Asian Journal of Communication

ISSN: 0129-2986 (Print) 1742-0911 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rajc20

Gender stereotypes and normative

heterosexuality in matrimonial ads from
globalizing India

Srividya Ramasubramanian & Parul Jain

To cite this article: Srividya Ramasubramanian & Parul Jain (2009) Gender stereotypes
and normative heterosexuality in matrimonial ads from globalizing India, Asian Journal of
Communication, 19:3, 253-269, DOI: 10.1080/01292980903072831

To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/01292980903072831

Published online: 23 Sep 2009.

Submit your article to this journal

Article views: 1594

View related articles

Citing articles: 2 View citing articles

Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at

https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rajc20
Asian Journal of Communication
Vol. 19, No. 3, September 2009, 253
269

ORIGINAL ARTICLE
Gender stereotypes and normative heterosexuality in matrimonial ads
from globalizing India
Srividya Ramasubramaniana* and Parul Jainb
a
Department of Communication, Texas A&M University, College Station, USA; bDepartment of
Communication, Ohio State University, Columbus, USA
(Received 8 April 2008)

Matrimonial ads serve as unobtrusive sites to observe the construction and

perpetuation of normative heterosexuality through socio-cultural discourses. The
current study focuses on gendered spousal expectations and sex role preferences
in 1065 matrimonial ads from two popular newspapers in India. Gender
differences in ad type, financial stability, physical attractiveness, fairness, slimness,
personality traits, and occupational preferences were examined. Results found
support for social exchange of men’s financial stability for women’s physical
attractiveness, gender polarization in ideal spousal occupations, and the relative
fluidity in gender identities of women as compared to men. A strong preference
for fair and slim women was observed. Implications for sexual objectification of
women and changing gender roles in globalizing India are discussed.
Keywords: India; gender; content analysis; ads; marriage

Introduction
India has traditionally been a patriarchal society which expects women to follow the
rules set by men. Social structures in patriarchal societies such as India’s often
reinforce and propagate male privilege while ‘othering’ women’s experiences. In
terms of gender roles within the family, dominant Hindu ideology sustains
patriarchal structures through androcentric conceptualization. The ideal wife
(known as ