feeling that is experienced when
something interferes with our hopes, wishes, plans and expectations (Coleman,
1980)

Common Sources of Frustration

1.1 Physical obstacles – are physical barriers or circumstances that prevent a person from
doing his plan or fulfilling his wishes.
1.2 Social circumstances – are restrictions or circumstances imposed by other people and
the customs and laws of social writing.
1.3 Personal shortcoming – such as being handicapped by diseases, deafness, paralysis,
etc. which serves as barrier to the things one ought to do.
1.4 Conflicts Between Motives

Conflict
- refers to the simultaneous arousal of two or more incompatible motives resulting to
unpleasant emotions. It is a source of frustration because it is a threat to normal
behavior
Types of conflicts
1. Double approach conflict – a person is motivated to engage in two desirable activities
that cannot be pursued simultaneously.
2. Double avoidance conflict – a person faces two undesirable situations in which the
avoidance of one is the exposure to the other resulting to an intense emotion.
3. Approach-avoidance conflict – a person faces situation having both a desirable and
undesirable feature. It is sometimes called “dilemma”, because some negative and positive
features must be accepted regardless which course of action is chosen.
4. Multiple approach-avoidance conflict – a situation in which a choice must be made
between two or more alternatives each has both positive and negative features. It is the
most difficult to resolve because the features of each portion are often difficult to compare.

Anxiety
- is an intangible feeling that seems to evade any effort to resolve it.
- also called neurotic fear
- could be intense, low, and can be a motivating force
Stress
- is the process of adjusting to or dealing with circumstances that disrupts, or threatens
to disrupt a person’s physical or psychological functioning ( Bernstein, et al, 1991)

The Ego Defense Mechanisms

- are the unconscious techniques used to prevent a person’s self image from being
damaged. When stress becomes quite strong, an individual strives to protect his
self-esteem, avoiding defeat.
Robert Wicks (1974) cited the following ego defense mechanisms:

 Denial of Reality - protection of oneself from unpleasant reality by refusal to

perceive or face it. Simply by avoiding something that is unpleasant.
  Fantasy – the gratification of frustration desires in imaginary achievement. Paying
attention not to what is going on around him but rather to what is taking place in his
thoughts.
 Projection – placing blame for difficulties upon others or attributing one’s own
unethical desires to others in an effort to prevent ourselves being blamed.
 Rationalization – attempting to prove that one’s behavior is justifiable and thus
worthy of self and social approval.
 Reaction Formation – it occurs when someone tries to prevent his submission to
unacceptable impulses by taking opposite stand.
 Displacement – discharging pent-up emotion on objects less dangerous than those
that aroused the emotions.
 Emotional Insulation – withdrawal is passivity to protect self from hurt.
 Isolation/Intellectualization – series to cut off the emotions from a situation, which
is normally, is full of feeling.
 Regression – revert from a past behavior to retreating to earlier development level
involving less mature responses and usually a lower level of aspiration.
 Sublimation – gratification of frustrated sexual desire in substitutive men sexual
activities.
 Identification – increasing feeling of worth by identifying self with person or
institution. The person can associate himself with something or someone to elevate
position.
 Introjections – incorporating external values and standards into ego structures so
individual is not at their mercy as external threats. The acceptance of other’s values
even they are contrary to one’s own assumption.
 Undoing – apologizing for wrongs, repentance, doing penance and undergoing
punishment to negate a disapproval act.
 Symphathism – striving to gain sympathy from others. The person seeks to be
praised by relating faults
 Acting out – reduction of the anxiety aroused by forbidden desires by permitting
their expression. The individual deals with all impulse by expressing them.

The Human Values

- are relevant in understanding human behavior. They are standards which people
used tom cognize, express, and evaluate behavior as right or wrong, just or unjust,
appropriate or inappropriate. Values are also guides whom people use to
evaluate their behavior thus give direction to their lives.

Common Sense
- is a commonly health notion where truth is not dependent on judgment which is
based purely on observation, thus it lacks the organization of thoughts and jumps to
conclusion immediately.

SECTION 3: PERSONALITY
WHAT IS PERSONALITY?
The word personality itself stems from the Latin word persona, which refers to a
theatrical mask worn by performers in order to either project different roles or disguise their
identities.
At its most basic, personality is the characteristic patterns of thoughts, feelings, and
behaviors that make a person unique. It is believed that personality arises from within the
individual and remains fairly consistent throughout life.
While there are many different definitions of personality, most focus on the pattern of
behaviors and characteristics that can help predict and explain a person's behavior.
Explanations for personality can focus on a variety of influences, ranging from
genetic explanations for personality traits to the role of the environment and experience in
shaping an individual's personality.

CHARACTERISTICS OF PERSONALITY
So, what exactly makes up a personality? Traits and patterns of thought
and emotion play important roles as well as the following fundamental characteristics of
personality:

 Consistency - There is generally a recognizable order and regularity to behaviors.

Essentially, people act in the same ways or similar ways in a variety of situations.
 Psychological and Physiological - Personality is a psychological construct, but
research suggests that it is also influenced by biological processes and needs.
 Behaviors and Actions - Personality not only influences how we move and respond
in our environment, but it also causes us to act in certain ways.
 Multiple Expressions - Personality is displayed in more than just behavior. It can
also be seen in our thoughts, feelings, close relationships, and other social
interactions.

THE "BIG FIVE" PERSONALITY TRAITS

How Personality Develops?
There are a number of theories about how personality develops, and different
schools of thought in psychology influence many of these theories. Some of these major
perspectives on personality include the following.

Type Theories
Type theories are the early perspectives on personality. These theories suggested
that there are a limited number of "personality types" that are related to biological influences,
including:
Type A: perfectionist, impatient, competitive, work-obsessed, achievement-oriented,
aggressive, stressed
Type B: low stress, even-tempered, flexible, creative, adaptable to change, patient,
tendency to procrastinate
Type C: highly conscientious, perfectionists, struggle to reveal emotions (positive and
negative)
Type D: feelings of worry, sadness, irritability, pessimistic outlook, negative self-talk,
avoidance of social situations, lack of self-confidence, fear of rejection, appearing gloomy,
hopelessness

Trait Theories
Trait theories tend to view personality as the result of internal characteristics that are
genetically based and include:

 Agreeable - cares about others, feels empathy, enjoys helping others

 Conscientiousness - high levels of thoughtfulness, good impulse control, goal-
directed behaviors
 Eager-to-please - accommodating, passive, and conforming
 Extraversion - excitability, sociability, talkativeness, assertiveness, and high
amounts of emotional expressiveness
 Introversion - quiet, reserved
 Neuroticism - experiences stress and dramatic shifts in mood, feels anxious, worries
about different things, gets upset easily, struggles to bounce back after stressful
events
 Openness - very creative, open to trying new things, focuses on tackling new
challenges

THE TRAIT THEORY OF PERSONALITY

Psychodynamic Theories
Psychodynamic theories of personality are heavily influenced by the work of Sigmund
Freud and emphasize the influence of the unconscious mind on personality. Psychodynamic
theories include Sigmund Freud’s psychosexual stage theory and Erik Erikson’s stages of
psychosocial development.

