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Introduction
to Econometrics
T h i r d E d i t i o n U p d a te
James H. Stock
Harvard University
Mark W. Watson
Princeton University
Copyright © 2015, 2011, 2007 Pearson Education, Inc.
Stock, James H.
Introduction to econometrics/James H. Stock, Harvard University, Mark W. Watson, Princeton University.—
Third edition update.
pages cm.—(The Pearson series in economics)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-13-348687-2—ISBN 0-13-348687-7
1. Econometrics. I. Watson, Mark W. II. Title.
HB139.S765 2015
330.01’5195––dc23
2014018465
ISBN-10: 0-13-348687-7
www.pearsonhighered.com ISBN-13: 978-0-13-348687-2
Brief Contents
PART ONE Introduction and Review
Chapter 1 Economic Questions and Data 1
Chapter 2 Review of Probability 14
Chapter 3 Review of Statistics 65
Preface xxix
9.3 Internal and External Validity When the Regression Is Used for
Forecasting 331
Using Regression Models for Forecasting 331
Assessing the Validity of Regression Models for Forecasting 332
10.2 Panel Data with Two Time Periods: “Before and After”
Comparisons 354
10.3 Fixed Effects Regression 357
The Fixed Effects Regression Model 357
Estimation and Inference 359
Application to Traffic Deaths 361
10.5 The Fixed Effects Regression Assumptions and Standard Errors for
Fixed Effects Regression 365
The Fixed Effects Regression Assumptions 365
Standard Errors for Fixed Effects Regression 367
11.3 Estimation and Inference in the Logit and Probit Models 398
Nonlinear Least Squares Estimation 399
Maximum Likelihood Estimation 400
Measures of Fit 401
16.3 Orders of Integration and the DF-GLS Unit Root Test 649
Other Models of Trends and Orders of Integration 649
The DF-GLS Test for a Unit Root 651
Why Do Unit Root Tests Have Nonnormal Distributions? 654
Appendix 757
References 765
Glossary 771
Index 779
Key Concepts
E conometrics can be a fun course for both teacher and student. The real world
of economics, business, and government is a complicated and messy place,
full of competing ideas and questions that demand answers. Is it more effective
to tackle drunk driving by passing tough laws or by increasing the tax on alcohol?
Can you make money in the stock market by buying when prices are historically
low, relative to earnings, or should you just sit tight, as the random walk theory
of stock prices suggests? Can we improve elementary education by reducing class
sizes, or should we simply have our children listen to Mozart for 10 minutes a day?
Econometrics helps us sort out sound ideas from crazy ones and find quantitative
answers to important quantitative questions. Econometrics opens a window on
our complicated world that lets us see the relationships on which people, busi-
nesses, and governments base their decisions.
Introduction to Econometrics is designed for a first course in undergradu-
ate econometrics. It is our experience that to make econometrics relevant in
an introductory course, interesting applications must motivate the theory and
the theory must match the applications. This simple principle represents a sig-
nificant departure from the older generation of econometrics books, in which
theoretical models and assumptions do not match the applications. It is no won-
der that some students question the relevance of econometrics after they spend
much of their time learning assumptions that they subsequently realize are unre-
alistic so that they must then learn “solutions” to “problems” that arise when
the applications do not match the assumptions. We believe that it is far better
to motivate the need for tools with a concrete application and then to provide a
few simple assumptions that match the application. Because the theory is imme-
diately relevant to the applications, this approach can make econometrics come
alive.
• Discussion of when and why missing data can present a problem for regression
analysis
This third edition builds on the philosophy of the first and second editions
that applications should drive the theory, not the other way around.
One substantial change in this edition concerns inference in regression with
panel data (Chapter 10). In panel data, the data within an entity typically are
correlated over time. For inference to be valid, standard errors must be com-
puted using a method that is robust to this correlation. The chapter on panel data
now uses one such method, clustered standard errors, from the outset. Clustered
standard errors are the natural extension to panel data of the heteroskedasticity-
robust standard errors introduced in the initial treatment of regression analysis in
Part II. Recent research has shown that clustered standard errors have a number
of desirable properties, which are now discussed in Chapter 10 and in a revised
appendix to Chapter 10.
Another substantial set of changes concerns the treatment of experiments
and quasi-experiments in Chapter 13. The discussion of differences-in-differences
regression has been streamlined and draws directly on the multiple regression
principles introduced in Part II. Chapter 13 now discusses regression discontinuity
design, which is an intuitive and important framework for the analysis of quasi-
experimental data. In addition, Chapter 13 now introduces the potential outcomes
framework and relates this increasingly commonplace terminology to concepts
that were introduced in Parts I and II.
This edition has a number of other significant changes. One is that it incor-
porates a precise but accessible treatment of control variables into the initial
discussion of multiple regression. Chapter 7 now discusses conditions for con-
trol variables being successful in the sense that the coefficient on the variable
of interest is unbiased even though the coefficients on the control variables
generally are not. Other changes include a new discussion of missing data
in Chapter 9, a new optional calculus-based appendix to Chapter 8 on slopes
and elasticities of nonlinear regression functions, and an updated discussion
in Chapter 12 of what to do if you have weak instruments. This edition also
includes new general interest boxes, updated empirical examples, and additional
exercises.
The Updated Third Edition
• The time series data used in Chapters 14–16 have been extended through the
beginning of 2013 and now include the Great Recession.
• Several new empirical exercises have been added to each chapter. Rather
than include all of the empirical exercises in the text, we have moved many of
them to the Companion Website, www.pearsonhighered.com/stock_watson.
This has two main advantages: first, we can offer more and more in-depth
exercises, and second, we can add and update exercises between editions. We
encourage you to browse the empirical exercises available on the Companion
Website.
• Time series regression. We make a clear distinction between two very dif-
ferent applications of time series regression: forecasting and estimation of
dynamic causal effects. The chapter on causal inference using time series
data (Chapter 15) pays careful attention to when different estimation meth-
ods, including generalized least squares, will or will not lead to valid causal
inferences and when it is advisable to estimate dynamic regressions using
OLS with heteroskedasticity- and autocorrelation-consistent standard errors.
