Test Bank for Drugs, Society and

Criminal Justice, 5th Edition, Charles F.

Levinthal Lori Brusman-Lovins
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 Chapter 3

Drug-Control Policy in America

CHAPTER OVERVIEW
This chapter is an overview of drugs in the United States and the policies that have attempted to control
their use. The chapter examines the origins and history of drugs, starting in the nineteenth century to the
present day. There is a look at the changes in drug laws including the prohibition of alcohol. The threat to
national security and the five schedules of drugs are also discussed, as well as political ideologies that
influence drug policies.

CHAPTER OBJECTIVES
Upon chapter completion, students should have an understanding of:
The history of drug regulation in America
The absence of drug regulation in the nineteenth century
Drug regulation legislation in the early and late twentieth century—the War on Drugs
Drug regulation in the twenty-first century—the Impact of 9/11
Public safety and public health as overall aims of drug-control policy
The five schedules of controlled substances
Attitudes or ideologies that drive America’s drug policy

LECTURE OUTLINE
A. Drugs in the Nineteenth Century: Laissez-Faire
The use of drugs has been widespread for both medical and recreational purposes.
At the end of the nineteenth century, Morphine was identified as the active ingredient in Opium.
Morphine was used to control the pain caused by disease or injuries.
Morphine was used commonly in the Civil War when soldiers were wounded or needed to have limbs
amputated.
Soldiers became addicted to the strong painkiller, and soon their addiction to it was known as
“soldier’s disease.”
Cocaine started as a casual drug. It was extracted from the coca leaves and was added to the Coca-
Cola formula up until 1903.
Dr. Agnew’s Catarrh Powder for the common cold also had cocaine in it.
Parke, Davis, and Company used cocaine in a variety of products. There were coca-leaf cigarettes and
cigars, inhalants, coca cordial, and injectable cocaine.
Dr. Sigmund Freud, a Viennese doctor, recommended it to his patients and his friends. He saw it as a
“magical drug” until his best friend and colleague became dependent on it.
The United States took a laissez-faire attitude toward the distribution of the drug. This era was
referred to as a “dope fiend’s paradise.”
During this time period there were no regulating agencies who could call themselves doctor, and
pharmacists were unlicensed as well.
The American Medical Association was formed in 1847.
B. Drug Regulation in the Early Twentieth Century: The Beginning of Controls
In the 1900s, despite medical advances with drugs, there was concern about health risks because of
these chemicals.
In the movement for safer drugs, the patented medicines were created.
Drugs were associated with certain minority groups.
i. Pure Food and Drug Act of 1906
Many drugs were patented to include alcohol, opium, morphine, marijuana, and cocaine. The
term patent was misleading.
The drug manufacturer did not have to list the ingredients on the labels.
Individuals could mail order the medicines or get them through traveling shows.
As the popularity of the medicines grew, so did the accidental poisonings.
Upton Sinclair wrote the novel The Jungle exposing the unsanitary and horrible conditions of
the meat-packing industry, and President Theodor Roosevelt answered the cry from the
public to institute federal law with regard to food, drinks, and drugs.
The Pure Food and Drug Act of 1906 was the first drug regulatory law in American history.
All ingredients had to be listed on the packaging.
While the new law required the listing of ingredients, it did not prohibit or prevent potentially
harmful substances from being used.
ii. Harrison Act of 1914
A decade and a half later, drug regulations were again examined. Changes were proposed due
to the prejudice against minority groups believed to be involved in the drug trade.
Southern politicians disliked the idea of federal government regulations and the intrusion into
state’s rights.
In order to gain southerner’s favor for these drug laws, it has been said that a propaganda
campaign was launched that associated African Americans with cocaine.
“Reports” of cocaine-induced raping of White women and criminals with super-human
strengthen were circulated.
The “reports” also included propaganda that African Americans were not affected by .32
caliber bullets and therefore southern police departments needed to switch to .38 caliber
revolvers.
The propaganda campaign was successful as southerners became more afraid of African
Americans than the federal government impinging on their rights.
African Americans were not the only group targeted. The Chinese workers were identified
with opium smoking. After the Civil War, Chinese workers came to the United States to
build the railroad system. Americans saw their smoking of opium as leading to
prostitution, gambling, and an overall moral decline.
In 1875, San Francisco prohibited the operation of opium dens. Congress followed in 1887
with the prohibition of possession of smokable opium by the Chinese.
The United States wanted to open trade with China. However, the Chinese were reluctant due
to the treatment the Chinese were receiving in the United States over the opium dens.
The United States countered with conferences on drug deterrence. China, who was
experiencing a drug problem as well, agreed to participate in the conference.
At The Hague conference in 1912, the Chinese pointed out the US double standard of asking
the rest of the world to regulate drug usage, while having no domestic policy against
drugs. This led to the Harrison Act.
 The Harrison Act of 1914 regulated drug importing, manufacturing, selling or dispensing
cocaine and opiate drugs. Those conducting such business were required to register with
the Treasury Department and pay a special tax.
Enforcement of the Harrison Act of 1914 was conducted by the Treasury Department and the
Internal Revenue Service.
While cocaine is not an opiate, it was lumped together as a narcotic under this Act. A narcotic
is a stupor-inducing drug (cocaine is not).
Later, marijuana and peyote were also included as narcotics, even though they too are not.
Drug enforcement was conducted by the Bureau of Narcotics with agents known as “narks.”
The Treasury Department viewed physicians prescribing opiates as beyond medical intentions
and the US Supreme Court agreed. Physicians finally stopped issuing prescriptions for
drugs covered under the Harrison Act.
iii. Marijuana and the Marijuana Tax Act of 1937
Like other substances, Marijuana was not deemed to be a problem until it was connected to a
minority group—Mexicans.
In the 1920s Mexican immigrants came to the United States to take jobs White workers did
not want, picking cotton, fruits, and vegetables on farms in the Southeast.
Some of the Mexicans smoked marijuana as a drug of entertainment and relaxation.
After the Depression hit America, White workers would take any type of job they could get,
sending Mexican workers home.
Many of the White workers formed or joined organizations like “Key Men of America” and
the “American Coalition.” These organizations were designed to “Keep America
American.”
Newspaper articles began telling of how marijuana made users sexually excited and violently
insane.
The first Federal Bureau of Narcotics was Harry J. Anslinger. In order to promote the
organization, he pursued Marijuana enforcement. Congressional committees heard
testimony from Anslinger on the dangers of marijuana, sexual promiscuity and sensational
tales of murder, insanity, and referred to it as “killer weed.”
Movies produced in the 1930s, such as Reefer Madness and Marihuana: Weed with Roots in
Hell, supported Anslinger’s claim.
The Marijuana Tax of 1937 did not outlaw marijuana, but did tax it. A federal stamp that sold
for as much as $100 was required for purchase.
iv. Alcohol Regulation in America: The Prohibition Era
In the 1700s writers, physicians, and scientists began to consider the adverse effects of
alcohol.
The temperate attitude toward distilled spirits was called the temperance movement.
It was stated that drunkenness led to poverty, a disorderly society, and civil disobedience. It
was called “demon rum.”
In 1831 the American Temperance Society reported that nearly 2 million Americans had
renounced liquor and 800 local societies had been set up.
Abraham Lincoln noted that the harm done by alcohol was an abuse of a very good thing.
From 1830 to 1850 sales of liquor decreased from 7 gallons to 2 gallons per capita annually.
During the 1880s the tavern switched to the saloon. The saloon was considered to be a
significant threat to women in general. These new bars were considered to be the ruination
 of the American family. They were blamed for childhood drunkenness, alcoholism, wife
beating, child abuse, and syphilis.
During World War I (WWI) anti-German sentiment helped to convince some that drinking
was bad. Germans were associated with beer. The use of grain for beer was considered
taking food out of American soldiers’ mouths.
The prohibitionists were rural White Protestants who disliked the Irish and Italian immigrants.
They viewed the cities as sinful and filled with immigrants.
By December 1917 Prohibition was voted in by Congress—”prohibiting the manufacture, sale,
transportation, or importation of intoxicating liquors.” This became some of the wording
for the 18th Amendment to the US Constitution.
The Volstead Act of 1919 provided for the enforcement of the act by creating a Prohibition
Bureau under the control of the Treasury Department.
By January 1920 Prohibition had taken effect.
Prohibition had failed to create an alcohol-free society.
Many continued to drink and attend night-clubs and bars known as “speakeasies” or “blind
pigs.”
The alcohol served was dangerous—kerosene was found in some of the cheaper brands.
The roaring twenties was one of the most lawless periods in history.
Criminal organizations smuggled huge quantities of liquor into the country. They were called
“bootleggers.”
By the time Prohibition ended nearly 800 gangsters had been killed over alcohol.
Moonshiners were individuals who worked at night producing alcohol and avoiding the
Treasury agents called revenuers.
Eliot Ness became famous for leading a group of Treasury agents named the Untouchables.
They were instrumental in arresting, prosecuting, and convicting Al Capone.
Prohibition was considered a Noble Experiment. In 1933 President Franklin D. Roosevelt
campaigned on a platform to repeal the Volstead Act. The 21st Amendment repealed the
18th Amendment.
Alcohol was restored as a legal commodity and was taxed.
C. Drug Regulation in the Late Twentieth Century: A “War on Drugs”
After World War II (WWII) both tobacco and alcohol use were socially acceptable.
Drugs such as heroin, marijuana, and cocaine were outside the mainstream, and associated with non-
Whites, urban poor, criminals, and generally “bad” people.
Anslinger accused China of selling opium and heroin to finance the expansion of communism.
Penalties were stiff. First offense for narcotics (including marijuana) was two years imprisonment.
The second offense was up to 10 years.
Selling to a minor under the age of 18 was a capital offense.
During the 1960s and the Vietnam War, America found itself in a state of unrest.
Children born from the WWII generation parents were called Baby-Boomers or the “hippie”
generation. These individuals were not as afraid as their parents and rebelled against the
establishment.
Marijuana, LSD, and other hallucinogens were being taken by the White middle class.
Illicit drug use, once a problem associated with minorities and inner cities, was now a middle-class
problem.
Fifteen percent of the American troops returning home from Vietnam had been heroin users.
 i. The Controlled Substances Act of 1970
President Richard Nixon, elected in 1968 on a law and order platform, found illicit drug use a
major problem.
In 1970 Nixon’s administration persuaded Congress to pass the Comprehensive Drug Abuse
Prevention and Control Act known as the “Controlled Substances Act.”
The task of fighting the war on drugs was shifted from the Treasury Department to the Drug
Enforcement Administration (DEA).
Ports of entry into the United States were monitored for drugs by the US Customs Service.
The DEA’s mission is both foreign and domestic.
The FBI shares responsibilities with the DEA, reporting to the FBI.
Nixon discovered that 80 percent of the heroin entering the United States was coming out of
Turkey. The administration threatened to cut off aid to Turkey if they did not put an end to
the export of opium.
Nixon sent millions of dollars of aid to compensate Turkey for revenue lost from cutting off
opium to the United States.
The influx of opium shifted from Turkey to Mexico. The United States then attempted to
finance opium poppy eradication programs in Mexico.
In order to help those addicted to heroin, the Nixon administration financed a number of detox
clinics helping addicts to step down to Methadone to wean them off of the drug.
By 1972 the administration’s programs were working.
When President Ford took office in 1974 the focus shifted from drugs to the nation’s
unemployment, inflation, and energy crisis.
The Ford policy was that drugs were here to stay and the effort should be on containment
rather than elimination.
President Jimmy Carter, elected in 1976, was more tolerant regarding drug use than Ford and
even supported decriminalization of marijuana. He believed the penalties should not be
worse than the drug use itself.
Carter’s administration did a lot to reduce the penalties for marijuana possession.
D. Drug Regulation 1980—2000: Renewed Efforts at Drug Control
In the 1980s hippies gave way to Yuppies, a young, upwardly mobile professional who was more
conservative.
Heroin was on the decline but cocaine was becoming more popular. Cocaine was more expensive, so
its use was associated with success.
Celebrities were using cocaine, so it became the “go to” drug.
The media start showing celebrities dying of a drug overdose, and dependence on cocaine was being
discussed.
In 1985, “crack” was a smokable and cheap form of cocaine. This drug was sent to the inner cities. A
cheap form of cocaine but highly addictive, crack dependence soon became a national nightmare.
The 1970s was an era of lack of public interest in the issue of drugs. Ronald Reagan’s presidency will
be remembered with the First Lady Nancy Reagan and her campaign to “just say no to drugs.”
This was focused on White middle-class children to keep them from trying drugs.
In 1984 Congress passed the Comprehensive Crime Control Act with penalties including asset-
forfeiture.
In 1986 the Anti-Drug Abuse Act was passed placing mandatory minimum sentences for federal drug
convictions.
 A “kingpin” statute was also created where heads of trafficking organizations could receive
mandatory life imprisonment if convicted.
The Anti-Drug Abuse Act of 1988 created a cabinet-level Director of the National Drug Control
Policy known as the Drug Czar. The first director was William J. Bennett, who believed users
should accept moral responsibility for their actions.
The Clinton administration asked Congress to appropriate a $100-million-dollar increase in the
budget for drug interdiction and foreign aid to stop the supply of drugs into the United States.
Clinton signed the Comprehensive Methamphetamine Control Act in 1996.
E. Drug Regulation in the Twenty-First Century: The Impact of 9/11
After September 11, 2001, the war on terrorism became the main concern.
Federal aid was sent to Colombia to support their efforts to fight drug trafficking and insurgents in the
country.
The USA Patriot Act of 2001 and the Reauthorization in 2005 allowed federal authorities to tap
telephones and wireless devices.
Officers are also allowed to monitor Internet communications and tighten the enforcement of money
laundering activities as well as protect the US border.
Patriot II contained a subsection called the Combat Methamphetamine Epidemic Act that restricted
over-the-counter cold medications that could be sold to manufacture methamphetamine. Those
purchasing these medications have to present identification.
The Illicit Drug Anti-Proliferation Act of 2003 required stiff sanctions for venues where drugs were
made, distributed, or consumed, with a focus on “club drugs.”
The Ryan Haight Online Pharmacy Consumer Protection Act of 2008 regulated the distribution of
controlled substances via the Internet.
The Safe and Secure Drug Disposal Act of 2010 authorized designated facilities for safe prescription
drug disposal.
The Synthetic Drug Abuse Prevention Act added designer drugs, like “K2” to Schedule I drug of the
CSA.
A poll taken in 2017 found that most Americans support the legalization of marijuana.
As of 2018, 10 states legalized the possession, sale, and use of marijuana and 33 states and DC
approved its use for medical purposes.
F. Drug-Control Policy Today: Public Health and Public Safety
Public health efforts of psychiatrists, psychologists, and drug-abuse counselors focus on the effects of
the abuse of a substance to restore one’s well-being.
The diagnosis of a drug user is based on the behavioral consequences of the drug not the drug itself.
i. Federal Drug-Control Policy: Five Schedules of Controlled Substances
There are five schedules for defining a particular chemical substance in terms of its potential
for medical use and potential for abuse.
Schedule I has the lowest potential for medical use and the highest potential for abuse.
Schedule I carries the highest penalties (excluding marijuana).
ii. Attitudes Driving America’s Drug Policy
Important to consider the ideological perspective, or beliefs about drug use, which tends to
drive the drug-control policy.
The conservative perspective tends to focus on deterrence strategies, like tough laws against
drug use.
 The liberal perspective tends to focus on rehabilitative strategies and alternatives to
incarceration to manage drug use.
Regarding law enforcement, conservatives tend to advocate for greater police presence and
intense interdiction and street-level enforcement while liberals call for improved police-
community relationships.
Ideology rather than evidence on what works to decrease drug use tends to drive policy
decision-making.
iii. Drug-Control Policies: From Conservative to Liberal?
America is still dealing with the consequences of four decades of conservative drug-control
policy.
Biggest consequence is the great expansion of the prison population between 1970 and 2010,
which is largely attributable to harsh drug policies.
Prison movement had the greatest impact on minority and low-income populations.
There are signs toward a more liberal shift in drug policy, such as the trend toward marijuana
legalization.
Movie Note: “Grass” 78 min. Reviews the history of marijuana prohibition and its impact on American
society. This film was developed prior to the recent legalization trend. The film provides a perspective
in support of marijuana decriminalization.

