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Communal Conflicts and the Challenges of National Security in Nigeria

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Communal Conflicts and the Challenges of National Security in Nigeria

*Fadeyi Taofiq James and **Mmahi Okoro Paul
*Department of Political Science, Federal University Gusau
fiqfad6@gmail.com
**Department of Sociology, Federal University Gusau
paulokoro.m@gmail.com

Abstract

Nigeria has been bedeviled by unprecedented level of insecurity manifested in the form of conflicts
such as ethno-religious and political. A snapshot of the various explosive conflicts in Nigeria
constitutes a potent threat to the country's national security. Natural resources have been the
hallmark and a major determinant of communal conflicts in the country. The grim cases of these
conflicts vis-à-vis security threats reported from different parts of the country have consistently
affected the socio-economic and political developments of the country. On this note, the paper aim
at examining communal conflicts and national security challenges in Nigeria. By so doing, the
paper solely relies on secondary sources of data, that is, review of existing literatures and other
documentary sources on conflict and security in Nigeria. The paper therefore argues that
communal identity/culturally instinct people and competitions over natural resources are the
major sources of communal conflicts that threaten the security of the country.

Keywords: communal identity, conflict, development, resources, security

Introduction threats to the country's security and the peaceful

The issue of conflict and security is a global
phenomenon (Muhammad-Bande, 2015). This is
because the nature and structure of societies are
intrinsically conflicting and unavoidably
underpinned by differences in resource
endowments which shape human behavior in the
quest for both socio-economic and political
survival and safety. There is no time in human
history when the world is not in one form of
violent upsurge and conflict. Nigeria is a pluralistic
society with over three hundred and seventy (370)
ethnic groups and over one hundred and eighty-
two (182) million populations (Alubo, 2007; NPC,
2017). The country is endowed with both human
and natural resources rife with conflict and
violence over communal and/or land issues. These
issues have constituted a significant number of
conflict events and violent deaths that result
therein.
The communal conflict in the country vary from
one region/state to another; although, there are
some cross-cutting themes (Conroy, n.d.), such as
pastoralists and farmers in the north and middle-
belt, clashes between communities and oil
companies in the south-south and south-east, and
urban-rural conflicts in major regions. All these
cross-cutting themes of conflicts could be said to
have either been
influenced and/or affected by politics,
constitutional/legal issues or possibly by climate
change (Conroy, nd); thereby constituting potent
coexistence.
Beyond doubt, Nigeria's security since independ
ence in 1960 has been characterized by political
violence, religious and tribal crises, civil war,
robbery, kidnapping, communal clashes to mention
but a few (Alubo, 2007). These conflicts have
taken frightening dimensions and constitute both
latent and manifest threats to the national security
of the country by way of
weakening the socio-economic and politica
development.
The internecine violent-conflicts and the alarming
rates of violent deaths, insurgency, loss of lives
and properties, theft, kidnapping, among others
have created a politically apprehensive
environment and consequent insecurity. It is,
therefore, against this backdrop that the aim of this
paper is to examine communal conflicts and its
challenges on Nigeria's security as a corporate
entity.
Conceptual Background
Conflict
In literatures, scholars across various fields of
studies have attempted to define the concept in
many ways but in all, there are many points of
convergence. Though, they agreed on two
conceptual approaches (Oludare et'al, 2015) to the
understanding of conflicts; these are functional
and dysfunctional. The functional approach is a
positive interaction conflict which brings about
change. This type of approach could be said to be
tolerated and understood as part of life because it
leads to questions being asked, injustice being
challenged and corrected, contradictions being
resolved as well as deprivation being addressed.
The dysfunctional approach on the other hand, is a
negative interaction conflict accompanied by
violence which results to conflict management
such as dialogue, negotiation, mediation, and
adjudication. Thus, the paper sees
conflicts as inter-personal, intra and inter
institutional, societal, national, international,
violent and non-violent amongst others.