• Large-sample approach. Because data sets are large, from the outset we use
large-sample normal approximations to sampling distributions for hypothesis
testing and confidence intervals. In our experience, it takes less time to teach
the rudiments of large-sample approximations than to teach the Student
t and exact F distributions, degrees-of-freedom corrections, and so forth.
This large-sample approach also saves students the frustration of discover-
ing that, because of nonnormal errors, the exact distribution theory they just
mastered is irrelevant. Once taught in the context of the sample mean, the
large-sample approach to hypothesis testing and confidence intervals carries
directly through multiple regression analysis, logit and probit, instrumental
variables estimation, and time series methods.
• Random sampling. Because regressors are rarely fixed in econometric appli-
cations, from the outset we treat data on all variables (dependent and inde-
pendent) as the result of random sampling. This assumption matches our
initial applications to cross-sectional data, it extends readily to panel and time
series data, and because of our large-sample approach, it poses no additional
conceptual or mathematical difficulties.
Part I
Chapter 1 introduces econometrics and stresses the importance of providing
quantitative answers to quantitative questions. It discusses the concept of cau-
sality in statistical studies and surveys the different types of data encountered in
econometrics. Material from probability and statistics is reviewed in Chapters 2
and 3, respectively; whether these chapters are taught in a given course or are
simply provided as a reference depends on the background of the students.
Part II
Chapter 4 introduces regression with a single regressor and ordinary least squares
(OLS) estimation, and Chapter 5 discusses hypothesis tests and confidence inter-
vals in the regression model with a single regressor. In Chapter 6, students learn
how they can address omitted variable bias using multiple regression, thereby esti-
mating the effect of one independent variable while holding other independent
variables constant. Chapter 7 covers hypothesis tests, including F-tests, and confi-
dence intervals in multiple regression. In Chapter 8, the linear regression model is
extended to models with nonlinear population regression functions, with a focus
on regression functions that are linear in the parameters (so that the parameters
can be estimated by OLS). In Chapter 9, students step back and learn how to
identify the strengths and limitations of regression studies, seeing in the process
how to apply the concepts of internal and external validity.
Part III
Part III presents extensions of regression methods. In Chapter 10, students learn
how to use panel data to control for unobserved variables that are constant over
time. Chapter 11 covers regression with a binary dependent variable. Chapter 12
shows how instrumental variables regression can be used to address a variety of
problems that produce correlation between the error term and the regressor, and
examines how one might find and evaluate valid instruments. Chapter 13 intro-
duces students to the analysis of data from experiments and quasi-, or natural,
experiments, topics often referred to as “program evaluation.”
Part IV
Part IV takes up regression with time series data. Chapter 14 focuses on forecast-
ing and introduces various modern tools for analyzing time series regressions,
such as unit root tests and tests for stability. Chapter 15 discusses the use of time
series data to estimate causal relations. Chapter 16 presents some more advanced
tools for time series analysis, including models of conditional heteroskedasticity.
Part V
Part V is an introduction to econometric theory. This part is more than an appendix
that fills in mathematical details omitted from the text. Rather, it is a self-contained
treatment of the econometric theory of estimation and inference in the linear regression
model. Chapter 17 develops the theory of regression analysis for a single regressor;
the exposition does not use matrix algebra, although it does demand a higher level of
mathematical sophistication than the rest of the text. Chapter 18 presents and studies
the multiple regression model, instrumental variables regression, and generalized
method of moments estimation of the linear model, all in matrix form.
Sample Courses
This book accommodates several different course structures.
TABLE I Guide to Prerequisites for Special-Topic Chapters in Parts III, IV, and V
10.1, 12.1,
Chapter 1–3 4–7, 9 8 10.2 12.2 14.1–14.4 14.5–14.8 15 17
10 Xa Xa X
a Xa
11 X X
12.1, 12.2 Xa Xa X
a
12.3–12.6 X Xa X X X
13 Xa Xa X X X
a
14 X Xa b
15 Xa Xa b X
16 Xa Xa b X X X
17 X X X
18 X X X X X
This table shows the minimum prerequisites needed to cover the material in a given chapter. For example, estimation of dynamic
causal effects with time series data (Chapter 15) first requires Part I (as needed, depending on student preparation, and except as
noted in footnote a), Part II (except for Chapter 8; see footnote b), and Sections 14.1 through 14.4.
aChapters 10 through 16 use exclusively large-sample approximations to sampling distributions, so the optional Sections 3.6 (the
Student t distribution for testing means) and 5.6 (the Student t distribution for testing regression coefficients) can be skipped.
bChapters 14 through 16 (the time series chapters) can be taught without first teaching Chapter 8 (nonlinear regression functions)
if the instructor pauses to explain the use of logarithmic transformations to approximate percentage changes.
Standard Introductory Econometrics
This course introduces econometrics (Chapter 1) and reviews probability and sta-
tistics as needed (Chapters 2 and 3). It then moves on to regression with a single
regressor, multiple regression, the basics of functional form analysis, and the
evaluation of regression studies (all Part II). The course proceeds to cover regres-
sion with panel data (Chapter 10), regression with a limited dependent variable
(Chapter 11), and instrumental variables regression (Chapter 12), as time permits.
The course concludes with experiments and quasi-experiments in Chapter 13,
topics that provide an opportunity to return to the questions of estimating causal
effects raised at the beginning of the semester and to recapitulate core regression
methods. Prerequisites: Algebra II and introductory statistics.
Pedagogical Features
This textbook has a variety of pedagogical features aimed at helping students
understand, retain, and apply the essential ideas. Chapter introductions provide
real-world grounding and motivation, as well as brief road maps highlighting
the sequence of the discussion. Key terms are boldfaced and defined in context
throughout each chapter, and Key Concept boxes at regular intervals recap the
central ideas. General interest boxes provide interesting excursions into related
topics and highlight real-world studies that use the methods or concepts being
discussed in the text. A Summary concluding each chapter serves as a helpful
framework for reviewing the main points of coverage. The questions in the
Review the Concepts section check students’ understanding of the core content,
Exercises give more intensive practice working with the concepts and techniques
introduced in the chapter, and Empirical Exercises allow students to apply what
they have learned to answer real-world empirical questions. At the end of the
textbook, the Appendix provides statistical tables, the References section lists
sources for further reading, and a Glossary conveniently defines many key terms
in the book.