LIST OF CHANGES/TRANSITION GUIDE

Omitted:
Drugs in Early Times
Alcohol in America before Prohibition
Federal Food, Drug and Cosmetic Act of 1938

Added or adapted:
Combined sections on Drug Regulation in the Early 20th Century
Section on Marijuana and the Marijuana Tax Act of 1937 was moved up in the chapter.
Added several drug regulations/Acts since the mid-2000s at the end of Drug Regulation in the Twenty-
First Century: The Impact of 9/11
Added Attitudes Driving America’s Drug Policy
Added Drug-Control Policies: From Conservative to Liberal?

ADDITIONAL ASSIGNMENTS AND CLASS ACTIVITIES

1. Have student draft a sample of legislation to legalize a drug. It can be a drug they make up, or
marijuana … or … have them make alcohol illegal (again) and give reasons while it is better to make
it illegal now versus in 1919.
2. Cut out slips of paper, half with the name of a drug policy (e.g. Harrison Act) and the other with the
definition. Have students work in groups to match the name of the act with the definition. Accolades
can be given to the group with the most correct answers.
3. Show a short film clip related to Anslinger or marijuana legalization and have students discuss in
groups how public attitudes develop and change over time, impacting drug policy.
SUGGESTED ANSWERS TO END-OF-CHAPTER ASSIGNMENTS

Review Questions
1. Early drug attitudes were accepting (use in everyday items like Coca-Cola). Just prior to the Harrison
Act of 1914, public attitude toward use of opium was negative, particularly due to its association with
Chinese immigrants. The US government passed the Harrison Act as an effort to use taxation to help
regulate the use of narcotics by Americans. Hence, the Act did not make narcotics illegal, just sought
to regulate them. They eventually created a black market for those seeking narcotic drugs.
2. Students should discuss pros of prohibition (e.g. shifting the culture of acceptance of alcohol, limiting
alcohol-related illness and accidents, economic gains of limiting illness/accidents) and the cons (e.g.
creating black market for alcohol, increased corruption and violence, pushing against a culturally
acceptable practice, punishing the vast majority of drinkers who use alcohol responsibly). The “Noble
Experiment” failed when prohibition brought on significant social problems and tax dollars were
needed to restore federal revenue dollars to fund Depression-era social programs.
3. After 9/11, the extensive amount of money generated from illegal sales of narcotics in the United
States to fund Taliban activities was discovered. Afghanistan is intertwined with drug lords as well.
Post 9/11, the war on drugs also became the war on terrorism or narcoterrorism. Foreign aid to
Colombia increased so they could fight insurgent groups in the country that were funding terrorists.
The major drug route from Mexico to the United States was also bringing in and funding terrorists.
4. Students may use Table in 3.1 to answer this question. The criteria are the potential for abuse and
accepted medical usage of the drug. Drug examples can vary, but should fall under the categories in
the table.
5. Students should compare the more conservative and liberal ideology, and how conservative ideology
calls for strong deterrence on drug use based on tough laws and increased law enforcement, while the
liberal perspective relies on rehabilitation and alternatives to incarceration to manage the drug
problem in America.

Critical thinking exercise: What would you do?

“Possible arguments may include:”

Marijuana is not seen as that “bad” of a drug and many states have decriminalized it. It is no worse than
alcohol and an argument can be made it is better. Marijuana is a drug that mellows the user and therefore
is not like PCP or other drugs that make people more aggressive. It can be used for medicinal purposes. It
is non-addictive. It could be taxed more if widely distributed.
Marijuana would have to move from Schedule I to Schedule II where there is an acceptable use and a
medicinal use.
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
from this 800 men stated to have been lost before entering Tlascala, not counting
those who fell in other provinces, leaves about 580; yet he acknowledges only 440
alive. Hist. Verdad., 108 et seq. Herrera is also contradictory, admitting in one
place 500, and in another ‘less than’ 400 soldiers and 600 allies. Oviedo reduces
the soldiers to 340. iii. 513. Vetancurt adopts Bernal Diaz’ 440 soldiers and
Herrera’s 600 allies. Prescott hastily declares Gomara as nearest to the truth, yet
he departs from him in the result. With regard to the allies, he reckons the full
number of all who were brought to Mexico, while it is pretty obvious, from figures
and facts, that a portion must have been allowed to return home during the
inaction of the emperor’s captivity. The list of losses, as given by different
authorities, stands as follows: 150 soldiers, over 2000 allies, Cortés; over 200
soldiers, over 2000 allies, Lejalde, Probanza; nearly 200 soldiers, over 1000 allies,
Solis; 300 soldiers, over 2000 allies, at one bridge, Sahagun, 122; 450 soldiers,
4000 allies, Gomara, followed by Ixtlilxochitl, Clavigero, Camargo, and others;
over 500 soldiers in all New Spain, Carta del Ejército; over 600 soldiers,
Robertson; over 600 soldiers, B. V. de Tapia, in Ramirez, Proceso contra
Alvarado, 38; 800 soldiers in all New Spain, Cortés, Residencia, i. 42; 870 soldiers
in all New Spain, Bernal Diaz; 1170 soldiers, 8000 allies, Cano, in Oviedo, iii. 551.

[858] The loss in horses varies from 45, in Cortés, to 56, in Lejalde, Probanza,
both acknowledging 24 left.

[859] ‘Perdidose todo el oro y joyas y ropa,’ etc. Cortés, Cartas, 135. It had been
confided to Tlascaltecs, and was nearly all lost, says their chief. Camargo, Hist.
Tlax., 169-70. The officers testified afterward before public notary: ‘Se perdió todo
el dicho oro é joyas de SS. AA., é mataron la yegua que lo traia.’ Lejalde,
Probanza, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 425. Two witnesses during the residencia of
Cortés stated that the general had two mares, one given to carry the royal
treasures and the other laden with his own. The latter being lost, he claimed the
other to be his, and in this manner appropriated 45,000 pesos or more which
belonged to the king. Cortés, Residencia, i. 69, 101-2. Not long after the retreat he
called on all to declare, under penalty, what gold they had saved of that taken from
the unappropriated piles. From those who did so the treasures were taken,
although it was understood that they had been given to them. All this Cortés kept.
Id., 101-2, 241-2; ii. 402. Many refused to surrender, and since the leaders had
also secured shares from the common pile, the order to reveal possession thereof
was not enforced, says Bernal Diaz. He adds that one third was to be retained by
the possessor as a reward. Cortés kept as a forced loan what had been
surrendered. Hist. Verdad., 117-18. The loss of treasure, that thrown away by
carriers and pressed soldiers, or sunken with their bodies, has been estimated at
from several hundred thousand pesos to over two millions, in the values of that
time; to which Wilson sarcastically objects, that ‘nothing was really lost but the
imaginary treasure, now grown inconveniently large, and which had to be
accounted for to the emperor. The Conquistador was too good a soldier to hazard
his gold; it was therefore in the advance, and came safely off.’ Conq. Mex., 412-
13.