Communal Conflict
In general terms, communal conflicts are those
conflicts in which the participants are communal
groups. And communal groups are those groups in
which their primary identity prevails over other
identities. Communal conflict according to
Azuonwu (2002) is a conflict that occurs between
two or more communities. Oboh and Hyande
(2006) described communal conflict as conflict
involving two or more communities engaging
themselves in disagreement or act of violence over
issues such as claims of land ownership, religion
and political differences leading to loss of lives and
destruction of properties. Likewise, Dzurgba
(2006) sees
communal conflict as conflict which occurs
between two or more communities over territorial
land, farmland and territorial water for fishing.
From the concepts above, one can conclude that
communal conflict is more or less community
conflict and/or ethnic conflict.
Security
Security according to Baron Montesquieu cited in
Moulaye (2006:19) is the 'tranquility of mind
stemming from each one's idea of his personal
safety'. In this respect, security could be viewed
from the realist and idealist perspectives (Enuka,
2010). The realists advocate and emphasize on
military and
strategic concerns which they refer to as
conventional security(Onoja, 1998 cited in Nmah,
2012:107).
The idealists on the other hand, advocate
alternative security (Nmah, 2012) which
emphasizes on the basic needs of man and the
society such as food, shelter, health, employment,
education and religion. By and large, security has
been considered as a 'first order value' (Innocent
and Onyishi, 2014) worth of preserving and it has
always been associated with the survival and
safety of the state and its citizens from any forms
of internal and external aggression. From the
above definitions, security means absence of fears
and threats to acquire values in a subjecti ve
intellect that such values will be attached.
Theoretical Framework
There are numerous theories designed and
established by scholars in the field of academic
studies as frameworks for the understanding of
conflicts, especially the nature and dynamics in
which conflict occurs. These theories include
among others: Structural conflict theory; Realist
theory; Biological theory; Physiological theory;
Economic theory; Psycho-Cultural conflict theory;
HumanNeeds theory; Systemic theory and
Relational theory. But for the purpose of this
paper, Psycho-Cultural conflict theory will be
adopted. This theory explains how culturally
induced roles (identity) of individual groups and
hostility images created from deep-seated attitudes
of communal and/or human actions that are learned
from early stages of growth over resource
contestations led to violent-conflict among groups
at different intervals in any given society. The
theory contends that there are different forms of
identities but the one that is based on people's
ethnic origin and culture (identity) best explains
communal conflict over natural resources. In this
respect, Crighton (1991) affirms that 'obstinate
social conflicts are identity-driven and grow out of
the feelings of powerlessness a nd memories of
past persecution'. In a similar vein, Rothschild and
Groth (1995:23) argued that culturally induced
violent constitute…
[A] history of humiliation, oppression,
victimization, feelings of inferiority and other
forms of experiences which wear away a person's
dignity and self-esteem and lead people to
vengeance. The point is that the misuse or unequal
distribution of the available natural resources that
meant to have been jointly enjoyed by groups in
any given society may produce conflict if cultural
identity is given more priority than nationhood.
This type of conflict therefore tends to be complex
to tackle because of the level of hatred and cultural
identity that is cultivated among the parties in the
process with the notion or feeling that such
group/party is physically, socially, psychologically,
and spiritually safe. Thus, violentconflicts
conducted in the name of communal identity (Fwa,
2003) destroys the state structure, levels the socio-
economic and political development processes and
unleashes destructive violence which threaten the
national security/territorial integrity of such
country.
Communal Conflicts: Historical Context Issues
surrounding communal conflicts in Nigeria are
multi-faceted and complex with dynamics that
change over time. This is because communal
conflict becomes problematic when it explodes
into violentconflict of all kinds. Therefore, to
understand the historical context of this conflict,
 11 Fadeyi Taofiq James and Mmahi Okoro Paul
one needs to briefly map out some major
communal issues in the country
IJES (2019) Vol. 16 No. 2
(pre-colonial, colonial and post-colonial periods)
and the current environment in which the conflict
continues to exist.
It is of the fact that Nigeria as a country is a
creation of the British. But, before the influx of the
British colonialists, the area (known as Nigeria
today) was inhabited by peoples who belonged to
different entities (such as empires, kingdoms and
societies), which were traditionally administered.