Behavioral Theories
Behavioral theories suggest that personality is a result of interaction between the
individual and the environment. Behavioral theorists study observable and measurable
behaviors, often ignoring the role of internal thoughts and feelings. Behavioral theorists
include B.F. Skinner and John B. Watson.

Humanist
Humanist theories emphasize the importance of free will and individual experience in
developing a personality. Humanist theorists include Carl Rogers and Abraham Maslow.
APPLICATIONS IN PSYCHOLOGY
Research on personality can yield fascinating insights into how personality develops
and changes over the course of a lifetime. This research can also have important practical
applications in the real world.
For example, personality assessments are often used to help people learn more
about themselves and their unique strengths, weaknesses, and preferences. Some
assessments might look at how people rank on specific traits, such as whether they are high
in extroversion, conscientiousness, or openness.
Other assessments might measure how specific aspects of personality change over
the course of development. Such personality assessments can also be used to help people
determine what careers they might enjoy, how well they might perform in certain job roles, or
how effective a form of psychotherapy has been.
Personality type can also have a connection to your health, including how often you
visit the doctor and how you cope with stress. Researchers have found that certain
personality characteristics may be linked to illness and health behaviors.

PERSONALITY DIMENSIONS THAT AFFECT HUMAN BEHAVIOR

Extraversion
- it is the dimension that dictates conditionality and is therefore the principal factor in
anti-social behavior.
- it represents a central nervous system tendency that determines need for stimulation
and excitement.
- it plays the greatest role in crime and delinquency
- it is particularly crucial in dealing with young children when socialized conduct is
either acquired or not through the proper development of conditioned conscience.
Neuroticism or Emotional Instability
- Reflects an innate biological predisposition to react physiologically to stressful or
upsetting events.
- It represents emotionality
- Most important in understanding some adult criminals

Psychoticism
- Characterized by cold cruelty, social insensitivity, disregard for danger, troublesome
behavior, dislike of others, and an attraction towards the unusual.
- Individual’s high on psychoticism tends to be impulsive, aggressive individual with
appreciable conscience or concern for others. Hypothesized to be the link in crimes
of violence, and appears to be equally important across all stages of development
from childhood through adolescence, to adulthood.
SECTION 4: CRIMINAL BEHAVIOR
Criminal behavior is not, itself, indicative of mental illness. If it were, perhaps it could
be treated medically. However, some criminals are motivated to engage in illegal and
antisocial behavior by underlying psychiatric conditions, especially those conditions that
manifest themselves in symptoms such as lack of impulse control and lack of inhibition,
hallucinations and delusions, paranoia, hyper-activity, and inability to concentrate or
possession of impaired communication skills.
Persons suffering from personality disorders, schizophrenia, bipolar affective
disorder, aggression, depression, adjustment disorders, and sexual disorders such as
paraphilias are prone to criminal behavior, according to “Psychiatric Illness Associated with
Criminality,” by William H. Wilson, MD, and Kathleen A. Trott, MD
(www.emedicine.com/med/topic3485.htm). Illegal conduct can also stem from drug- or
alcohol-induced psychosis or conditions caused by traumatic brain injury.
It might be easier for such persons to hide their mental illness in the online
community, where they don't have to come into physical contact with others, than in the
offline world. Cybercrime that is motivated by psychiatric illness can be difficult to investigate
and solve, precisely because the criminal's motivations don't seem logical or rational. We
can understand why a money-motivated offender commits crimes, even though we don't
approve of the behavior. However, we might not be able to easily understand the actions of
a mentally ill person.

PERSPECTIVE ON THE CAUSES OF CRIMINAL BEHAVIOR (Coleman, 1980)

1. Anxiety (Psychological Perspective) – stressful situations that when become extreme
may result to maladaptive behavior.
2. Faulty Learning (Behavior perspective) – the failure to learn the necessary adaptive
behavior due to wrongful development.
3. Blocked of Distorted Personal Growth (Humanistic Perspective) – presumably,
human nature tends towards cooperation and constructive activities; however, if we show
aggression, cruelty or other violent behavior, the result will be an unfavorable environment.
4. Unsatisfactory Interpersonal Relationship – self concept in early childhood by over
critical parents or by rigid socialization measures usually causes deviant behaviors among
individuals because they are not contented and even unhappy
5. Pathological Social Conditions – poverty, social discrimination, and destructive
violence always results to deviant behavior

PATTERNS OF CRIMINAL BEHAVIORS

1. Neurotic (Psychoneurotic) behaviors – are groups of mild functional personality
disorders in which there is no gross personality disorganization, the individual does not lose
contact with reality, and hospitalization is not required.
1.1 Anxiety disorders – commonly known as neurotic fear. When it is occasional but
intense, it is called “panic”. When it is mild but continuous, it is called “worry” which is usually
accompanied by physiological symptoms such as sustained muscular tension, increased
blood pressure, insomnia, etc.
Classification of Anxiety Disorders:
a. Obsessive - compulsive disorders – usually centered on fear that one will submit to
uncontrollable impulse to do something wrong.
b. Asthenic disorders (neurasthenia) – characterized by chronic mental and physical
fatigue and various aches and pains.
c. Phobic disorders – refer to the persistent fear on some objects or situation that present
no actual danger to the person.
Examples of phobia:

 acrophobia – fear of high places

 agoraphobia –open places
 algophobia – fear of pain
 astraphobia –fear of storms / lightning
 claustrophobia –fear of closed places

1.2 Somatoform disorders – complaints of bodily symptoms that suggest the presence of
physical problem but no organic basis can be found.

Classification of Somatoform Disorders:

Hypochondriasis – refers to the excessive concern about state of health or physical
condition.
Psychogenic pain disorder – characterized buy the report of severe and lasting pain,
either no physical basis is apparent
Conversion disorder (Hysteria) – a neurotic pattern in which symptoms of some physical
malfunction or loss of control without any underlying organic abnormality.

1.3 Dissociative disorders – a response to obvious stress characterized by amnesia,

multiple personality, and depersonalization
1.4 Mood disorders – often referred to as affective disorders; are group of clinical
conditions characterized by a loss of sense of control of their moods and affects, and a
subjective experience of great distress may be elevated on depressed.
2. Psychotic disorders – are group of disorders involving gross structural defects in the
brain tissue, severe disorientation of the mind thus it involves loss of contact with reality.
1.1 Organic mental disorders
1.2 Disorders involving brain tumor
1.3 Disorders involving head injury
1.4 Senile and pre-senile dementia
1.5 Mental retardation
1.6 Schizophrenia and paranoia

3. Addictive Disorders - psychoactive substance-use disorders such as alcoholism

affects millions of people. Addiction and psychological dependence on these substances
create disastrous personal and social problems.
3.1 substance use (alcohol and drug abuse)
3.2 pathological gambling
4. Sexual Disorders – sexual deviations to the impairment to either the desire for sexual
gratification or in the ability to achieve it. These are common causation of sex crime.

Sexual Behaviors Leading to Sex Crimes

a. As to sexual reversals
Homosexuality – sexual behavior directed towards the same sex. It is also called
“lesbianism or tribadism” for female relationship
Transvestism – refers to the achievement of sexual excitation by dressing as a member of
the opposite sex such a man who wears female apparel.
Fetishism – sexual gratification is obtained by looking at some body parts, underwear of the
opposite sex or other objects associated with the opposite sex.

b. As to the choice of partner

Pedophilia – a sexual perversion where a person has the compulsive desire to have sexual
intercourse with a child of either sex.
Bestiality – the sexual gratification is attained by having sexual intercourse with animals.
Auto-sexual – (self-gratification/masturbation) – it is called self-abuse, sexual satisfaction is
carried out without the cooperation of another.
Gerontophilia – is a sexual desire or actual intercourse with a corpse
Incest – a sexual relation between person who, by reason of blood relationship cannot
legally marry.
SECTION 5: MENTAL DISORDERS
MENTAL DISORDERS

Who are normal persons?

A normal person is one who behaves according to the norms and standards of
society.

Characteristics:
1. free expression of personality
2. adequate security feelings
3. efficient contact with reality
4. adaptability to group norms
5. emotional maturity
6. adequate self-knowledge
7. Integrated and consistent personality

Who are abnormal persons?

An individual can be called abnormal when he fails to meet the characteristics of a
normal person.

Some Manifestations of Mental Disorders

1. Cognition Disorder – Knowing

1.1 Perception Disorders

a. Illusion
– a false interpretation of an external stimulus. It may be manifested through sight,
hearing, taste, touch and smell.

b. Hallucination
– an erroneous perception without an external object of stimulus.

2. Memory Disorders
a. Dementia
– a form of mental disorder resulting from the degeneration or disorder of the brain
characterized by general mental weakness, forgetfulness, loss of coherence etc.

b. Amnesia
– loss of memory

3. Content of thought disorders

a. Delusion
– a false or erroneous belief in something which is not a fact.

Obsession
– thoughts and impulses which continually occur in the person’s mind despite attempts
to keep them out.

Trend of Thought Disorders

Mania
– a state of excitement accompanied by exaltation or a feeling of well being which is
out of harmony with the surrounding circumstances of the patient.
Melancholia
– an intense feeling of depression and misery which is unwarranted by his physical
condition and external environment

Emotional Disorders – feeling

Exaltation
– feeling of unwarranted well-being and happiness
Depression
– feeling of miserable thought, that a calamitous incident occurred in his life, something
has gone wrong with his bodily functions and prefer to be quiet and in seclusion
Apathy
– serious disregard to surrounding and environment
Phobia
– excessive, irrational and uncontrollable fear of a PERFECTLY NATURAL
SITUATION OR OBJECT.
SECTION 6: MENTAL DEFICIENCY
DEFINITION
Mental deficiency
 - failure in intellectual development that is marked by low intelligence or mental
retardation and that may result in an inability to function competently in society.
Intellectual disability (ID), once called mental retardation, is characterized by below-average
intelligence or mental ability and a lack of skills necessary for day-to-day living. People with
intellectual disabilities can and do learn new skills, but they learn them more slowly.
Below normal intellectual functions which originate from the arrested or incomplete
development of the mind during the development period below the age of 18. These may be
induced by various factors associated with the impairment of learning, social adjustment or
maturation.
In the fifth edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-5), the
APA replaced “mental retardation” with “intellectual disability (intellectual developmental
disorder).” The APA included the parenthetical name “(intellectual developmental disorder)”

CLASSICAL TYPES OF MENTAL DEFICIENCIES

1. Idiot
- usually congenital and due to the defective development of mental faculties
- wanting in memory, will power and emotion
- cannot express himself by language, is quiet, timid and easily gets irritated
- cannot guard himself against common physical dangers
- usually with physical abnormalities such as microcephaly and mongolism
- mentality never exceeds that of a normal child over two years old
- IQ is from 0-20

2. Imbecile
- maybe able to speak but with poor command of language
- can be easily aroused to passion and may show purposeful behavior
- may be trained to do simple work under supervision
- mentality may be compared to a normal child from 3 to 7 years old
- IQ is 21-40

3. Feeble -minded
- although mental defect is not as severe as imbecile, he needs care, supervision, and
control for his protection and for the protection of others.
- incapable of receiving benefits from instruction in ordinary school
- lacks initiative and ability for any work or responsibility
- mentality is similar to a normal child between 8- 12 years old
- IQ is 41-70

4. Moron
- also considered a feeble minded person although he is of considerably higher
intelligence than imbecile
- intellectual faculties and judgment are not as well developed as in normal individual
 - can perform routine tasks in civilized society as long as the demands made upon his
mental capacity are not too discretionary
- amenable to the customs of the community and may not present so much of a social
problem

5. Morally Defective
- in addition to the mental defect, there are strong vicious and criminal propensities
- requires care, supervision and control for the protection of others
- he is devoid of a moral sense and often shows intellectual deficiency though may be
mentally alert
- careless, pleasure-loving, and a devil may care sort

CLASSIFICATION OF MENTAL RETARDATION

1. Profound
- IQ under 20
- most likely in need of hospitalization or some type of environment in which care is
available throughout his lifetime

2. Severe
- IQ is between 20 and 35
- capable of habit training as a child
- in need of controlled environment

3. Moderate
- IQ is 36-51
- can develop academic skills equal to about the second grade level
- as an adult, he will need a sheltered environment

4. Mild
- IQ is 56 to 67 and constitutes the largest group of mentally retarded
- can develop academic skills about the sixth grade level
- a as an adult he can develop social and vocational skills

5. Borderline Retardation
- not part of the original standard classification
- IQ is 68-83

OTHER CONDITIONS MANIFESTING MENTAL DISTURBANCE

1. Somnambulism
- abnormal mental condition whereby a person performs an act while sleeping
 - -a somnambulist might be concentrated on an idea or obsessed by certain
thoughtswhich baffle his mind and tries to execute them while asleep
- may commit a murder while in that state
- has no recollection of events occurring during the episode

2. Semisomnolence or Somnolence
- half asleep or in a condition between sleep and being awake
- may suddenly be aroused and may unconsciously commit a criminal act while in this
state of confusion

3. Hypnotism or Mesmerism
- a person is made unconscious by the suggestive influence by a hypnotist
- may commit a criminal act while under hypnotism, which he may not be otherwise
capable of doing

4. Delirium
- a state of confusion of the mind, characterized by by incoherent speech,
hallucination, delusions, illusions, restlessness, and apparently purposeless motions
- may commit crime under a state of delirium
SECTION 7: VICTIMOLOGY: DEFINITION AND HISTORY
CHAPTER 1

VICTIMOLOGY

DEFINITION

Victimology may be defined as a branch of the study of criminology which deals with
the study of an individual who somehow, one way or the other, has contributed in the
commission of a crime or offense making himself a party in crime and at the same time a
crime victim of his own volition.

Victimology, branch of criminology that scientifically studies the relationship

between an injured party and an offender by examining the causes and the nature of the
consequent suffering. Specifically, victimology focuses on whether the perpetrators were
complete strangers, mere acquaintances, friends, family members, or even intimates and
why a particular person or place was targeted. Criminal victimization may inflict economic
costs, physical injuries, and psychological harm.

HISTORY OF VICTIMOLOGY

Victimology first emerged in the 1940s and ’50s, when several criminologists
(notably Hans Von Hentig, Benjamin Mendelsohn, and Henri Ellenberger) examined victim-
offender interactions and stressed reciprocal influences and role reversals. These pioneers
raised the possibility that certain individuals who suffered wounds and losses might share
some degree of responsibility with the lawbreakers for their own misfortunes. For example,
the carelessness of some motorists made the tasks of thieves easier; reckless behavior on
the part of intoxicated customers in a bar often attracted the attention of robbers; and
provocation by some brawlers caused confrontations to escalate to the point that the
instigator was injured or even killed. More controversially, women were sometimes said to
bear some responsibility for misunderstandings that evolved into sexual assaults. By
systematically investigating the actions of victims, costly mistakes could be identified and
risk-reduction strategies could be discerned. Furthermore, those who stress the culpability of
injured parties for their victimization, such as defense attorneys, tended to argue in favor
of mitigating the punishment of offenders.

Although the field originally focused on the varying degrees of victim

blameworthiness, by the 1970s this preoccupation became overshadowed by studies
intended to prevent victimization, to improve the way complainants are handled by
the police and courts, and to speed recovery. Victimology is enriched by other fields of study,
particularly psychology, social work, sociology, economics, law, and political science.
Whereas lawyers, criminal justice officials, counselors, therapists, and medical professionals
provide the actual services, victimologists study the kinds of help injured parties need and
the effectiveness of efforts intended to make them “whole again,” both financially and
emotionally. Victims of murder, rape, spousal abuse, elder abuse, child abuse, and
kidnapping have received the most research attention, but entire categories of victims that
were formerly overlooked have been rediscovered (e.g., people with disabilities that make
them unusually vulnerable and targets of workplace violence, hate crimes, and terrorist
attacks). Other groups have been discovered and protected, such as individuals who have
fallen victim to identity theft.
 One focus of victimology has centered on identifying and measuring the frequency
(both annual incidence and lifetime prevalence rates) of various types of victimizations, such
as stalking, date rape, and carjacking. Some research has focused on the related challenge
of explaining why the risks of violent victimization vary so dramatically from group to group,
especially by age, gender, social class, race, ethnicity, and area of residence (mostly as a
result of exposure to dangerous persons because of routine activities as well as lifestyle
choices). Another area of concern to victimologists is how the legal system (e.g., detectives
in specialized squads, victim-witness assistance programs administered by the offices of
prosecutors, and state-administered financial compensation programs) deals with victims in
their capacity as witnesses for the government. Victimologists have documented how the
interests and needs of injured parties have been routinely overlooked historically but are now
being addressed because the victims’ rights movement has won concessions that empower
victims within the justice system.

Victimologists have evaluated the numerous projects initiated since the early 1970s
by advocacy and self-help groups (e.g., battered women’s shelters and rape-crisis centers)
and the legislation that has enabled victims to have greater input into the decision-making
process that resolves their cases (e.g., over such matters as sentencing and parole). The
field also explores the social reaction to the plight of victims by the media, by businesses
marketing protective products and services, and by political groups urging ostensibly “pro-
victim” reforms and legislation. In addition, victimologists study the impulse toward
vigilantism in retaliation for past wrongs as well as the opposite tendency—that is, a
willingness to accept restitution as a prerequisite for mutual reconciliation—which is the
foundation of the alternative paradigm of restorative justice. Restorative justice relies upon
mediation, negotiation, dialogue, and compromise to build a consensus within
a community that the wrongdoer must accept responsibility for actions taken and make
genuine efforts to assist injured parties and repair any damage to harmonious relations.

Victimologists often collect their own data, but they also analyze the detailed
information provided by government agencies that collect official crime statistics based either
on incidents reported to police departments (such as the Federal Bureau of
Investigation’s annual Uniform Crime Reports) or on incidents disclosed to survey
interviewers by respondents who are part of a large representative sample of a cross-section
of the public (such as the Bureau of Justice Statistics’ National Crime Victimization Survey).

VICTIMS AND VICTIM TYPOLOGIES

It was not until 1660 that the word victim was first used to in the sense of a person
who is hurt, tortured or killed by another. A victim of crime did not exist until well into the 17th
century. Why were victims ignored for so long? A victim is an integral part of the system, in
fact, some say without a victim there would be no need for the CJ system. Victims are the
people or communities that suffer physical, emotional, or financial harm as a result of a
crime. Over the years different typologies of victims have been created to demonstrate the
unique role or position of victims in relation to crime. Typically, when people hear someone
has been a victim of a crime we often think of them as completely innocent. In fact, a lot of
new legislation and policy changes created to provide the victim with a greater role in the CJ
offers the stereotypical view of the victim as completely innocent.

Typologies of Crime Victims

Theorists have developed victim typologies that are concerned primarily with the
situational and personal characteristics of victims and the relationship between victims and
offenders. Benjamin Mendelsohn was one of the first criminologists to create a victim
typology, in the 1950s, but was not without controversy. Below is a table of Mendelsohn’s
typology of crime victims and as you can see he placed a lot of emphasis on most victims
attitude that leads to their victimization.

Mendelsohn’s Typology of Crime Victims

Someone who did not contribute to the

Innocent victim victimization and is in the wrong place at
the wrong time. This is the victim we most
often envision when thinking about
enhancing victim rights.
Does not actively participate in their
victimization but contributes to it in some
minor degree, such as frequenting high-
The victim with minor guilt
crime areas. This would be a person that
continues to go to a bar that is known for
nightly assault.
Victim and offender may have engaged in
criminal activity together. This would be two
The guilty victim, guilty offender
people attempting to steal a car, rob a
store, sell drugs, etc.
The victim may have been the primary
The guilty offender, guiltier victim
attacker, but the offender won the fight.
The victim instigated a conflict but is killed
in self-defense. An example would be an
Guilty victim
abused woman killing her partner while he
is abusing her.
Some people pretend to be victims and are
Imaginary victim not. This would be someone falsifying
reports.

Other criminologists developed similar typologies but included other elements. For
example, Hans Von Hentig expanded his typology from situational factors that Mendelsohn
looked at and considered the role of biological, sociological and psychological factors. For
example, Von Hentig said the young, elderly, and women are more susceptible to
victimization because of things such as physical vulnerabilities. It is important to recognize
that some crimes, and ultimately crime victims, are excluded in these typologies such as
white-collar and corporate crime.
Von Hentig’s Typology

Immature, under adult supervision, lack

Young people physical strength and lack the mental and
emotional maturity to recognize
victimization
Females/elderly Lack of physical strength
Mentally ill/intellectually disabled Can be taken advantage of easily
Cannot understand language or threat of
Immigrants
deportation makes them vulnerable
Marginalized in society, so vulnerable to
Minorities
victimization.
Dull normal Reasonably intelligent people who are

The depressed
The acquisitive
The lonesome and broken-hearted
Tormentors
Blocked, exempted, and fighting victims
naive or vulnerable in some way. These
people are easily deceived.
Gullable, easily swayed, and not vigilant.
Greedy and can be targeted for scammers
who would take advantage of their desire
for financial gain.
Often prone to victimization by intimate
partners. They desire to be with someone
at any cost. They are susceptible to
manipulation.
Primary abusers in relationships and
become victims when the one being abused
turns on them.
Enter situations in which they are taken
advantage such as blackmail.
Victimology and Victimization
By: Rowena E. Mojares, RC, MS Crim

Introduction
Robert Reiff once said, the problems of crime always get reduced to “What can be done
about criminals?” Nobody asks, “What can be done about victims?
The consequences of crime vary from one individual to another. Crime can involve
financial loss, property damage, physical injury, and death. Less obvious but sometimes
more devastating are the psychological wounds left in the wake of victimization, wounds that
may never heal.
Victimology or the study of victimization, is a filed of scientific endeavor that took off
as a separate discipline round 1970 (Drapkin, Viano, 1970). Before that, victimology was,
interalia, pioneered by the German criminologist Von Hentig and criminal law scholar
Benjamin Mendelson.