[860] ‘Si esta cosa fuera de dia, por ventura no murieran tantos,’ adds Gomara,
Hist. Mex., 161. While grieving he recognized ‘el manifiesto milagro que la reyna
de los angeles su abogada, el apostol San Pedro, y el de los egércitos Españoles
Santiago, habian hecho en haberse escapado él.’ Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 302.
Vetancurt moralizes on the flight as a chastisement by God, who saved the
remnant to spread the faith. Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 145-6.

[861] On a later page Bernal Diaz says he fell at Otumba. Hist. Verdad., 107, 246.

[862] Herrera attempts to save somewhat the reputation of the astrologer by the
statement that he prophesied death for himself or his brother.

[863] Every one, say Cortés and Herrera; but Ixtlilxochitl states that one sister of
King Cacama was saved, and he intimates that one or two of his brothers also
escaped. He is contradictory, however. Hist. Chich., 302, 390. The one who
escaped must have been Cuicuitzcatl, the newly made king of Tezcuco. Brasseur
de Bourbourg adds two of his brothers, probably from misinterpreting Ixtlilxochitl.
Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 339.

[864] Ixtlilxochitl names some of the chiefs to whom these offers were made. Hist.
Chich., 302.

[865] Ávila, a veritable martinet, maimed a soldier with a blow for stepping from
the ranks to pluck some fruit. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xii. The same story has
been told of Ávila in Cempoala.

[866] Cortés allows the five scouts to defeat the enemy, who are frightened by the
supposition that a larger force is upon them. Cartas, 137. Herrera is more explicit
with regard to the ambuscade, and makes Ordaz lead up the reinforcements. dec.
ii. lib. x. cap. xii.

[867] ‘Mas no cenar.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 162. Sahagun states, however, that this
was the town to which the Otomís had on the preceding day invited them, chiefly
because they were related to the Otomís of the Tlascaltec division under Cortés.
Hist. Conq., 34-5. A risky proceeding, if true, for an isolated community, on whom
might fall the vengeance of the hostile Mexicans. In the account of the route
followed to Tlascala Cortés is still the best guide, for he not only kept a record, but
wrote his report while the occurrences were yet fresh. He is wanting in details,
however, and fails to give names to localities. These omissions are remedied by
Sahagun, who now seems more reliable. Other authors are vague or misleading
for the route, but the occasional incidents told by them are noteworthy. Bernal Diaz
indicates only one stopping place, Quauhtitlan evidently, before Otumba is
reached. Camargo skips to a place adjoining Otumba, and Ixtlilxochitl takes the
army to Quauhximalpan, a place which modern maps locate south of Remedios.
He resumes the northern route, but names some towns that cannot be identified.
Gomara adheres pretty well to Cortés, but his commentator, Chimalpain, supplies
names for places, which differ from Sahagun and indicate a deviation from the
extreme northern course, as will be seen. Torquemada follows chiefly Sahagun,
whom he recommends. Orozco y Berra has closely studied the journey, and
throws much light on it, more so than any other writer; yet his conclusions are not
always satisfactory. Itinerario del Ejercito Español, in Mex. Not. Ciudad., 246 et
seq. I have already spoken at length, in Native Races, iii. 231-6, on the life and
writings of Father Sahagun, and will here refer only to the twelfth book of his
Historia General, inserted by Bustamante, at the beginning of the set, under the
title of Historia de la Conquista de Mexico. This copy is from one found by Muñoz
in the Franciscan convent of Tolosa, in Navarre. Another copy of the twelfth book,
in possession of Conde de Cortina, claimed as the true original, was published
separately by the same editor, at Mexico, 1840, with lengthy notes from Clavigero
and other writers to complete the chain of events, and to comment on the
suppression in the former issue of statements concerning Spanish misdeeds. It
has also an additional chapter. Neither copy, however, corresponds quite to that
used by Torquemada, who in more than one instance quotes passages that are
startling compared with the modified expressions in the others. The severity of the
friar toward Spanish conquerors was no doubt a strong reason for the suppression
of his work. The twelfth book begins with Grijalva’s arrival and the omens
preceding it, and carries the narrative of the conquest down to the fall of Mexico.
According to his own statement, on page 132, it is founded to a great extent on the
relations given him by eye-witnesses, soldiers who had assumed the Franciscan
robe and associated daily with the friar; but much is adopted, with little or no
critique, from superstitious natives, the whole forming a rather confusing medley,
so that it is difficult to extract the many valuable points which it contains. This
difficulty is, of course, not encountered by such followers as Bustamante and
Brasseur de Bourbourg, and similar supporters of native records or anti-Spanish
versions.
In the Native Races I give the traits which characterize the French abbé and
his famous works on Central American culture and antiquities, and it remains only
to refer briefly to his version of the conquest, comprised in the fourth volume of the
Histoire des Nations Civilisées. His pleasing style lends attraction to every page,
but his faults become more conspicuous from the comparison presented by a vast
array of authorities, revealing the indiscreet and enthusiastic readiness to accept
native tales, or anything that favors the hypotheses by which he is ruled, and in
the disposition to build magnificent structures on airy foundation. His version,
indeed, strives rather to narrate the conquest from a native standpoint, and to use
Spanish chronicles only as supplementary authority. To this end he relies chiefly
on the now well known writings of Sahagun, Ixtlilxochitl, Camargo, and
Torquemada, and it is but rarely that he is able to quote the often startling original
manuscripts possessed only by himself.

[868] ‘Mordiendo la tierra, arrancando yeruas, y alçãdo los ojos al cielo, dezian,
dioses no nos desampareys en este peligro, pues teneys poder sobre todos los
hombres, hazed que con vuestra ayuda salgamos del.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap.
xii.

[869] Herrera conforms to Cortés and Gomara in admitting a stay of two nights at
one place, but makes this Tecopatlan, called ‘duck town,’ from its many fowl. This
is evidently Tepotzotlan. But it was not near the lake like Citlaltepec, and ‘duck
town’ applies rather to a lake town, in this region, at least. Cortés also writes, in
Cartas, 137, ‘fuimos aquel dia por cerca de unas lagunas hasta que llegamos á
una poblacion,’ and this does not apply well to Tepotzotlan, which lies a goodly
distance from the lakes, requiring certainly no march along ‘some’ lakes to reach
it. Hence the Citlaltepec of Sahagun must be meant. This author, however,
supposes the Spaniards to stay one night at each place. Hist. Conq., 36 (ed.
1840), 129. Ixtlilxochitl calls the place after Tepotzotlan, Aychqualco. Hist. Chich.,
302. At Tepotzotlan, says Vetancurt, some of the people remained to receive the
Spaniards—this is in accordance with one of Sahagun’s versions—and here
remained to hide the son of Montezuma, whom he supposes to have escaped with
the troops. Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 144. According to Chimalpain’s interpretation the
Spaniards stay the two nights at Quauhtitlan, and thence proceed by way of
Ecatepec, now San Cristóbal, skirting the northern shore of Tezcuco Lake, and on
to Otumba. Hist. Conq., i. 304-5. This route certainly appears the most direct, but
there is no authority for it. The sentence from Cortés might no doubt be adopted
equally well for this road; but Sahagun, Ixtlilxochitl, and Herrera name towns which
lie east and north of the Zumpango Lake, and during the rainy season now
prevailing the passages between the lakes were rather swampy. Tezcuco was
beside too close for the fleeing army. Alaman accepts the route south of
Zumpango, Disert., i. 122, against which nearly all the above reasons apply.