The relationship between these various entities was
characterized (Adigwe, 1974) by many conflicts
(ranging from land disputes, chieftaincy, leadership
tussle, market clashes, tax crises to insecurity);
thereby making their relationships liken to the
mouse and cat games with little or no co-operation.
Series of intra and inter communal clashes stem
between the stronger communities and the weaker
ones over competing for natural resources. For
instance, in the Yoruba kingdom, the Alaafin of old
Oyo, being the paramount ruler waged war against
smaller/weaker communities over non-payment of
taxes on farm products. This led to the cohabitation
of those communities under Alaafin's territory. One
of such conflicts in the kingdom is the clashes
between Ife and Owu community (Ajayi and
Akintoye, 2004) over market control.
In the Eastern Niger Delta; traders in areas like
Nembe, Elem Kalabari, and Bonny (Alagoa, 2004)
clashed over the abolition that the rulers of these
areas had to switch from trade in slaves to trade in
palm-oil. In the Hausa/Fulani land, the fighting for
the establishment of emirates as part of wider
caliphate continued in places throughout the first
half of the 19 th century (Abubakar, 2004). The
Sokoto caliphate, for instance, grappled with a
number of serious internal conflicts such as the
CiromaBuhari rebellion (18501863); the Talata-
Anka revolts of 1891; the Basasa (civil war) of
1894-1896 in Kano; and Mahdism during the last
two decades of the century.
With the pacification and conquest efforts by the
British and other European explorers in Africa,
effective British occupation took place in most
African states (Nigeria inclusive) between 1861
and 1960 from the Royal Niger Company, whose
charter was later revoked. Consequently, three
separate territories (Lagos Colony, the Northern
and Southern Protectorates) in Nigeria emerged in
1906 with the creation of administrative
boundaries that did not reflect cultural and/or
ethnic realities. The non consultation of the people
in the protectorates and the amalgamation of the
protectorates in 1914 by the British colonialist for
self effective administration could be said to be the
beginning of communal clashes during this period.
Scholars therefore argued and attributed that the
political structures imposed by the British
colonialists set the stage for decades of conflict in
11 Nigeria.
This
was stressed by Conroy (nd:4):
[…] by cobbling the different Nigerian
groups into a culturally artificial political entity …
the British stimulated inter-group competition and
mobilization for power and resources in the new
state. For instance, when the northern and southern
protectorates where amalgamated, the dominant
ethnic/communal groups in each region were
confronted with an influx of people from other
regions of the newly merged protectorate which in
most cases led to clashes of communal identity over
resources; thereby making communal conflict to be
ensued. In an effort to discourage ethnic clashes in
the newly emerged protectorate, the British and the
traditional rulers persuaded other ethnics to live in
separate parts of the host city or an outskirt of the
host city known as sabongari - stranger's quarters
(Osaghae and Suberu, 2005).
From the above scenario, one could therefore
observe that the indigene and settler rivalry is far
wider than land space or its adequacy. This in turn,
made Udo (1999) posit that Nigeria is largely a
tribal society in which various ethnic groups lay
claims to territories to the exclusion of other
groups. For emphasis, the contestation arising from
the indigene-settler problem stems from the
conception, definition and perception of who is an
indigene and who is not or who is a settler and
what right does one have which the other should
not have. In a similar vein, Albert
(2001) posits that this form of conflict often
manifest in terms of host-stranger face-offs in
which a section of the community tags itself as the
host and other groups as strangers.
A decade before Nigeria's independence, series of
disagreement between/among the regions over
number of issueswere identified and unresolved at
the All- Nigeria Constitutional Conference held in
Ibadan in January 1950 under the Chairmanship of
the
Attorney-General, Sir Gerald Howe (Olusanya,
2004). For instance, the eastern delegations
opposed to the Electoral College system and the
creation of House of Chiefs in the north and west.
The western delegations was opposed to the
exclusion of Lagos from the western region while
the northern representatives were opposed to any
form of cabinet government whether in the regions
or in the centre. The north also remained
unyielding over its stand that
there should be no boundary revisions. All these
disagreements could be said to manifest as a result
of communal identity which led to violent-conflicts
of all kinds.