Blaming the Victim

 The most important political criticism leveled against the type of victimology is that it
provides arguments for blaming victims for their fate. From a historical perspective, it
cannot be denied that Mendelson in his early publications draw the attention to the
victim’s involvement and shift part of the blame upon the victim.
 Researchers who studied the role played by the victim in the dynamics resulting in
the crime as well as in ensuing legal conflict will typically hold discriminate opinions
on the punishment of the offender.
 For the pioneers in victimology, offenders and victims are equally deserving of
humanitarian concerns. Since concern for the offender does not conflict with concern
for the victim, there is every reason to preserve this tradition.

General Victimology

 Like penal victimology, general victimology was also first explicitly described by
Mendelsohn.
 Mendelsohn advocated a general study of what he now called “victimity”, with a view
of reducing it prevention and victim assistance.
 The assistance for victims should be based on a specific personal, social and cultural
rehabilitation theory.
 Mendelsohn’s interest no longer lay with crime and its prevention, but with the
 prevention and alleviation of “Victimity” in a wide sense.
 Study not only include victims of crime and abuse of power but should also include
victims of accidents, natural disasters and other acts of God.
 The focus is on treatment and the prevention or alleviation of adverse consequences
The World Society of Victimology

 Victimology, as institutionalized by WSV may be defined as : the scientific study of

the extent, nature and causes of criminal victimization, its consequences for the
 persons involved and the reactions thereto by society, in particular the police and the
criminal justice system as well as voluntary workers and professional helpers.
 Victims means persons who, individually or collectively, have suffered harm,
including physical or mental injury, emotional suffering, economic loss or substantial
impairment of their fundamental rights, through acts or omissions that are in violation
of criminal laws, including those proscribing abuse of power.

General Classes of Victims (Hans Von Hentig)

 The young – the weak by virtue of age and immaturity

 The female – often less physically powerful and easily dominated by males.
 The old – they are incapable of physical defense and the common object of
confidence scheme
 The mentally defective – those who are unable to think clearly
 The immigrant – those who are unsure of the rules of conduct in the surrounding
society
 The minorities – racial prejudice may lead to victimization or unequal treatment by
the agency of justice

Psychological Types of Victims

 The depressed – those who are submissive by virtue of emotional condition

 The acquisitive or greedy – the value or act of wanting more propels such
individuals into victimization
 The wanton or overly sensual – those ruled by passion and thoughtlessly seeking
pleasure
 The lonesome – similar to the acquisitive type of victim, by virtue of wanting
companionship or affection
 The heartbroken – those emotionally disturb by virtue of heartaches and pains
 The tormentor – the type of victim who asked for it, often from his own family or
friend.

Other Types of Victims (Benjamin Mendelson)

 The completely innocent victim – such person is an ideal victim in popular

perception. In this category, it placed persons victimized while they were
unconscious, and the child victims.
 Victims with only minor guilt and those victimized due to ignorance
 The victim who is just as guilty as the offender and the voluntary victim.
Suicide cases are common to this category

 The victim guiltier than the offender – this category was described as containing
persons who provoked the criminal or actively induced their own victimization.
 The most guilty victim who is “guilty alone” – an attacker killed by a would-be
victim in the act of defending himself was placed into this category
  The imaginary victim – those suffering from mental disorders, or those victimized
due to extreme mental abnormalities.

Different Explanation to Victimization (Theories of Victimization)

 Theories of victimization have recently been developed for the purpose of

understanding crime from the victim’s perspective, or with the victim in mind.

Routine - Activity Approach

 According to Lawrence Cohen and Marcus Felson, a crime can occur only if there is
someone who intends to commit a crime (likely offender), something or someone to
be victimized (suitable target), and no other person present to prevent or observe the
crime (absence of capable guardian)
 Later revisions added a fourth element-no person to control the activities of the likely
offender (personal handler)

Lifestyle Theories

 It was developed by Michael Hindelang, Michael Gottfredson, and James Garofalo in

1978. It argues that because of changing roles( working mother versus homemaker)
and schedules ( a child’s school calendar), people lead different lifestyles (work and
leisure activities).
 Variations in lifestyle affect the number of situations with high victimization risks that
a person experiences.

Propositions that Outline the Essence of the Theory

Proposition 1 : the probability of suffering a personal victimization is directly related to the
amount of time that a person spends in public places, and particularly in public places at
night
Proposition 2 : the probability of being in public places, varies as a function of lifestyle
Proposition 3 : social contacts and interactions occur disproportionately among individuals
who share similar lifestyle
Proposition 4 : an individual’s chances of personal victimization are dependent upon the
extent to which the individual share demographic characteristics with offenders ( such as
young urban males)
Proposition 5 : the proportion of time that an individual spends among nonfamily members
varies as a function of lifestyle
Proposition 6 : the probability of personal victimization, particularly personal theft, increases
as a function of the proportion of the time that an individual spends among nonfamily
members
Proposition 7 : variations in lifestyle are associated with the variations in the ability of
individuals to isolate themselves from persons with offender characteristics ( being able to
leave high-crime urban areas for sheltered suburbs)
Proposition 8 : variations in lifestyle are associated with the convenience, the desirability ,
and vincibility of the person as a target for a personal victimization

Propositions
1. The probability of suffering a personal victimization is directly related to the amount of
time that a person spends in public places (e.g. on the street, in parks,) and
particularly in public places at night.

2. The probability of being in public places, particularly at night, varies as a function of

lifestyle

3. Social contacts and interactions occur disproportionately among individuals who

share similar lifestyles.

4. An individual’s chances of personal victimization are dependent upon the extent to

which the individual shares demographic characteristics with offenders (such as
young urban males).

5. The proportion of time that an individual spends among nonfamily members varies as
a function of lifestyle.

6. The probability of personal victimization, particularly personal theft, increases as a

function of the proportion of the time that an individual spends among nonfamily
members (such as a young man who works a double shift at a factory versus a
middle-aged woman who stays home to take care of an elderly parent)

7. Variations in lifestyle are associated with variations in the ability of individuals to

isolate themselves from persons with offender characteristics ( being able to leave
high-crime urban areas for sheltered suburbs).