Companion Website
The Companion Website, found at www.pearsonhighered.com/stock_watson,
provides a wide range of additional resources for students and faculty. These
resources include more and more in depth empirical exercises, data sets for the
empirical exercises, replication files for empirical results reported in the text,
practice quizzes, answers to end-of-chapter Review the Concepts questions and
Exercises, and EViews tutorials.
MyEconLab
The third edition update is accompanied by a robust MyEconLab course. The
MyEconLab course includes all the Review the Concepts questions as well as
some Exercises and Empirical Exercises. In addition, the enhanced eText avail-
able in MyEconLab for the third edition update includes URL links from the
Exercises and Empirical Exercises to questions in the MyEconLab course and to
the data that accompanies them. To register for MyEconLab and to learn more,
log on to www.myeconlab.com.
Acknowledgments
A great many people contributed to the first edition of this book. Our biggest
debts of gratitude are to our colleagues at Harvard and Princeton who used early
drafts of this book in their classrooms. At Harvard’s Kennedy School of Govern-
ment, Suzanne Cooper provided invaluable suggestions and detailed comments
on multiple drafts. As a coteacher with one of the authors (Stock), she also helped
vet much of the material in this book while it was being developed for a required
course for master’s students at the Kennedy School. We are also indebted to two
other Kennedy School colleagues, Alberto Abadie and Sue Dynarski, for their
patient explanations of quasi-experiments and the field of program evaluation
and for their detailed comments on early drafts of the text. At Princeton, Eli
Tamer taught from an early draft and also provided helpful comments on the
penultimate draft of the book.
We also owe much to many of our friends and colleagues in econometrics
who spent time talking with us about the substance of this book and who collec-
tively made so many helpful suggestions. Bruce Hansen (University of Wisconsin–
Madison) and Bo Honore (Princeton) provided helpful feedback on very early
outlines and preliminary versions of the core material in Part II. Joshua Angrist
(MIT) and Guido Imbens (University of California, Berkeley) provided thought-
ful suggestions about our treatment of materials on program evaluation. Our
presentation of the material on time series has benefited from discussions with
Yacine Ait-Sahalia (Princeton), Graham Elliott (University of California, San
Diego), Andrew Harvey (Cambridge University), and Christopher Sims (Princeton).
Finally, many people made helpful suggestions on parts of the manuscript close to
their area of expertise: Don Andrews (Yale), John Bound (University of Michigan),
Gregory Chow (Princeton), Thomas Downes (Tufts), David Drukker (StataCorp.),
Jean Baldwin Grossman (Princeton), Eric Hanushek (Hoover Institution), James
Heckman (University of Chicago), Han Hong (Princeton), Caroline Hoxby
(Harvard), Alan Krueger (Princeton), Steven Levitt (University of Chicago), Richard
Light (Harvard), David Neumark (Michigan State University), Joseph Newhouse
(Harvard), Pierre Perron (Boston University), Kenneth Warner (University of
Michigan), and Richard Zeckhauser (Harvard).
Many people were very generous in providing us with data. The Califor-
nia test score data were constructed with the assistance of Les Axelrod of the
Standards and Assessments Division, California Department of Education. We
are grateful to Charlie DePascale, Student Assessment Services, Massachusetts
Department of Education, for his help with aspects of the Massachusetts test
score data set. Christopher Ruhm (University of North Carolina, Greensboro)
graciously provided us with his data set on drunk driving laws and traffic fatali-
ties. The research department at the Federal Reserve Bank of Boston deserves
thanks for putting together its data on racial discrimination in mortgage lending;
we particularly thank Geoffrey Tootell for providing us with the updated version
of the data set we use in Chapter 9 and Lynn Browne for explaining its policy
context. We thank Jonathan Gruber (MIT) for sharing his data on cigarette sales,
which we analyze in Chapter 12, and Alan Krueger (Princeton) for his help with
the Tennessee STAR data that we analyze in Chapter 13.
We thank several people for carefully checking the page proof for errors.
Kerry Griffin and Yair Listokin read the entire manuscript, and Andrew Fraker,
Ori Heffetz, Amber Henry, Hong Li, Alessandro Tarozzi, and Matt Watson
worked through several chapters.
In the first edition, we benefited from the help of an exceptional development
editor, Jane Tufts, whose creativity, hard work, and attention to detail improved
the book in many ways, large and small. Pearson provided us with first-rate sup-
port, starting with our excellent editor, Sylvia Mallory, and extending through the
entire publishing team. Jane and Sylvia patiently taught us a lot about writing,
organization, and presentation, and their efforts are evident on every page of this
book. We extend our thanks to the superb Pearson team, who worked with us on
the second edition: Adrienne D’Ambrosio (senior acquisitions editor), Bridget
Page (associate media producer), Charles Spaulding (senior designer), Nancy
Fenton (managing editor) and her selection of Nancy Freihofer and Thompson
Steele Inc. who handled the entire production process, Heather McNally (sup-
plements coordinator), and Denise Clinton (editor-in-chief). Finally, we had the
benefit of Kay Ueno’s skilled editing in the second edition. We are also grate-
ful to the excellent third edition Pearson team of Adrienne D’Ambrosio, Nancy
Fenton, and Jill Kolongowski, as well as Mary Sanger, the project manager with
Nesbitt Graphics. We also wish to thank the Pearson team who worked on the
third edition update: Christina Masturzo, Carolyn Philips, Liz Napolitano, and
Heidi Allgair, project manager with Cenveo® Publisher Services.