[870] ‘Nos convenia ir muchas veces fuera de camino.’ Cortés, Cartas, 138.
Owing to the guide’s inefficiency, adds Gomara, Hist. Mex., 162.

[871] Sahagun also calls the mountain, or the slope, Tona. His confusing versions
sometimes reverse all the names. Cortés places it two leagues from the last camp.

[872] ‘Detrás dél [hill] estaba una gran ciudad de mucha gente.’ Cortés, Cartas,
138. Zacamolco is also called a large town. There could hardly be two large towns
so close together in a district like this, so that the other must have been
Teotihuacan, ‘city of the gods,’ with its ancient and lofty pyramids, sacred to all
Anáhuac, and one of the chief centres of pilgrimage. For description of ruins, see
Native Races, iv. 529-44.

[873] ‘Con un golpe de piedra en la cabeza tan violento, que abollando las armas,
le rompió la primera tunica del cerebro.’ So Solis defines the wound, which
afterward grew dangerous. Hist. Mex., ii. 203. He supposes that it was received at
Otumba.

[874] ‘Le comieron sin dexar [como dizen] pelo ni huesso.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex.,
162. ‘La cabeza cupo a siete o ocho.’ The horse was Gamboa’s, on which
Alvarado was saved after his leap. Herrera, ii. x. xii.; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad.,
107. Ixtlilxochitl says that Zinacatzin, of Teotihuacan, killed it—he whom we shall
find leading the enemy on the morrow.

[875] ‘Y pareció que el Espíritu Santo me alumbró con este aviso,’ exclaims
Cortés, Cartas, 139. Many a soldier carried a comrade on his back. Gomara, Hist.
Mex., 163.

[876] According to Cortés, whose dates I have already shown to be reliable. He

makes it a Saturday. Prescott makes it the 8th, a mistake which has been copied
by several writers, including Brasseur de Bourbourg and Carbajal Espinosa.

[877] ‘Llanos de la provincia de Otupam.’ The battle taking place near Metepec.
Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 302-3. Plain of Otumpan, also called Atztaquemecan.
Camargo, Hist. Tlax., 170. ‘Los Llanos de Apan.’ ‘El Valle de Otumba.’ Lorenzana,
in Cortés, Hist. N. España, xiv. 148. Clavigero calls it the plain of Tonan, derived
from Sahagun, who applies the name to the slope of the range bordering it.

[878] Following the intimation given by Sahagun, Torquemada states that the
enemy came pouring in from rear and sides to surround the troops, i. 508.

[879] While they were halting, writes Ojeda, a big Indian with club and shield
advanced to challenge any Spaniard to single combat. Ojeda responded, but in
advancing against the man his negro slave followed him, and either the sight of
two frightened the native or he sought to decoy them, for he retreated into a
copse. Herrera, ii. x. xiii.

[880] Camargo, Hist. Tlax., 171-2; Torquemada, i. 509. Ixtlilxochitl spells the name
Zihuatcatlzin, and Oviedo calls it Xiaquetenga, based probably on that of the
Tlascaltec chief. Duran, Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 480. ‘La flor de Mexico, y de Tezcuco, y
Saltocan.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 108.
[881] Solis clears the way with volleys, but only seven muskets remained and no
ammunition.

[882] Camargo states that he lived to an age exceeding 130 years. Heroes in all
ages have enjoyed the privilege of not being tied down to laws governing ordinary
mortals.

[883] An ill-natured brute, which attacked the enemy with teeth and hoofs. He did
good service all through the following campaign, till he fell in one of the last battles
of the great siege. Camargo, Hist. Tlax., 172.

[884] ‘Duró este terrible conflicto por mas de cuatro horas.... Llegado el medio dia,
con el intolerable trabajo de la pelea, los españoles comenzaron á desmayar.’
Sahagun, Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840), 132.

[885] ‘En vnas Andas, vn Caballero mandando, con vna Rodela Dorada, y que la
Vandera, y Señal Real, que le salia por las Espaldas, era vna Red de Oro, que los
Indios llamaban Tlahuizmatlaxopilli, que le subia diez palmos.’ Torquemada, i.
509. ‘Su vandera tendida, con ricas armas de oro, y grandes penachos de
argenteria.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 108. Ixtlilxochitl calls the gold net
matlaxopili. Hist. Chich., 303. Camargo more correctly agrees with Torquemada.

[886] The accounts of this incident vary greatly. According to Bernal Diaz ‘Cortes
dió vn encuẽtro cõ el cauallo al Capitã Mexicano, hizo abatir su vãdera ... quiẽ
siguiò al Capitan q̄ traia la vandera que aun no auia caido del encuentro que
Cortes le diò, fue vn Juan de Salamanca, natural de Ontiueros, con vna buena
yegua ouera, que le acabò de matar.’ Hist. Verdad., 108. The banner could not
have fallen without the general. Gomara intimates that Cortés charged alone
against the ‘capitan general, y diole dos lançadas, de que cayo y murio.’ Hist.
Mex., 163. This is also substantially the view of Duran and Camargo. Herrera
leaves the impression that Salamanca alone follows Cortés in the charge, and
cuts off the head and banner of the commander after his chief had wounded and
overthrown him. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xiii. Torquemada, Clavigero, Prescott, and
others, also assume that Cortés lances the generalissimo, but they let the cavalry
follow. Sahagun, who obtained his information from participants that afterward
became friars, merely states that Cortés and one other led the charge, which
resulted in the overthrow of the general and his banner. Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840),
132. Cortés is still more reticent in saying: ‘quiso Dios que murió una persona
dellos, que debia ser tan principal, que con su muerte cesó toda aquella guerra.’
Cartas, 139. The assumption that Cortés overthrew the commander with his lance
rests chiefly on the fact that Cortés as leader of the charge receives credit for
everything that happens. Writers also forget that the commander was carried aloft
in a litter the better to observe the movements of the army. His burdened carriers
would with greater likelihood have been overthrown by the horses or in the
disorder created by their advance. This supposition is confirmed by Cortés’
reference to the affair, wherein he gives credit to none for the act, his usual
custom when some one else performed a noteworthy deed. He was seldom chary
in giving credit to himself for achievements, as may be gathered alone from his
account of the stay in Mexico City, which announces that he it was who tore down
the idols, who captured the temple after another had failed to do so, who single-
handed covered the retreat of his comrades on the Tlacopan causeway on the
morning preceding the flight, and who with less than a score that ‘dared stay with
him’ protected the retreat of the last remnant from the city. The supposition
receives further support from the permission given by the emperor to Salamanca
to add to his escutcheon the trophy taken from the commander. This implies that
although the victory was due to Cortés he could not have inflicted the mortal
wound. Salamanca became alcalde mayor of Goazacoalco. Bernal Diaz, Hist.
Verdad., 108, 111.

[887] ‘Los principales, lleuarõ cõ grã llanto, el cuerpo de su general,’ says Herrera;
but this is doubtful, to judge also from his subsequent observations.

[888] ‘Murieron ... casi todos los amigos de los españoles, y algunos de ellos
mismos.’ Sahagun, Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840), 132. Solis acknowledges only
wounded, of whom two or three died afterward. Hist. Mex., ii. 203. Cortés did not
escape additional wounds, from which he was soon to suffer intensely.

[889] The natives were particularly ready to testify to this supernatural aid, as
Camargo relates, Hist. Tlax., 172, perhaps for their own credit, as good converts
and brave warriors.

[890] ‘Never,’ writes Gomara, ‘did a man show such prowess as he, and never
were men so well led. He by his own personal efforts saved them.’ Hist. Mex., 163.
‘Se tuuo la vitoria despues de Dios, por el valor de Cortés.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x.
cap. xiii. While quite prepared to uphold the general as a hero, Bernal Diaz takes
exception to this praise as unjust to his many followers, who not only did wonders
in sustaining him, but in saving his life. Hist. Verdad., 111.