The conference therefore drew up series of
recommendations (Olusanya, 2004), mainly that a
federal system consisting of the three regions
should be set up and Lagos be created an
independent municipality while the existing
regions were to cease to be administrative regions.
They were to be political regions with powers to
pass legi slation which would be effective within
their own boundaries. The conference also
revealed the divisions between the north and south
which were to continue to plague Nigerian politics
and hinder national unity even in the post-
independence period. Since the attainment of
independence in 1960, the country experienced a
lot of conflicts manifested from the above. Party
formation and party politics in particular became
one of the yardsticks/indices determining
communal conflicts largely based on
communal/ethnic identity in different regions of
the country. The seed of ethnic identity vis-à-vis
party politics and formation was sown and
germinated in the First Republic and the products
started spreading during the Second, Third and
Fourth Republics
(Oladiran, 2013). For instance, the National
Council of Nigeria and the Cameroon (NCNC),
later renamed National Council of Nigerian
Citizens led by Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe was closely
allied with the Igbo Union; the Action Group
(AG) party led by Chief
ObafemiAwolowo was developed from a Yoruba
Cultural Association, Egbe Omo Oduduwa; while
the Northern Peoples' Congress (NPC) on the other
hand was developed from Jamiyyar Multanen
Arewa led by Sir Ahmadu Bello. Thus, the
leadership of the aforementioned parties was along
ethnic cleavages. At this juncture, it should be
noted that the First Nigerian Democratic Republic
was overthrown along ethnic sentiments in 1966
and its multiplier effect includes among others a
counter coup and later the civil war which lasted
for two and half years. Inter-ethnic clashes around
the country have continued ever since, with ebbs
and flows in violence as the country has progressed
into the Fourth Democratic Republic.
Some of the notable communal conflicts (Targba,
IJES (2019) Vol. 16 No. 2
2017; Newswatch Magazine, 2009; Best, 2007)
during the Fourth Republics are: the Zango-Kataf
conflict in Kaduna state (1999-2001); Tiv-
JukunWukari conflict in Taraba state (1999-2000);
Fulani-Irigwe and YelwaShendam in Plateau state
(2003-2005); Yoruba-Hausa community in
Shagamu, Ogun state (1999); the Ife-Modakeke
crisis in Osun state (1999-2000); Hausa-Yoruba
crisis in Idi-Araba, Lagos state (2002);
Hausa/FulaniSawaya in Bauchi state (2001);
Eleme-Okrika in
Rivers state (2000); Itsekri-Urhobo in Delta state
(2000-2001); OPC-Hausa traders in Lagos state
(2000); Offiong and Oku-Iboku in Cross-river state
(2000); Farmers-herders conflict in Benue and
other states (2000 to date); Aguleri-Umeleri crisis
in Anambra (1999) amongst others. Most of these
conflicts were borne out of the unhealthy
competition between/among communal groups
over resources (land, farm, market) in their various
domains.
The Challenges of Communal Conflicts on
Nigeria's National Security
With no doubt, the national security of both
developed and developing states has been
undermined by heretical groups. This has made
nation-states to no longer enjoy the peace and
safety they desire due to the activities of these
groups. In this regard, national security is said to be
challenged when: […] acts, feelings and solutions
emanating from competing or contending interests,
inequitable distribution of national wealth and
positions, desperations, injustice, sabotage, and
disagreements which (sic can) snowball into
dissent capable of undermining the status quo or
injurious to individual and collective national
interest (Sule, 2004 cited in Inyokwe, 2015:418).
In Nigeria, for instance, the security situation has
become enormous and embarrassing to both the
government and the citizens (Robert-Okah, 2014)
due to large number of communal conflicts across
the country. The toll taken of this kind of conflicts
vis-àvis security threat has resulted to destruction
of properties and human sufferings. A heart-
rending accounts of the human debris during the
pre-colonial periods in particular has littered the
face of the country as large numbers of
communities/families were forcibly broken up,
their members scattered into different parts of the
country, and most never seeing one another. In
fact, violent-crime, treachery and banditry became
matters of routine for the highway kidnappers and
their unfortunate victims almost dominate the
history relating to the conflicts (Ajayi and
13
Akintoye, 2004).