8. Variations in lifestyle are associated with variations in the convenience, the

desirability, and vincibility of the person as a target for a personal victimization
(people who pass within the view of offenders, seem to have what the offender
wants, appear unable to resist, or would probably not report the crime to the police)

Victim - Offender Interaction

 Marvin Wolfgang studied homicides in Philadelphia during the 1950s and found that
may of the victims had actually brought upon themselves the attack that led to their
murder. He coined the term “victim precipitation” to refer to situations where victims
initiate the confrontations that lead to their death.
 Wolfgang estimated that as many as one quarter to one half of intentional homicides
are victim - precipitated.

Theory of Coercive Actions

 James Tedeschi and Richard Felson put forward a theory of coercive actions, which
stresses that the way victims and offenders interact plays a large role in violent crime. They
argue that people commit violence purposely.

Repeat Victimization (Multiple Victimization)

Focus on the specific characteristics of situations in order to determine which factors
account for the initial, as well as for repeat victimization.
SECTION 8: THEORIES OF VICTIMIZATION
THEORIES OF CRIME VICTIMIZATION

HISTORICAL FOUNDATIONS FOR CURRENT VICTIMIZATION THEORIES

The use of such expressions as "the victim-offender problem" (MacDonald 1939),
"the duet frame of crime" (Von Hentig 1948), "the penal couple" (Ellenberger 1955), and,
more generally, "the victim-offender relationship" (Von Hentig 1940; Schafer 1968; Schultz
1968) clearly indicates the significance of crime victims to the understanding of crime.
Garofalo (1914) was one of the first to note that a victim may provoke another into attack,
whereas Mendelsohn (1956) developed a victim typology that distinguishes victims who are
more culpable than their offenders from those who are considered totally guiltless. Von
Hentig (1948) described general classes of crime victims (e.g., the young, females, the old,
the mentally defective, the depressed, the acquisitive, the lonesome and heartbroken) and
some of the characteristics associated with these personal attributes that increase their
vulnerability to crime.
Such a list of phrases is not a history, and it would be incorrect to claim that modern
victim theories are merely the latest variants in a long lineage of earlier victim theories.
These early writers did not propose theories, and even some of the concepts they used were
primitive. Furthermore, it is speculative at best to attempt to sketch a victim theory ancestry
since there seem to be few connections among these early works. Although it is difficult to
trace the origins of any particular theoretical perspective, two fairly recent research traditions
appear to be the antecedents to current theories of victimization. These include research on
victim precipitation and the development of victimization surveys.

Victim Precipitation
The first systematic study of victim involvement in crime was conducted in the late
1950s by Marvin Wolfgang. The term he introduced, "victim precipitation," became a popular
descriptor for all direct contact predatory crime (e.g., murder, assault, forcible rape, robbery).
When applied to homicide, victim precipitation is restricted to those cases in which "the
victim is the first in the homicide drama to resort to physical force against the subsequent
slayer" (Wolfgang 1958, p. 252; see also Wolfgang 1957). A similar definition is used in the
case of aggravated assault except that insinuating language or gestures might also be
considered provoking actions (Curtis 1974; Miethe 1985). Victim-precipitated robbery
involves cases in which the victim has 461 Robert F. Meier and Terance D. Miethe acted
without reasonable self-protection in the handling of money, jewelry, or other valuables
(Normandeau 1968; Curtis 1974), whereas this concept in forcible rape applies to "an
episode ending in forced sexual intercourse in which the victim first agreed to sexual
relations, or clearly invited them verbally or through gestures, but then retracted before the
act" (Amir 1967; Curtis 1974).
Under each of these definitions, there is an explicit time ordering of events in which
victims initiate some type of action that results in their subsequent victimization. Previous
studies using police reports suggest some level of victim involvement in a large proportion of
violent crimes. The extent of victim precipitation, however, varies widely by type of offense.
Estimates of victim precipitation range from 22 to 38 percent for homicide, 14 percent for
aggravated assault, between 4 and 19 percent for rape cases, and about 11 percent of
armed robberies are characterized by carelessness on the part of the victim (see, for review,
Curtis 1974). These figures are best considered low estimates of the rate of victim
involvement because of the fairly restrictive definition of victim precipitation for some crimes
(i.e., murder, assault) and the large number of cases with incomplete information. The
national survey of aggravated assaults reported by Curtis (1974), for example, had
insufficient data for determining the presence of victim precipitation in 51 percent of the
cases. Nonetheless, the importance of the notion of victim precipitation is clearly revealed in
many cases of homicide where who becomes labeled the victim and who the offender
(Wolfgang 1957) is a matter of chance or circumstance. There are several reasons why
previous research on victim precipitated crime was influential in the emergence of current
theories of victimization.
First, the prevalence of victim precipitation signified the importance of victims' actions
in explaining violent crime but also brought attention to the less direct ways by which citizens
contribute to their victimization. These less direct forms of victim involvement would include
such acts as getting involved in risky or vulnerable situations, not exercising good judgment
when in public places, leaving property unprotected, and interacting on a regular basis with
potential offenders.
Second, the notion of victim precipitation, by definition, attributes some responsibility
for crime to the actions of its victims. That victim precipitation researchers had to deal
directly with such an unpopular 462 Theories of Victimization public and political stance may
have made it easier for subsequent scholars to examine victim culpability and how the
routine activities and lifestyles of citizens provide opportunities for crime. Thus, current
theories of victimization may have benefited greatly from the prior work on victim
precipitation.
The implication of blame in victim-precipitation analyses has inhibited full
development of the concept. When Wolfgang's student Menachem Amir (1971) adopted the
concept in a study of forcible rape that parallels Wolfgang's research on homicide, it caused
a major political controversy. Amir, like Wolfgang, used official police reports in the city of
Philadelphia; he also used the subculture of violence as a unifying theoretical notion to
explain this crime. But Amir was not sufficiently sensitive to the differences between murder
and rape in using the idea of victim precipitation. While it is neither counterintuitive nor
politically contentious to acknowledge that murder victims sometimes strike the first blow or
otherwise provoke a violent response, it was politically aberrant to suggest that rape victims
were provocative, at least in the same sense. In suggesting the nature of victim precipitation
in rape, Amir reported that 20 percent of the victims had a prior record for some sort of
sexual misconduct (usually prostitution or juvenile intercourse) and another 20 percent had
"bad reputations." Wolfgang's research offered a promising idea to further explore the
relationship between offender and victim, but Amir's study blunted the promise by not
developing the idea beyond Wolfgang's pioneering work.
Actually, Amir was either too far ahead, or too far behind, his times. The 1970s were
politically charged in criminology as well as in society at large with much concern about
victim blaming and women's rights. Research on rape would shortly be done correctly only
by women. The idea that men had anything reasonably objective to say about rape was not
given much credence. Surely this overstates the matter, but there is no mistaking the fact
that there were very few male authors on rape, and Amir himself took an academic
assignment in Israel never really to publish on rape again. The concept of victim precipitation
remained comatose under the feminist assault never to resurface, even for homicide.
 In fairness, the concept of victim precipitation was never really defined very well, and
Amir's application of the concept to include "bad reputation" was a serious mistake
scientifically. Such an indicator clearly smacked of subjectivity, and no validity checks were
made of 463 464 Robert F. Meier and Terance D. Miethe the Philadelphia Police
Department records in which this phrase appeared.