[891] Ixtlilxochitl assumes that another army was encountered and routed with
great slaughter, a few leagues ahead, at Teyocan. Hist. Chich., 303.

[892] Ixtlilxochitl. Chimalpain calls it Apam, which appears to have been situated
farther north. Lorenzana refers to all this extent as the plains of Apan, the name
which it now bears. Camargo names the plains of Apantema, Tacacatitlan, and
Atlmoloyan as traversed by the army to reach Tlascala. Hist. Tlax., 172.

[893] Cartas, 140. ‘Pues quizà sabiamos cierto, que nos auian de ser leales, ò que
voluntad ternian.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 108.
[894] Brasseur de Bourbourg gives to a village here the name of Xaltelolco. Hist.
Nat. Civ., iv. 352. Ixtlilxochitl refers to it as Huexoyotlipan, and states that
Citlalquiauhtzin came up with food and presents from the lords.

[895] Cortés calls the town Gualipan; Bernal Diaz, Gualiopar; Gomara, Huazilipan;
Herrera gives it 2000 houses.

[896] ‘Yo queria,’ said Maxixcatzin, ‘yr en vuestra busca con treynta mil guerreros.’
Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 109. This is confirmed by the Aztec version of Duran,
which says that the rumor of Tlascaltec preparations helped to intimidate the
proposed Mexican reinforcements for Otumba. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 483. According to
Oviedo, 50,000 warriors, followed by 20,000 carriers, met the Spaniards at the
frontier, iii. 514. Camargo extends the number to 200,000, ‘who came too late, but
served nevertheless to check pursuit from the enemy.’ Hist. Tlax., 173. Gomara
stamps Oviedo’s statement as hearsay, but adds that the Tlascaltecs declared
themselves prepared to return with the Spaniards at once against Mexico. This
Cortés declined to do for the present, but allowed a few soldiers to join a band in
pursuit of marauding stragglers. Hist. Mex., 164. The delay in collecting the
proposed reinforcements may have been due to the small faction hostile to the
Spaniards, headed by the captain-general, Xicotencatl the younger, who seems
never to have forgiven the disgrace of defeat which they had been the first to inflict
upon him. He had accompanied the lords to Hueyotlipan, perhaps to gloat over the
misfortune of his victors. According to Herrera, Captain Juan Paez—Torquemada
writes Perez—was one of the invalids at Tlascala, and to him 100,000 warriors
had been offered to go to the aid of his general; but he declined, on the ground
that his strict orders were to remain with his 80 men at Tlascala. For this he was
naturally upbraided by Cortés as a coward, fit for hanging. The story is not very
probable. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xiv,; Torquemada, i. 512.

[897] ‘Que estimó él mucho, y puso por una de sus armas.’ Ixtlilxochitl, Hist.
Chich., 303.

[898] Cortés, Cartas, 140. Bernal Diaz intimates one day.

[899] ‘Cõ mas de duzientos mil hombres en orden: yuan las mugeres, y niños, en
la delantera.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xiii. This order may have been intended to
signify peace and welcome.

[900] Camargo differs from Bernal Diaz, in intimating that all were lodged in
Maxixcatzin’s palace, while Ixtlilxochitl assumes that Cortés was the guest of
Xicotencatl. ‘Magiscacin me trajo una cama de madera encajada, con alguna ropa
... y á todos hizo reparar de lo que él tuvo.’ Cortés, Cartas, 141.
 CHAPTER XXVIII.
INVALUABLE FRIENDSHIP.

July-September, 1520.

Divers Disasters to the Spaniards—Mexico Makes Overtures to Tlascala

—A Council Held—Tlascala Remains True to the Spaniards—
Disaffection in the Spanish Army—Cortés again Wins the Soldiers to
his Views—Renewal of Active Operations against the Aztecs—Success
of the Spanish Arms—Large Reinforcements of Native Allies—One
Aztec Stronghold after another Succumbs.

At Tlascala were certain invalid Spaniards, who praised the

natives for their kind treatment, and for the almost universal
sympathy exhibited with regard to the misfortunes at Mexico. The
army now learned that disaster had also befallen the Spaniards in
other parts of the country. The news of the flight had spread with
marvellous rapidity, and Cuitlahuatzin’s envoys had not failed to
magnify the successes of his arms while urging throughout the
country the extermination of the invaders. This advice had found
ready acceptance in the provinces west and south of Tlascala, which
had additional reasons for hostility in the assumption of the little
republic since she became the ally of the strangers.
Shortly after the departure of the army from the coast a party of
fifty men with five horses had followed with baggage and valuables.
At Tlascala a portion of them, with two horses, under Juan de
Alcántara senior, received the portion of treasure set aside during
the late repartition for the coast garrison, estimated at sixty thousand
pesos. With this they set out on their return to Villa Rica,
accompanied by a few invalids. On the way they were surprised and
slaughtered, the treasures and effects being distributed as spoils.
[901]