We also received a great deal of help and suggestions from faculty, students,
and researchers as we prepared the third edition and its update. The changes
made in the third edition incorporate or reflect suggestions, corrections, com-
ments, data, and help provided by a number of researchers and instructors: Don-
ald Andrews (Yale University), Jushan Bai (Columbia), James Cobbe (Florida
State University), Susan Dynarski (University of Michigan), Nicole Eichelberger
(Texas Tech University), Boyd Fjeldsted (University of Utah), Martina Grunow,
Daniel Hamermesh (University of Texas–Austin), Keisuke Hirano (University
of Arizona), Bo Honore (Princeton University), Guido Imbens (Harvard Uni-
versity), Manfred Keil (Claremont McKenna College), David Laibson (Harvard
University), David Lee (Princeton University), Brigitte Madrian (Harvard Uni-
versity), Jorge Marquez (University of Maryland), Karen Bennett Mathis (Flor-
ida Department of Citrus), Alan Mehlenbacher (University of Victoria), Ulrich
Müller (Princeton University), Serena Ng (Columbia University), Harry Patrinos
(World Bank), Zhuan Pei (Brandeis University), Peter Summers (Texas Tech
University), Andrey Vasnov (University of Sydney), and Douglas Young (Mon-
tana State University). We also benefited from student input from F. Hoces dela
Guardia and Carrie Wilson.
Thoughtful reviews for the third edition were prepared for Addison-Wesley
by Steve DeLoach (Elon University), Jeffrey DeSimone (University of Texas at
Arlington), Gary V. Engelhardt (Syracuse University), Luca Flabbi (Georgetown
University), Steffen Habermalz (Northwestern University), Carolyn J. Heinrich
(University of Wisconsin–Madison), Emma M. Iglesias-Vazquez (Michigan State
University), Carlos Lamarche (University of Oklahoma), Vicki A. McCracken
(Washington State University), Claudiney M. Pereira (Tulane University), and
John T. Warner (Clemson University). We also received very helpful input on
draft revisions of Chapters 7 and 10 from John Berdell (DePaul University), Janet
Kohlhase (University of Houston), Aprajit Mahajan (Stanford University), Xia
Meng (Brandeis University), and Chan Shen (Georgetown University).
Above all, we are indebted to our families for their endurance throughout this
project. Writing this book took a long time, and for them, the project must have
seemed endless. They, more than anyone else, bore the burden of this commit-
ment, and for their help and support we are deeply grateful.
1 Economic Questions and Data
A sk a half dozen econometricians what econometrics is, and you could get a half
dozen different answers. One might tell you that econometrics is the science of
testing economic theories. A second might tell you that econometrics is the set of
tools used for forecasting future values of economic variables, such as a firm’s sales,
the overall growth of the economy, or stock prices. Another might say that econo-
metrics is the process of fitting mathematical economic models to real-world data.
A fourth might tell you that it is the science and art of using historical data to make
numerical, or quantitative, policy recommendations in government and business.
In fact, all these answers are right. At a broad level, econometrics is the science
and art of using economic theory and statistical techniques to analyze economic
data. Econometric methods are used in many branches of economics, including
finance, labor economics, macroeconomics, microeconomics, marketing, and eco-
nomic policy. Econometric methods are also commonly used in other social sci-
ences, including political science and sociology.
This book introduces you to the core set of methods used by econometricians.
We will use these methods to answer a variety of specific, quantitative questions
from the worlds of business and government policy. This chapter poses four of those
questions and discusses, in general terms, the econometric approach to answering
them. The chapter concludes with a survey of the main types of data available to
econometricians for answering these and other quantitative economic questions.
If we want to reduce smoking by a certain amount, say 20%, by raising taxes, then
we need to know the price elasticity of demand to calculate the price increase
necessary to achieve this reduction in consumption. But what is the price elasticity
of demand for cigarettes?
Although economic theory provides us with the concepts that help us answer
this question, it does not tell us the numerical value of the price elasticity of
demand. To learn the elasticity, we must examine empirical evidence about the
behavior of smokers and potential smokers; in other words, we need to analyze
data on cigarette consumption and prices.
The data we examine are cigarette sales, prices, taxes, and personal income
for U.S. states in the 1980s and 1990s. In these data, states with low taxes, and thus
low cigarette prices, have high smoking rates, and states with high prices have low
smoking rates. However, the analysis of these data is complicated because causal-
ity runs both ways: Low taxes lead to high demand, but if there are many smokers
in the state, then local politicians might try to keep cigarette taxes low to satisfy
their smoking constituents. In Chapter 12, we study methods for handling this
“simultaneous causality” and use those methods to estimate the price elasticity of
cigarette demand.
by using the past, and econometricians do this by using economic theory and
statistical techniques to quantify relationships in historical data.
The data we use to forecast the growth rate of GDP are past values of GDP
and the “term spread” in the United States. The term spread is the difference
between long-term and short-term interest rates. It measures, among other things,
whether investors expect short-term interest rates to rise or fall in the future. The
term spread is usually positive, but it tends to fall sharply before the onset of a
recession. One of the GDP growth rate forecasts we develop and evaluate in
Chapter 14 is based on the term spread.
of that action. Touching a hot stove causes you to get burned; drinking water
causes you to be less thirsty; putting air in your tires causes them to inflate; putting
fertilizer on your tomato plants causes them to produce more tomatoes. Causality
means that a specific action (applying fertilizer) leads to a specific, measurable
consequence (more tomatoes).
theory this experiment would estimate the effect on test scores of reducing class
size, holding all else constant.
The concept of an ideal randomized controlled experiment is useful because
it gives a definition of a causal effect. In practice, however, it is not possible to
perform ideal experiments. In fact, experiments are relatively rare in economet-
rics because often they are unethical, impossible to execute satisfactorily, or pro-
hibitively expensive. The concept of the ideal randomized controlled experiment
does, however, provide a theoretical benchmark for an econometric analysis of
causal effects using actual data.
The Dutch goodwife worked hard from early morn till sunset. She
worked in restricted ways, she had few recreations and pleasures
and altogether little variety in her life; but she possessed what
doubtless proved to her in that day, as it would to any woman in this
day, a source of just satisfaction, a soothing to the spirit, a staying of
melancholy, a moral support second only to the solace of religion,—
namely, a large quantity of very good clothes, which were
substantial, cheerful, and suitable, if not elegant.
The Dutch never dressed “in a plaine habbit according to the
maner of a poore wildernesse people,” as the Connecticut colonists
wrote of themselves to Charles II.; nor were they weary wanderers in
a wilderness as were Connecticut folk.