Lifestyle-Exposure Theories of Victimization

One of the first systematic theories of criminal victimization was the lifestyle-exposure
approach developed by Hindelang, Gottfredson, and Garofalo (1978) less than twenty years
ago. This theory was originally proposed to account for differences in the risks of violent
victimization across social groups, but it has been extended to include property crime, and it
forms the basis for more elaborate theories of target selection processes.
The basic premise underlying the lifestyle-exposure theory is that demographic
differences in the likelihood of victimization are attributed to differences in the personal
lifestyles of victims. Variations in lifestyles are important because they are related to the
differential exposure to dangerous places, times, and others-that is, situations in which there
are high risks of victimization. A graphic representation of this theoretical perspective is
presented in figure 1.

From this perspective, an individual's lifestyle is the critical factor that determines
risks of criminal victimization. Lifestyle is defined in this context as "routine daily activities,
both vocational activities (work, school, keeping house, etc.) and leisure activities"
(Hindelang, Gottfredson, and Garofalo 1978, p. 241). People's daily activities may naturally
bring them into contact with crime, or they merely increase the risk of crime that victims
experience. Time spent in one's home generally decreases victim risk, while time spent in
public settings increases risk.
Differences in lifestyles are socially determined by individuals' collective responses or
adaptations to various role expectations and structural constraints (see fig. 1). Both ascribed
and achieved status characteristics (e.g., age, gender, race, income, marital status,
education, occupation) are important correlates of predatory crime because these status
attributes carry with them shared expectations about appropriate behavior and structural
obstacles that both enable and constrain one's behavioral choices. Adherence to these
cultural and structural expectations leads to the establishment of routine activities patterns
and associations with others similarly situated. These lifestyles and associations, in turn, are
expected to enhance one's exposure to risky or vulnerable situations that increase
individuals' chances of victimization.
Routine Activity Theory
The routine activity perspective developed by Cohen and Felson (1979) has many
similarities with the lifestyle-exposure theory. Both emphasize how patterns of routine
activities or lifestyles in conventional society provide an opportunity structure for crime. Each
theory also downplays the importance of offender motivation and other aspects of criminality
in understanding individuals' risks of victimization and the social ecology of crime. These
theories are also representative of a wider "criminal opportunity" perspective because they
stress how the availability of criminal opportunities is determined, in large part, by the routine
activity patterns of everyday life (Cohen 1981; Cohen and Land 1987). The fundamental
differences between these theories are in terminology and in the fact that routine activity
theory was originally developed to account for changes in crime rates over time whereas
lifestyle-exposure theory was proposed to account for differences in victimization risks
across social groups. Over the past decade, however, each theory has been applied across
units of analysis and in both cross-sectional and longitudinal designs.
According to Cohen and Felson (1979, p. 589), structural changes in routine activity
patterns influence crime rates by affecting the convergence in time and space of three
elements of direct-contact predatory crimes: motivated offenders, suitable targets, and the
absence of capable guardians against a violation. As necessary elements, the lack of any of
these conditions is sufficient to prevent criminal activity. Furthermore, Cohen and Felson
(1979) note that increases in crime rates could occur without any increase in the structural
conditions that 470 Theories of Victimization motivate offenders to engage in crime as long
as there has been an increase in the supply of attractive and unguarded targets for
victimization. Their argument about how crime rates can increase even if offender motivation
remains constant is important because it allows them to account for the apparent
contradiction underlying most theories of criminality that crime rates continued to rise
throughout the 1960s and 1970s in the United States even though conditions that foster
criminality (e.g., unemployment, racial segregation, economic inequality) were decreasing.
From this perspective, routine activities are defined as "any recurrent and prevalent activities
that provide for basic population and individual needs" (Cohen and Felson 1979, p. 593).
Similar to the notion of lifestyle, these routine activities include formalized work,
leisure, and the ways by which humans acquire food, shelter, and other basic needs or
desires (e.g., companionship, sexual expression). Drawing from work in human ecology
(e.g., Hawley 1950), Cohen and Felson (1979) argue that humans are located in ecological
niches with a particular tempo, pace, and rhythm in which predatory crime is a way of
securing these basic needs or desires at the expense of others. Potential victims in this
environment are likely to alter their daily habits and take evasive actions that may persuade
offenders to seek alternative targets. It is under such predatory conditions that the routine
activities of potential victims are said both to enhance and to restrict the opportunities for
crime.

Social Change and Routine Activities

The basic premise underlying routine activity theory is that various social changes in
conventional society increase criminal opportunities. For example, given the assorted costs
for stealing items with great weight (e.g., their theft requires more physical energy, they are
harder to conceal), it is not surprising that burglars are most attracted to items that are easily
portable and have high resale value (e.g., cash, jewelry, electronic equipment). Accordingly,
any changes in manufacturing or production activities that decrease the size or increase the
demand for expensive durable goods (e.g., televisions, tape decks, VCRs, home computers,
compact disk players) are expected to increase the attractiveness of these goods for
victimization.
Similarly, increases over time in the level of safety precautions taken by the public
would apparently decrease crime rates by reducing the accessibility of potential crime
targets to would-be offenders. Such changes, of course, might also result in alternative
outcomes such as no net reduction in crime rates because crime 471 472 Robert F. Meier
and Terance D. Miethe is being displaced to other objects, victims, or times depending on
the structural conditions. Of the various social changes in routine activities that have
occurred over the last four decades, Lawrence Cohen, Marcus Felson, and their colleagues
have placed primary importance on changes in sustenance and leisure activities away from
domestic life and family-based living arrangements. A basic proposition underlying this
theory is that any decrease in the concentration of activities within family-based households
will increase crime rates (Cohen and Land 1987).
There are several ways by which such social changes are assumed to increase
criminal opportunities. First, a rise in single-person households or households consisting of
unrelated persons requires a greater supply of durable consumer goods and other
merchandise that are considered attractive property to steal. Such a duplication of consumer
goods is unnecessary in family-like living arrangements. Second, increases in non-familial
activities and households decrease the level of personal guardianship over others. The mere
presence of a spouse, child, or other relative in a household provides greater protection for
individuals and their property than is true of persons who live alone, and living with other
relatives also increases the likelihood that public activities will be undertaken in groups.
Third, increases in nonfamily households alter the location of routine activities from a private
domain to a public domain, thereby also increasing one's exposure to risky and vulnerable
situations. Thus, changes in domestic activities and living arrangements may increase the
supply of attractive crime targets, decrease the level of guardianship, and consequently
increase criminal opportunities. Although applicable to various social science disciplines,
there are several reasons why routine activity theory is especially attractive to
sociologists. First, this theoretical approach clearly highlights the symbiotic relationship
between conventional and illegal activity patterns. Illegal activities are presumed to "feed on"
the routine activities of everyday life (Felson and Cohen 1980; Messner and Blau 1987).
Second, this theory identifies a fundamental irony between constructive social
change and crime rates. Specifically, many social changes that have improved both the
quality and equality of social life in the United States (e.g., increased labor force participation
and educational attainment among women, increases in out-of-home leisure activities) are
the same factors predicted to increase rates of predatory crime. Third, both routine activity
and lifestyle-exposure theory attempt to explain Theories of Victimization crime, not in the
actions or numbers of motivated offenders, but in the activities and lifestyles of potential
victims. Accordingly, these approaches have more relevance to a wider range of sociologists
than most theories because they ignore the sources of criminal motivation and other major
topics in traditional criminology (i.e., you do not have to be a criminologist to understand
these theories) and direct attention to how the habits, lifestyles, and behavioral patterns of
ordinary citizens in their daily lives create an environment for predatory crime.