Nigeria being a pluralistic society and forcibly
annexed (no consultations) by the British
colonialists
in 1914 with the sole aim of easy and effective
administration, yet its component units have not
ceased to live in peace and safety with one another.
In fact, Nigerians live in mutual suspicion and
distrust between/among one another. This act of
distrust manifest in terms of host-stranger face-offs
 13 Fadeyi Taofiq James and Mmahi Okoro Paul
(Albert, 2001) in which a section of the community
tags itself as the host and other groups as strangers;
thereby threaten the security of the country when it
relate to
issue of employment and socio-political
opportunities. The fall foul of peace and safety
across most communities in the country has been
so grand that political positions, elections and party
formations amongst others have been characterized
along communal identities thereby threatening the
security of the country particularly during election
periods. The aftermath of this menace is that,
thousands of lives and properties were said to be
lost and destroyed along communal in clinations
/fondness.
The explosive snapshots of vari ous violent-
conflicts that engulf the country's politics during
the First Republic is epitomize towards
communal/ethnic identities which resulted to civil
war, coupe and counter-coupe. In turns, one could
therefore say that the political behavior of most
Nigerians towards politics is deeply influenced by
one's ethnic identity. Be it so, the situation gave
birth to the emergence of an unstable national
security and political culture which anchor on the
ideology that might is right with little or no respect
for others identities.
Arguably, communal conflicts have serious
security implications in Nigeria because it
threatens the socio-political and economic base of
the country. The security challenge in this manner
has made government to divert its attention from
developmental strategies (Ewetan and Urhie, 2014)
to fighting against the security challenges. A huge
amount of money that is supposed to channel
towards developmental programmes has been
allocated to the security challenges instead of
investing for socioeconomic and political
development of the country. No wonder, national
security has become an issue for government,
prompting huge allocation of the national budget to
security (Robert-Okah, 2014). There is always a
great loss when infrastructural amenities and
properties (hospitals, schools, markets, roads,
buildings) belonging to the government and
individuals are destroyed and innocent lives are
lost and displaced. Poverty, unemployment and
lack of basic amenities amongst others become
order of the day in the country.
In Nigerian Fourth Republics, communal conflicts
vis-à-vis national security threats have become
extremely worrisome. This is due to the high rate
and spreadof Small Arms and Light Weapons
(SALWs) to sophisticated and illicit firearms held
in the hands of individual groups in the country.
Thus, SALWs has been a primary tool of violence
in almost all conflict zones across the world. The
availability and escalation of these weapons in
Nigeria pose a big threat to the national security of
the country because the illegal troops/groups
operating with this kind of weapons have no
respect of the government and international and
humanitarian laws. These weapons have taken a
heavy toll on human lives and destruction of
properties at different intervals in the history of
communal conflicts in the country. The porosity of
Nigeria's borders has made the movement and
utilization of these illicit weapons in the hands of
different groups possible thereby threatening the
security of the country within and outside.
Conclusion
The recurring decimal of communal conflicts in
Nigeria's history has posed an immense threat to
the country's national security. The costs of this
conflict in terms of loss of human lives and
destruction of properties cannot be quantified in its
real sense of magnitude. Communal identity and
competition over natural resources between/among
communal groups have been the cardinal point in
defining communal conflicts in most
communities/states across the country. The
devastating consequences of this conflict on the
socio-economic and political developments cannot
be over emphasized, thereby threatening the
security of the country. The belief that Nigerians
live in mutual suspicion and distrust
between/among one another shortly after the
amalgamation of the protectorates in 1914 manifest
in terms of host-stranger face-offs (Albert, 2001) in
which a section of the community tags itself as the
host and other groups as strangers. This act of great
distrust and suspicion has invariably threatened the
security of the country as a corporate existence. At
this juncture, the paper will take a leave from the
word of Martin Luther King Jr who says: '… we
are caught in an inescapable network of mutuality,
tied in a single garment of destiny'. Therefore, it is
high time Nigerians needed to understand our
differences since we are caught in an inescapable
network of mutuality and thus pave way for
peaceful coexistence and developments. In unity
we stand and in division we fall.
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