I have not found among the statutes of New Netherland any
sumptuary laws such as were passed in Connecticut,
Massachusetts, and Virginia, to restrain and attempt to prohibit
luxury and extravagance in dress. Nor have I discovered in the court-
records any evidences of magisterial reproof of finery; there is, on
the contrary, much indirect proof of encouragement to “dress orderly
and well according to the fashion and the time.” Of course the Dutch
had no Puritanical dread of over-rich garments; and we must also
never forget New Netherland was not under the control of a
government nor of a religious band, but of a trading-company.
The ordinary dress of the fair dames and damsels of New
Amsterdam has been vividly described by Diedrich Knickerbocker;
and even with the additional light upon their wardrobe thrown by the
lists contained in colonial inventories, I still think his description of
their every-day dress exceedingly good for one given by a man. He
writes:
“Their hair, untortured by the abominations of art, was
scrupulously pomatumed back from their foreheads with a
candle, and covered with a little cap of quilted calico, which
fitted exactly to their heads. Their petticoats of linsey-woolsey
were striped with a variety of gorgeous dyes, though I must
confess those gallant garments were rather short, scarce
reaching below the knee; but then they made up in the
number, which generally equalled that of the gentlemen’s
small-clothes; and what is still more praiseworthy, they were
all of their own manufacture,—of which circumstance, as may
well be supposed, they were not a little vain.
“Those were the honest days, in which every woman
stayed at home, read the Bible, and wore pockets,—ay, and
that, too, of a goodly size, fashioned with patchwork into
many curious devices, and ostentatiously worn on the
outside. These, in fact, were convenient receptacles where all
good housewives carefully stored away such things as they
wished to have at hand; by which means they often came to
be incredibly crammed.
“Besides these notable pockets, they likewise wore scissors
and pincushions suspended from their girdles by red ribbons,
or, among the more opulent and showy classes, by a brass
and even silver chains, indubitable tokens of thrifty
housewives and industrious spinsters. I cannot say much in
vindication of the shortness of the petticoats; it doubtless was
introduced for the purpose of giving the stockings a chance to
be seen, which were generally of blue worsted, with
magnificent red clocks; or perhaps to display a well-turned
ankle and a neat though serviceable foot, set off by a high-
heeled leathern shoe, with a large and splendid silver buckle.
“There was a secret charm in those petticoats, which no
doubt entered into the consideration of the prudent gallants.
The wardrobe of a lady was in those days her only fortune;
and she who had a good stock of petticoats and stockings
was as absolutely an heiress as is a Kamtschatka damsel
with a store of bear-skins, or a Lapland belle with plenty of
reindeer.”
A Boston lady, Madam Knights, visiting New York in 1704, wrote:
—
“The English go very fashionable in their dress. But the
Dutch, especially the middling sort, differ from our women, in
their habitt go loose, wear French muches wch are like a
Capp and head-band in one, leaving their ears bare, which
are sett out with jewells of a large size and many in number;
and their fingers hoop’t with rings, some with large stones in
them of many Coullers, as were their pendants in their ears,
which you should see very old women wear as well as
Young.”
This really gives a very good picture of the vrouws; “loose in their
habit,” wearing sacques and loose gowns, not laced in with pointed
waists as were the English and Boston women; with the ornamental
head-dress, and the gay display of stoned earrings and rings, which
was also not the usual wear of New England women, who generally
owned only a few funeral rings.
In the inventories of personal estates contained in the Surrogate’s
Court we find details of the wardrobe; but as I have enumerated and
defined all the different articles at some length in my book, “Costume
of Colonial Times,” I will not repeat the definitions here; but it should
be remembered that in the enumeration of the articles of clothing,
many stuffs and materials of simple names were often of
exceedingly good and even rich quality. From those inventories we
have proof that all Dutch women had plenty of clothes; while the
wives of the burgomasters, the opulent merchants, and those in
authority, had rich clothes. I have given in full in my book a list of the
clothing of a wealthy New York dame, Madam De Lange; but I wish
to refer to it again as an example of a really beautiful wardrobe. In it
were twelve petticoats of varying elegance, some worth two pounds
fifteen shillings each, which would be more than fifty dollars to-day.
They were of silk lined with silk, striped stuff, scarlet cloth, and ash-
gray cloth. Some were trimmed with gold lace. With those petticoats
were worn samares and samares-a-potoso, six in number, which
were evidently jackets or fancy bodies; these were of calico, crape,
“tartanel,” and silk. One trimmed with lace was worth three pounds.
Waistcoats and bodies also appear; also fancy sleeves. Love-hoods
of silk and cornet-caps with lace make a pretty head-gear to
complete this costume, with which was worn the reim or silver girdle
with hanging purse, and also with a handsome number of diamond,
amber, and white coral jewels.
The colors in the Dutch gowns were almost uniformly gay,—in
keen contrast to the sad-colored garments of New England. Madam
Cornelia de Vos in a green cloth petticoat, a red and blue
“Haarlamer” waistcoat, a pair of red and yellow sleeves, and a purple
“Pooyse” apron was a blooming flower-bed of color.
The dress of Vrouentje Ides Stoffelsen, a very capable
Dutchwoman who went to Bergen Point to live, varied a little from
that of these town dames. Petticoats she had, and waistcoats,
bodies and sleeves; but there was also homelier attire,—purple and
blue aprons, four pairs of pattens, a fur cap instead of love-hoods,
and twenty-three caps. She wore the simpler and more universal
head-gear,—a close linen or calico cap.
The head covering was of considerable importance in New
Amsterdam, as it was in Holland as well as in England at that date.
We find that it was also costly. In 1665 Mistress Piertje Jans sold a
fine “little ornamental headdress” for fifty-five guilders to the young
daughter of Evert Duyckinck. But it seems that Missy bought this
“genteel head-clothes” without the knowledge or permission of her
parents, and on its arrival at the Duyckinck home Vrouw Duyckinck
promptly sent back the emblem of extravagance and disobedience.
Summoned to court by the incensed milliner who wished no rejected
head-dresses on her hands, and who claimed that the transaction
was from the beginning with full cognizance of the parents, Father
Duyckinck pronounced the milliner’s bill extortionate; and
furthermore said gloomily, with a familiar nineteenth-century
phraseology of New York fathers, that “this was no time to be buying
and wearing costly head-dresses.” But the court decided in the
milliner’s favor.