Applying Routine Activities

 Over the last decade, routine activity theory has been used to explain aggregate
rates and individuals' risks of victimization, changes in crime rates over time, and the social
ecology of crime. Each of these applications focuses on how the nature of non-household
activity influences one's exposure to crime. For example, Cohen and Felson (1979) examine
the relationship between crime rates and the "household activity ratio" (i.e., the sum of the
number of married female labor force participants and the number of non-husband/nonwife
households divided by the total number of households).
Felson and Cohen (1980) investigate the impact of increases in the rate of primary
households on increasing burglary rates over time. Arguing that high rates of unemployment
lead to decreases in non-household activity, Cohen, Felson, and Land (1980) also apply this
approach to study how unemployment rates and the household activity ratio influence
temporal changes in rates of robbery, burglary, and automobile theft. Messner and Blau
(1987) examine the relationship between crime rates for standard metropolitan statistical
areas (SMSAs) in the United States and measures of the volume of household activity (i.e.,
size of television viewing audience) and nonhousehold activity (i.e., the supply of sport and
entertainment establishments). Miethe, Hughes, and McDowall (1991) use this perspective
to examine how cities measures of guardianship, non-household activity, and target
attractiveness influence offense-specific crime rates and changes in crime rates in 584 U.S.
for the three decades from 1960 to 1980. Finally, Messner and Tardiff (1985) apply routine
activity theory to examine the social ecology of urban homicide.
Most previous studies using the individual or household as the unit of analysis can be
interpreted as tests of both routine activity and lifestyle-exposure theories. Cohen and
Cantor (1980), for example, examine how characteristics of individuals and their lifestyles
(e.g., income, age, race, major daily activity, household size) influence risks of residential
burglary and personal larceny. Cohen, Kluegel, and Land 473 474 Robert F. Meier and
Terance D. Miethe (1981) evaluate whether measures of exposure, guardianship, proximity
to motivated offenders, and target attractiveness mediate the impact of income, race, and
age on individuals' risks of predatory victimization.
The impact of measures of non-household activity, target suitability, and
guardianship on individuals' risks of victimization has also been examined in other studies
(e.g., Clarke et al. 1985; Lynch 1987; Maxfield 1987; Miethe, Stafford, and Long 1987;
Sampson and Wooldredge 1987; Massey, Krohn, and Bonati 1989; Kennedy and Forde
1990). In the only study that uses longitudinal data on individuals, Miethe, Stafford, and
Sloane (1990) explore the interrelationships between changes in the level of nonhousehold
activity, guardianship patterns, and temporal changes in individuals' risks of personal and
property victimization. The utility of this theoretical formulation for predicting multiple
victimizations was also suggested by other researchers (Gottfredson 1981; Sparks 1981).
Empirical Predictions. Although studies vary widely in terms of their units of analysis
and measurement of key concepts, the predictive validity of routine activity theory rests
ultimately on the empirical observation of three outcomes. First, routine activity patterns that
indicate greater levels of nonhousehold activity should increase individuals' risks and
aggregate rates of predatory crime by increasing potential victims' visibility and accessibility
as crime targets. Second, routine activity patterns that indicate higher levels of self-
protection or guardianship should decrease individuals' risks and aggregate rates of
predatory crime. Third, persons and property with higher subjective or material value to
offenders should have higher risks of victimization than less attractive crime targets. Taken
together, a routine activity approach predicts the greatest risks for predatory crime when
potential victims have high target suitability (i.e., high visibility, accessibility, and
attractiveness) and low levels of guardianship.
SECTION 9: VICTIMS COMPENSATION PROGRAM
Victims Compensation Program

What is the law creating the Board of Claims?

Republic Act No. 7309 is the law creating the Board of Claims under the Department
of Justice granting compensation for victims of unjust imprisonment or detention and victims
of violent crimes.

What is the rationale for the enactment of the law?

One of the more vexing problems in the area of justice and human rights is the
implementation of the constitutional provision against the deprivation of life, liberty and
property without due process of law. Persons have been accused and imprisoned for crimes
they did not commit, only to be subsequently acquitted. Government and society have
become notably indifferent to victims of crimes and criminals. A judicial way of filing a claim
for compensation may be too long. Congress opted for an administrative procedure of filing
the claims by creating the Board of Claims.

Who may apply for compensation?

 A person who was unjustly accused convicted and imprisoned and subsequently
released by virtue of a judgment of acquittal;

 A person who was unjustly detained and released without being charged;

 A person who is a victim of arbitrary detention by the authorities as defined in the

Revised Penal Code under a final judgment of the court; or

 A person who is a victim of a violent crime which includes rape and offenses
committed with malice which resulted in death or serious physical and/or
psychological injuries, permanent incapacity or disability, insanity, abortion, serious
trauma, or committed with torture, cruelty or barbarity.

When should a claim be filed?

The claim should be filed with the Board by he person entitled to compensation under
this Act within six (6) months after being released from imprisonment or detention or from the
date he suffered damage or injury; otherwise he is deemed to have waived his claim.
How is a claim filed?

A claimant may file a claim with the board by filling up an application form provided
for the purpose with the Secretariat of the Board of Claims, Department of Justice, Padre
Faura Street, Ermita, Manila. Thereafter, he will be interviewed and he will be duly notified of
the action taken by the Board.

How much is given to a qualified applicant?

1. For the victims of unjust imprisonment, the compensation shall be based on the
number of months of imprisonment and every fraction thereof shall be considered
one month, but in no case shall such compensation exceed ONE THOUSAND
PESOS (P1,000.00) per month.

2. In all other cases the maximum for which the Board may approved a claim shall not
exceed TEN THOUSAND PESOS (P10,000.00) or the amount necessary to
 reimburse the claimant the expenses incurred for hospitalization, medical treatment,
loss of wage, loss of support or other expenses directly related to the injury,
whichever is lower to be determined by the Board.

When is the effective date of R.A. 7309 for the purpose of processing of applications
for payment of claims?

Sec. 12 of R.A. No. 7309 provides:

"This Act shall take effect after its publication in two (2) newspapers of general
circulation."

R. A. No. 7309 was published on 13 April 1992 in the Philippine Star and Philippine
Daily Inquirer, hence, the effectivity day of R.A. No. 7309 is 14 April 1992.

The provisions of the Act shall be applied prospectively. All incidents or bases for
filing an application under Sec. 3 of R.A. 7309 must have happened on or after 14 April 1992
and within the period provided for in No. 4, to be covered by the law.
May the decision of the Board of Claims be appealed?

Yes, Section 8 provides that: "Any aggrieved claimant may appeal, within fifteen (15)
days from receipt of the resolution of the Board, to the Secretary of Justice whose decision
shall be final and executory."