The larger division of the party, under the hidalgo Juan Yuste,
[902] which were to join Cortés, also picked up some convalescents,
together with additional treasure and baggage, and proceeded to
Mexico by the way of Calpulalpan. They numbered five horsemen,
forty-five foot-soldiers, and three hundred Tlascaltecs, the latter
under command of one of Maxixcatzin’s sons. Advised of their
approach the natives of Zultepec, among others, were induced, more
by cupidity than patriotic zeal, to form an ambuscade along the steep
declivity of a narrow pass which had to be followed. Here they fell
upon the party on all sides as they descended in single file,
encumbered beside by their burdens. Resistance was ineffective,
and those not slain were carried to Tezcuco to be offered up to the
idols, while their effects were distributed, some of the trophies being
dedicated to temples of the Acolhuan capital, there to tell the
mournful tale to the returning conquerors.[903]
About this time a vessel arrived at Villa Rica with three or four
score of adventurers, under Captain Coronado, and being told of the
fabulously rich Mexico they resolved to lose no time in following the
army, in order to secure a share of treasures. It was just after the
flight from Mexico, and the provinces were in arms, elated at the
triumphs at the lake. On approaching the Tepeaca district the party
was surprised, and partly slaughtered, partly captured, the prisoners
being distributed among the towns of the province for sacrifice.[904]
These reports created no small alarm for the safety of Villa Rica,
and several Tlascaltec messengers were sent with letters, by
different routes, to bring news. Orders were also given to the
comandante to forward powder, fire-arms, bows, and other
necessaries that he could spare, together with some men, sailors, if
no others were available. The reply was reassuring, for although the
natives had fuller particulars of the disaster at Mexico than Cortés
had chosen to impart to the garrison, yet everything remained quiet.
The remittance of war material was small, and the men who
convoyed it numbered less than a dozen, men stricken by disease,
and led by Lencero, who became the butt of the drôles de corps.[905]
Every attention and comfort was tendered at Tlascala to the
Spaniards while caring for their wounds and awaiting the
development of projects. Hardly a man had arrived scathless, and
quite a number had received injuries which maimed them for life or
resulted in death.[906] Cortés’ wounds were most serious. The
indomitable spirit which sustained him so far now yielded with the
failing body. Severe scalp cuts brought on fever,[907] which caused
his life to hang in the balance for some time. Finally his strong
constitution and the excellent empiric methods of the native herb
doctors prevailed, to the joy, not alone of Spaniards, but of
Tlascaltecs, who had shown the utmost anxiety during the crisis.
During this period of Spanish inaction the Mexicans were
energetically striving to follow up their blow against the invaders. The
first act after ridding the capital of their presence was one of
purgation, in which the victorious party fell on those whose
lukewarmness, or whose friendly disposition toward Montezuma and
his guests, had hindered the siege operations and aided the enemy.
A tumult was soon raised, wherein perished four royal princes,
brothers and sons of Montezuma,[908] whose death may be
attributed to Cuitlahuatzin’s desire to remove any dangerous rival to
the throne. Not that this was a necessary precaution, since his
standing, as a younger brother of Montezuma, and his successful
operations against the Spaniards, were sufficient to raise him above
every other candidate.[909] Furthermore, as commander-in-chief of
the army and as leader of the successful party, he held the key to the
position, and accordingly was unanimously chosen. About the same
time Cohuanacoch was elected king at Tezcuco, in lieu of the
younger brother forced on the people by Cortés, and
Quauhtemotzin, nephew of Montezuma, rose to the office of high-
priest to Huitzilopochtli. The coronation was the next prominent
event,[910] for which the indispensable captives had already been
secured from the fleeing army. What more precious victims, indeed,
could have been desired for the inaugural than the powerful
Spaniards and the hated warriors of brave Tlascala? And what
grander site for the ceremony than the great temple, recovered from
the detested intruders and purified from foreign emblems? In
connection with this came a series of festivals.[911]
The utmost activity was displayed in repairing the damage
caused by the Spaniards, and in fortifying the city and its approaches
against a possible future invasion. The construction and discipline of
the army were improved in some degree after the examples given by
the Europeans; its tactics were revised, and its arms perfected with
the aid of captured weapons, the Chinantec pike being also
introduced and tipped with Toledo blades or other metal points.
Envoys were despatched to near and distant provinces, bidding for
their support by remission of taxes and tributes, by restoration of
conquered territories, by patriotic appeals, and by roseate views and
promises.[912] The Spaniards were painted as selfish, perfidious,
and cruel, intent on conquering the whole country, on enslaving the
people, on extorting their substance, and on overthrowing social and
religious institutions. Spoils and heads of Spanish men and horses
were sent round to disabuse the people of their supposed
invulnerability; and as a further encouragement the dreaded Cortés
was declared to have fallen.
 The most important missions were those to Michoacan and
Tlascala, the former an independent kingdom of considerable extent,
stretching westward beyond the lake region to the Pacific, over an
undulating, well watered territory, which abounded in all the
resources of a rich soil and a tropic climate. The inhabitants, the
Tarascos, were distinct from the Aztecs in language, but fully their
equals in culture, which was of the Nahua type, and as a rule
successful in resisting the armed encroachments of the lake allies.
The present ruler was Zwanga, who held court at Tzintzuntzan, on
Lake Patzcuaro. He received the embassadors of Cuitlahuatzin with
due attention, but hesitated about the answer to be given. The
Aztecs had from time immemorial been the enemies of his people,
and to aid them would surely bring upon him the wrath of the
Spaniards, who must still be powerful, since the Mexicans came to
plead for his alliance. In this dilemma it was resolved, with the advice
of the council, to send plenipotentiaries to Mexico, in order to learn
more fully the condition of affairs, and there determine what should
be done.[913]
More decisive in its results was the mission to Tlascala.
Regarded as the most important of all, it was intrusted to six
prominent men, of acknowledged talent for negotiation. They came
fortified with choice presents of robes, feathers, salt, and similar
desirable commodities, and were received with customary courtesy
by the assembled lords and council. The eldest was the first to
speak. He recalled the intimate relationship between Mexico and
Tlascala in blood and language, deplored the feud which had so long
existed, and urged the establishment of permanent peace, for mutual
benefit, whereby the Tlascaltecs would gain all the advantages of a
long prohibited trade. One obstacle alone interposed to prevent a
happy harmony, which was the presence of the Spaniards, to whom
was due the unfortunate condition of the whole country. Their only
aim was to make themselves masters, to overthrow the gods of the
natives, to enslave the inhabitants, and impoverish them by
exactions.
The Tlascaltecs would after rendering service be treated with the
same base ingratitude and perfidy as the over generous Montezuma,
and reap not only universal detestation, but the anger of the gods.
Better, therefore, to seize the present favorable opportunity to deliver
themselves from dreadful calamities, to establish prosperity and
independence on a firm basis, and by a joint alliance recover the
alienated provinces and share the revenues therefrom.[914] The first
step to this desirable end was the destruction of the Spaniards, now
at their mercy, whereby they would gain also the gratitude of
neighboring peoples, the fame of patriots, and the blessing of the
gods.
The speech delivered, together with the presents, the envoys
withdrew to let the council deliberate. Bitter as was the enmity
between the two peoples, intensified by the recent defeat, there were
not wanting persons to whom the argument and offers seemed all
that the most brilliant fortune could bring. What, indeed, had they in
common with a strange race by whom they had been conquered,
and whose presence portended many changes in their social and
religious institutions, transmitted by their forefathers, and upheld with
the blood of generations? Their independence would be
endangered. Besides, the invaders had been shamefully defeated,
and might never again hold up their heads. The whole country was
mustering to drive them out, and, if successful, woe to Tlascala, as
their ally. In any case a struggle was in prospect, wherein their sons
and brethren would be sacrificed by the thousands. And for what?
For the benefit of strangers, always ready with their yoke of slavery.
On the other hand, they were offered the peace so long desired, with
its accompanying blessings; deliverance from the trade blockade
and seclusion which had so long afflicted them, together with the
attractive adjunct of assured independence, and the triumphant and
profitable position of conquering allies of the Mexicans.[915]
The strongest advocate of these views was Xicotencatl junior,
who had never forgotten the several Spanish victories that checked
his triumphal career as soldier and general, and humiliated him in
the eyes of the whole people. Yet this feeling was tinged with love for
the independence and welfare of the country, threatened, in his
eyes, by the invaders. With the news of disaster at Mexico his party
had assumed respectable proportions. Some of its members were
impelled by motives similar to his own; some were bribed by
Mexican gifts, and promises of wealth and preferment; some were
tempted by the arms, baggage, and treasure of the fugitives, whom it
seemed easy now to overcome. Not a few considered the burden of
maintaining a horde of strangers, with the prospect of afterward
yielding them service and blood for their aggrandizement. When the
collectors of provisions for the Spaniards made their rounds they
could not but observe the bitter feeling which prevailed in some
quarters.[916] The elder Xicotencatl appears to have remonstrated
with his son for breeding trouble; but this availed little, as may be
supposed. During the deliberation of the council on the Mexican
proposal the young chieftain stepped beyond the timid suggestions