It is to be deplored that we have no fashion-plates of past
centuries to show to us in exact presentment the varying modes
worn by New York dames from year to year; that method of fashion-
conveying has been adopted but a century. The modes in olden days
travelled from country to country, from town to town, in the form of
dolls or “babies,” as they were called, wearing miniature model
costumes. These dolls were dressed by cutters and tailors in Paris or
London, and with various tiny modish garments were sent out on
their important mission across the water. In Venice a doll attired in
the last fashions—the toilette of the year—was for centuries
exhibited on each Ascension Day at the “Merceria” for the edification
of noble Venetian dames, who eagerly flocked to the attractive sight.
Not less eagerly did American dames flock to provincial mantua-
makers and milliners to see the London-dressed babies with their
miniature garments. Even in this century, fashions were brought to
New York and Philadelphia and Albany through “milliners’ boxes”
containing dressed dolls. Mrs. Vanderbilt tells of one much admired
fashion-doll of her youth who had a treasured old age as a juvenile
goddess.
A leading man of New Amsterdam, a burgomaster, had at the time
of his death, near the end of Dutch rule, this plentiful number of
substantial garments: a cloth coat with silver buttons, a stuff coat,
cloth breeches, a cloth coat with gimp buttons, a black cloth coat, a
silk coat, breeches and doublet, a silver cloth breeches and doublet,
a velvet waistcoat with silver lace, a buff coat with silk sleeves, three
“gross-green” cloaks, several old suits of clothes, linen, hosiery,
silver-buckled shoes, an ivory-headed cane, and a hat. One hat may
seem very little with so many other garments; but the real beaver
hats of those days were so substantial, so well-made, so truly worthy
an article of attire, that they could be constantly worn and yet last for
years. They were costly; some were worth several pounds apiece.
Gayer masculine garments are told of in other inventories: green
silk breeches flowered with silver and gold, silver gauze breeches,
yellow fringed gloves, lacquered hats, laced shirts and neck-cloths,
and (towards the end of the century, and nearly through the
eighteenth century) a vast variety of wigs. For over a hundred years
these unnatural abominations, which bore no pretence of resembling
the human hair, often in grotesque, clumsy, cumbersome shapes,
bearing equally fantastic names, and made of various indifferent and
coarse materials, loaded the heads and lightened the pockets of our
ancestors. I am glad to note that they were taxed by the government
of the province of New York. The barber and wig-maker soon
became a very important personage in a community so given over to
costly modes of dressing the head. Advertisements in the
newspapers show the various kinds of wigs worn in the middle of the
eighteenth century. From the “New York Gazette” of May 9, 1737, we
learn of a thief’s stealing “one gray Hair Wig, one Horse hair wig not
the worse for wearing, one Pale Hair Wig, not worn five times,
marked V. S. E., one brown Natural wig, One old wig of goat’s hair
put in buckle.” Buckle meant to curl; and derivatively a wig was in
buckle when it was rolled on papers for curling. Other
advertisements tell of “Perukes, Tets, and Fox-tails after the
Genteelest Fashion. Ladies’ Tets and wigs in perfect imitation of their
own hair.” Other curious notices are of “Orange Butter” for
“Gentlewomen to comb up their hair with.”
This use of orange butter as a pomatum was certainly unique; it
was really a Dutch marmalade. I read in my “Closet of Rarities,”
dated 1706:—
“The Dutch Way to make Orange-butter. Take new cream
two gallons, beat it up to a thicknesse, then add half a pint of
orange-flower-water, and as much red wine, and so being
become the thicknesse of butter it has both the colour and
smell of an orange.”
A very characteristic and eye-catching advertisement was this
from the “New York Gazette” of May 21, 1750:—
“This is to acquaint the Public, that there is lately arrived
from London the Wonder of the World, an Honest Barber and
Peruke Maker, who might have worked for the King, if his
Majesty would have employed him: It was not for the want of
Money he came here, for he had enough of that at Home, nor
for the want of Business, that he advertises hinself, BUT to
acquaint the Gentlemen and Ladies, That Such a Person is
now in Town, living near Rosemary Lane where Gentlemen
and Ladies may be supplied with Goods as follows, viz.: Tyes,
Full-Bottoms, Majors, Spencers, Fox-Tails, Ramalies, Tacks,
cut and bob Perukes: Also Ladies Tatematongues and Towers
after the Manner that is now wore at Court. By their Humble
and Obedient Servant,
“John Still.”
With the change from simple Dutch ways of hairdressing came in
other details more constrained modes of dressing. With the wig-
maker came the stay-maker, whose curious advertisements may be
read in scores in the provincial newspapers; and his arbitrary
fashions bring us to modern times.
From the deacons’ records of the Dutch Reformed Church at
Albany we catch occasional hints of the dress of the children of the
Dutch colonists. There was no poor-house, and few poor; but since
the church occasionally helped worthy folk who were not rich, we
find the deacons in 1665 and 1666 paying for blue linen for
schorteldoecykers, or aprons, for Albany kindeken; also for haaken
en oogen, or hooks and eyes, for warm under-waists called
borsrockyen. They bought linen for luyers, which were neither
pinning-blankets nor diapers, but a sort of swaddling clothes, which
evidently were worn then by Dutch babies. Voor-schooten, which
were white bibs; neerstucken, which were tuckers, also were worn
by little children. Some little Hans of Pieter had given to him by the
deacons a fine little scarlet aperock, or monkey-jacket; and other
children were furnished linen cosynties, or night-caps with capes.
Yellow stockings were sold at the same time for children, and a gay
little yellow turkey-legged Dutchman in a scarlet monkey-jacket and
fat little breeches must have been a jolly sight.
CHAPTER X
HOLIDAYS
The most important holidays of the early years of the colony were,
apparently, New Year’s Day and May Day, for we find them named
through frequent legislation about rioting on these days, repairing of
damages, etc. It has been said that New Yorkers owe to the Dutch
an everlasting gratitude for our high-stoop houses and the delights of
over two centuries of New Year’s calling. The latter custom lived long
and happily in our midst, died a lingering and lamented death, is still
much honored in our memory, and its extinction deeply deplored and
unwillingly accepted.
The observance of New Year’s Day was, without doubt, followed
by both Dutch and English from the earliest settlement. We know
that Governor Stuyvesant received New Year’s calls, and we also
know that he prohibited excessive “drunken drinking,” unnecessary
firing of guns, and all disorderly behavior on that day. The reign of
the English did not abolish New Year’s visits; and we find Charles
Wolley, an English chaplain, writing in his journal in New York in
1701, of the addition of the English custom of exchange of gifts:—
“The English in New York observed one anniversary custom
and that without superstition, I mean the strenarum
commercium, as Suetonius calls them, a neighborly
commerce of presents every New Year’s Day. Some would
send me a sugar-loaf, some a pair of gloves, some a bottle or
two of wine.”
A further celebration of the day by men in New York was by going
in parties to Beekman’s Swamp to shoot at turkeys.
New Year’s calling was a new fashion to General Washington
when he came to New York to live for a short time, but he adopted it
with approval; and his New Year’s Receptions were imposing
functions.
For a long time the New Year was ushered in, in country towns,
with great noise as well as rejoicing. All through the day groups of
men would go from house to house firing salutes, and gathering
gradually into large parties by recruits from each house until the end
of the day was spent in firing at a mark. The Legislature in March,
1773, attempted to stop the gun-firing, asserting that “great damages
are frequently done on the eve of the last day of December and on
the first and second days of January by persons going from house to
house with guns and other firearms.” In 1785 a similar enactment
was passed by the State Legislature.
In the palmiest days of New Year’s calling, New York City
appeared one great family reunion. Every wheeled vehicle in the
town seemed to be loaded with visitors going from house to house.
Great four and six horse stages packed with hilarious mobs of men
went to the house of every acquaintance of every one in the stage.
Target companies had processions; political bodies called on families
whose head was well known in political life. The newspaper-carriers
brought out addresses yards long with rhymes:—
“At dawn, on the 21st day of the 7th Moon (15th August)
your Majesty’s servant proceeded to the Gate of Reverend
Peace (inside the Palace), and learned that your Majesties’
sacred chariot had left for the West. While there I came
across Ch’ung Ch’i,[106] the President of the Board of
Revenue, and we were proposing to hurry after your
Majesties, when we learned that the North-Eastern and
Northern Gates of the city had fallen. So we left Peking by
another gate, my first object being to try and rally some of the
troops. But after several conferences with Generals Sung
Ch’ing and Tung Fu-hsiang, I was forced to the conclusion
that our repeated defeats had been too severe, and that, in
the absence of large reinforcements, there was no hope of
our being able to take the field again. Our men were in a state
of complete panic and had lost all stomach for fighting. I
therefore left and came on to Pao-t’ing fu, and lodged there
with Ch’ung Ch’i in the “Water Lily” Garden. All night long he
and I discussed the situation, hoping to see some way out of
the misfortunes which had overtaken the State. Ch’ung Ch’i
could not conceal the bitterness of his grief, and on the
morning of the next day he hanged himself in one of the outer
courtyards, leaving a letter for me in which was enclosed his
valedictory Memorial to your Majesties, together with a set of
verses written just before his death. These I now forward for
your Majesty’s gracious perusal, because I feel that his
suicide deserves your pity, just as his high sense of duty
merits your praise. He was indeed a man of the purest
integrity, and had all the will, though, alas, not the power, to
avert the misfortunes which have befallen us. He had always
looked upon the magic arts of the Boxers with profound
contempt, unworthy even of the effort of a smile from a wise
man. At this critical juncture, the loss of my trusted colleague
is indeed a heavy blow, but I am compelled to remember that
the position which I hold, all unworthily, as your Majesty’s
Commander-in-Chief, necessitates my bearing the burden of
my heavy responsibilities so long as the breath of life is in my
body.
“Such makeshift arrangements as were feasible I made for
the temporary disposal of Ch’ung Ch’i’s remains, and I now
forward the present Memorial by special courier to your
Majesty, informing you of the manner of his decease, because
I hold it to be unfitting that his end should pass unnoticed and
unhonoured. Your Majesty will, no doubt, determine on the
posthumous honours to be accorded to him.
“It is now my intention to proceed, with what speed I may, to
T’ai-yüan fu, there to pay my reverent duty to your Majesty
and to await the punishment due for my failure to avert these
calamities.”
The journey into Shensi was made with all due provision for the
dignity and comfort of their Majesties, but the Empress was
overcome by grief en route at the death of Kang Yi, chief patron of
the Boxers, and the most bigoted and violent of all the reactionaries
near the Throne. He fell ill at a place called Hou Ma, and died in
three days, although the Vice-President of the Board of Censors, Ho
Nai-ying, obtained leave to remain behind and nurse him. The Old
Buddha was most reluctant to leave the invalid, and showed unusual
emotion. After his death she took a kindly interest in his son (who
followed the Court to Hsi-an) and would frequently speak to him of
his father’s patriotism and loyalty.
At Hsi-an fu the Court occupied the Governor’s official residence,
into which Her Majesty removed after residing for a while in the
buildings formerly set apart for the temporary accommodation of the
Viceroy of Kansuh and Shensi on visits of inspection. Both Yamêns
had been prepared for Their Majesties’ use; the walls had been
painted Imperial red, and the outer Court surrounded with a palisade,
beyond which were the quarters of the Imperial Guards, and the
makeshift lodgings of the Metropolitan Boards and the officials of the
nine Ministries on Palace duty. The arrangements of the Court,
though restricted in the matter of space, were on much the same
lines as in Peking. The main hall of the “Travelling Palace” was left
empty, the side halls being used as ante-chambers for officials
awaiting audience. Behind the main hall was a room to which access
was given by a door with six panels, two of which were left open,
showing the Throne in the centre of the room, upholstered in yellow
silk. It was here that Court ceremonies took place. On the left of this
room was the apartment where audiences were held daily, and
behind this again were the Empress Dowager’s bedroom and private
sitting-room. The Emperor and his Consort occupied a small
apartment communicating with the Old Buddha’s bedroom, and to
the west of these again were three small rooms, occupied by the
Heir Apparent. The chief eunuch occupied the room next to that of
the Old Buddha on the east side. The general arrangements for the
comfort and convenience of the Court were necessarily of a
makeshift and provisional character and the Privy Purse was for a
time at a low ebb, so that Her Majesty was much exercised over the
receipt and safe custody of the tribute, in money and in kind, which
came flowing in from the provinces. So long as the administration of
her household was under the supervision of Governor Ts’en, the
strictest economy was practised; for instance, the amount allowed by
him for the upkeep of their Majesties’ table was two hundred taels
(about £25) per day, which, as the Old Buddha remarked on one
occasion, was about one-tenth of the ordinary expenditure under the
same heading at Peking. “We are living cheaply now,” she said; to
which the Governor replied, “The amount could still be reduced with
advantage.”