of those who inclined toward an Aztec alliance, and boldly advocated
it as the only salvation for Tlascala.
Next spoke the wise Maxixcatzin, the leading representative of
the republic. In his chivalrous nature devotion to the Spaniards
exercised an influence, while as ruler of the richest district, in
agriculture and trade, he had also an eye to the benefits which would
accrue from an alliance with them. He recalled the many instances of
treachery and want of good faith on the part of the Mexicans to show
how little their promises could be relied on. It was merely the
presence of the Spaniards that prompted their offer of alliance, which
was to restore Mexico to its former terrorizing strength. This
accomplished, the ancient enemy would not fail to remember that
Tlascala, in addition to the old-standing enmity, had been one of the
chief instruments in their late suffering and humiliation, and had
figured as conqueror and master over them. They would lose no time
in avenging themselves, and by the destruction of the republic
remove forever so dangerous an enemy. Far better, then, to maintain
the friendship of the Spaniards, whose good faith had been tried,
and whose prowess was not broken by one defeat. Previous to their
arrival they had been suffering from the want even of necessaries,
and had been exposed to incessant ravages and warfare, which
threatened their very existence. With the Spaniards’ aid they had
been freed from this want and danger; they had enriched themselves
with trade and spoils, and had raised the republic to the most
prominent position it had ever occupied, all far beyond what the
Mexicans would ever permit. What did the gods say? Oracles and
omens had foretold the doom of the empire. It was in vain to struggle
with fate, which had decreed the control to the new-comers. The
interests of the state demanded the friendship of these destined
victors, who offered them wealth and glory, while good faith and
honor demanded loyalty to the invited guests, from whom so many
benefits had already sprung.
Observing the effect of the appeal on the wavering members,
young Xicotencatl hastened to defend his cherished plans, but with
such imprudence as to rouse Maxixcatzin to strike him. He was
thereupon jostled out of the council-chamber, badly bruised and with
torn clothes.[917] Against this expulsion none of his supporters
ventured to remonstrate, and the vote being unanimously in favor of
Maxixcatzin’s views, the Aztec envoys were notified accordingly.[918]
How momentous this discussion! And did the council of Tlascala
realize the full import of their acts? For thereby they determined the
present and permanent fate of many powerful nations besides
themselves. Undoubtedly the country would at some time have fallen
before the dominant power; but, had it been possible for the nations
of the great plateau to combine and act in unison, very different
might have been their ultimate condition. Cortés and his company
owed their safety to a decision which kept alive discord between the
native tribes, while the Tlascaltecs were saved from what probably
would have been a treacherous alliance, perhaps from annihilation,
only to sink into peaceful obscurity and merge into the mass of
conquered people.[919] They endeavored to keep the disagreement
in the council-chamber a secret from Cortés, but he heard of it, and
failed not to confirm Maxixcatzin in his devotion by holding forth the
most brilliant prospects as the result of this alliance. The words by
which the council decided for Cortés were to him as drops of
perspiration on the lately fevered brow, which tell that the crisis is
passed.
There was another cloud about this time appearing on the
horizon of the fortunes of Cortés. During his stay at Tlascala the men
of Narvaez began again to moot the subject of return. The golden
vision of Mexico’s treasures had been rudely dissipated, leaving only
the remembrance of hardships and disgrace. The flowery Antilles
appeared more alluring than ever to these gold-seekers, only too
many of whom were more accustomed to the farm than to the camp.
They could think of nothing but the ease and security of the fertile
plantations, where nature unloaded its wealth, and where docile
natives ministered to every want. In furtherance of this idea it was
urged on Cortés, by Duero and other leaders, to retire, to Villa Rica
before the Mexicans had succeeded in their efforts to cut off his
retreat. There they would intrench themselves while awaiting aid
from the islands and arranging a fresh campaign, having the vessels
to fall back on, if necessary. But to these intimations Cortés would
not for a moment listen. And there were many reasons for this—his
ambition to be all or nothing in this enterprise, his crimes against
Velazquez, his irregularities regarding the king’s interests, which only
brilliant success could redeem. As well might they talk to the
unyielding hills; he would join his dead comrades in the canals of
Mexico, or voluntarily ascend to the sacrificial stone, but he would
not turn back from this adventure.
When the general revealed his firm intention to renew the
campaign as soon as possible, the outcry became loud. The Noche
Triste and the narrow escape at Otumba had left impressions too
horrible to be easily forgotten. They shuddered at the thought of
renewing such risk, and cursed the gold which had allured them to
former discomfitures. If the general wished to throw away his life he
might do so, but they were not such madmen. Moreover, it was
highly imprudent to place so much faith in the Tlascaltecs, who might
at the first encounter with the enemy abandon or betray allies
differing so greatly in language, religion, and customs. A formal
demand was therefore addressed to him, through the notary, to
return to Villa Rica, on the ground of their small number and
dismembered condition, devoid as they were of clothing, arms,
ammunition, and horses, and with so many maimed and wounded.
They were wholly unfit to undertake any campaign, much less
against an enemy who had just defeated them when they were far
stronger in number and armament than now. Declared, as it was, in
the name of the army, though in truth by the men of Narvaez only,
[920]and headed by such persons as Duero, with invocation of the
imperial name, the proposal placed Cortés in a dilemma. Yet it
roused in him only a firmer determination. He was more master now
than ever he could be under the new proposal; and Cortés loved to
be master. The same reasons which had moved him before to
advance into Mexico in quest of independent fame and wealth, and
to evade the prospective disgrace and poverty, imprisonment and
death, were reasons stronger now than ever.
Here was another of those delicate points on which the destiny
of the Estremaduran seemed ever turning. Rousing himself to meet
the issue, though still weak with disease, he summoned an
audience. “What is this I hear?” he asked of the assembled soldiers.
“Is it true that you would retire from the fertile fields of New Spain,
you, Spaniards, Castilians, Christians! leave the ship-loads of gold
which in the Aztec capital we saw and handled; leave still standing
the abominable idols with their bloody ministers, and tamely summon
others to enjoy the riches and glories which you are too craven to
achieve? Alack! for your patriotism, for duty to your emperor, to God,
for the honor of Spanish arms! Know you not that one step further in
retreat than necessary is equivalent to the abandonment of all? Or
perhaps the fault is my own. I have been too careful of mine ease,
too cowardly to expose my person to the dangers into which I
directed you; I have fled before the foe—help me to remember,
friends—I have left my comrades to die unaided on the battle-field
while I sought safety, I have fed while you starved, I have slept while
you labored, or my too sluggish brain has refused the duty due by
your commander.” The speaker paused, but only for a moment. At
this, the very beginning of his plea, a hundred eyes were
affectionately regarding him through their moisture, a hundred
tongues were denying all insinuations of baseness as applied to him,
their great and brave commander. Already their hearts were aflame
with avarice and ambition; aflame, like St Augustine’s, with Christian
zeal and fervency of devotion, soldier fanatics as they were, stern,
forehead-wrinkled men—for fighting men, no less than fighting dogs,
display a gravity in their every-day demeanor unknown to tamer
spirits. “Are not my interests yours, and yours mine?” continued
Cortés. “Therefore, I pray you, ascribe not my views to disregard of
your wishes, but to a desire to promote the good of all. What people
going to war that does not sometimes suffer defeat; but what brave
men ever abandoned a glorious campaign because of one repulse?
And do you not see that it is more dangerous to go than to remain—
that to retreat further would only invite further attack? I will not allude
before soldiers of mine,” concluded the speaker, “to the everlasting
infamy of abandoning these brave Tlascaltecs to the enmity of the
combined forces of the plateau for having stood the Spaniards’ friend
in time of danger. Go, all of you who will! abandon your sacred
trusts, and with them the riches in mines, and tributes here awaiting
you, and fair encomiendas, with countless servants to attend before
your new nobility; for myself, if left alone, then alone will I here
remain and general Indians, since Spaniards have all turned
cowards!”
Hearts of steel could not withstand such words so spoken; and
loud came the shouts of approval from Cortés’ old comrades, who
swore that not a man should be allowed to endanger the common
safety by leaving. This manifestation was in itself sufficient to shame
the disaffected into resignation, although not into silence, for
mutterings were frequent against the quality of persuasion employed
by the general and his beggarly followers, who had nothing to lose
except their lives. In order somewhat to allay their discontent Cortés
promised that at the conclusion of the next campaign their wishes
should be consulted, and the first favorable opportunity for departure
be tendered them—a cool proposal, affecting only those who would
be left of them, yet made with sober visage by the artless Cortés.
[921]

The determination of Cortés was now what it always had been,

namely, to conquer and become master of all New Spain; and the
greater the difficulty the greater the glory. Fearing that further evil
might result from continued inactivity, and from remaining a burden
on the allies, Cortés resolved to lose no time in taking the field.[922]
In the fertile plains to the south of Tlascala lay the rich province of
Tepeyacac,[923] euphonized into Tepeaca, long hostile to the
republic. Intimidated by the subjugation of Tlascala and Cholula, the
three brothers who ruled it[924] had tendered their submission to the
conquerors, only to return to their old masters, the Aztecs, the