Her Majesty’s custom, in selecting the menus for the day, was to
have a list of about one hundred dishes brought in every evening by
the eunuch on duty. After the privations of the flight from Peking, the
liberal supply of swallows’ nests and bêche-de-mer which came in
from the South was very much appreciated, and her rough fare of
chickens and eggs gave way to recherché menus; but the Emperor,
as usual, limited himself to a diet of vegetables. She gave orders that
no more than half a dozen dishes should be served at one meal, and
she took personal pains with the supply of milk, of which she always
consumed a considerable quantity. Six cows were kept in the
immediate vicinity of the Imperial apartments, for the feeding of
which Her Majesty was charged two hundred taels a month. Her
health was good on the whole, but she suffered from indigestion,
which she attributed to the change of climate and the fatigues of her
journey. For occasional attacks of insomnia she had recourse to
massage, in which several of the eunuchs were well-skilled. After the
Court had settled down at Hsi-an fu, Her Majesty was again
persuaded to permit the presentation of plays, which she seemed
generally to enjoy as much as those in Peking. But her mind was for
ever filled with anxiety as to the progress of the negotiations with the
foreign Powers at the Capital, and all telegrams received were
brought to her at once. The news of the desecration of her Summer
Palace had filled her with wrath and distress, especially when, in
letters from the eunuch Sun (who had remained in charge at
Peking), she learned that her Throne had been thrown into the lake,
and that the soldiers had made “lewd and ribald drawings and
writings” even on the walls of her bedroom. It was with the greatest
relief that she heard of the settlement of the terms of peace,
subsequently recorded in the Protocol of 7th of September, and so
soon as these terms had been irrevocably arranged, she issued a
Decree (June, 1901) fixing the date for the Court’s return in
September. This Decree, issued in the name of the Emperor, was as
follows:
One of the most notorious Boxer leaders, namely, Duke Kung, the
younger brother of Prince Chuang, had accompanied the Court, with
his family, to Hsi-an. The Old Buddha, realising that his presence
would undoubtedly compromise her, now decided to send him away.
His family fell from one state of misery to another; no assistance was
rendered to them by any officials on the journey, and eventually, after
much wandering, the Duke was compelled to earn a bare living by
serving as a subordinate in a small Yamên, while his wife, who was
young and comely, was sold into slavery. It was clear that the Old
Buddha had now realised the error of her ways and the folly that had
been committed in encouraging the Boxers. After the executions and
suicides of the proscribed leaders of the movement she was heard
on one occasion to remark: “These Princes and Ministers were wont
to bluster and boast, relying upon their near kinship to ourselves,
and we foolishly believed them when they assured us that the
foreign devils would never get the better of China. In their folly they
came within an ace of overthrowing our Dynasty. The only one
whose fate I regret is Chao Shu-ch’iao. For him I am truly sorry.”
The fate of Prince Chuang’s brother showed clearly that both
officials and people had realised the genuine change in the Empress
Dowager’s feelings towards the Boxers, for there was none so poor
to do him honour.
Both on the journey to Hsi-an fu and on the return to the Capital,
Her Majesty displayed the greatest interest in the lives of the
peasantry and the condition of the people generally. She subscribed
liberally to the famine fund in Shansi, professing the greatest
sympathy for the stricken people. She told the Emperor that she had
never appreciated their sufferings in the seclusion of her Palace.
During the Court’s stay at Hsi-an fu the Emperor came to take
more interest in State affairs than he had done at any time since the
coup d’état, but although the Old Buddha discussed matters with him
freely, and took his opinion, he had no real voice in the decision of
any important matter. His temper continued to be uncertain and
occasionally violent, so that many high officials of the Court preferred
always to take their business to the Empress Dowager. One
important appointment was made at this time by the Old Buddha at
the Emperor’s personal request, viz., that of Sun Chia-nai (ex-
Imperial tutor) to the Grand Secretariat. This official had resigned
office in January 1900 upon the selection of the Heir Apparent, which
he regarded as equivalent to the deposition of the Emperor.[108]
Subsequently, throughout the Boxer troubles, he had remained in his
house at Peking, which was plundered, and he himself would
undoubtedly have been killed, but for the protection given him by
Jung Lu. At this time also, Lu Ch’uan-lin joined the Grand Council.
When the siege of the Legations began, he had left his post as
Governor of Kiangsu, and marched north with some three thousand
men to defend Peking against the foreigners. Before he reached the
Capital, however, it had fallen, so that, after disbanding his troops,
he went for a few weeks to his native place in Chihli, and thence
proceeded to join the Court at T’ai-yüan fu, where the Old Buddha
received him most cordially. His case is particularly interesting in that
he was until his death a member of the Grand Council,[109] and that,
like many other high officials at Peking, his ideas of the art of
government and the relative position of China in the world, remained
exactly as they were before the Boxer movement. His action in
proceeding to Peking with his troops from his post in the south is
also interesting, as showing the semi-independent position of
provincial officials, and the free hand which any man of strong views
may claim and enjoy. The Viceroys of Nanking and Wuch’ang might
dare to oppose the wishes of the Empress Dowager, and to exercise
their own judgment as regards declaring war upon foreigners, but it
was equally open to any of their subordinates to differ from them,
and to take such steps as they might personally consider proper,
even to the movement of troops.
An official, one of the many provincial deputies charged with the
carrying of tribute to the Court at Hsi-an, returning thence to his post
at Soochow, sent to a friend at Peking a detailed description of the
life of the Court in exile, from which the following extracts are taken.
The document, being at that time confidential and not intended for
publication, throws some light on the Court and its doings which is
lacking in official documents:—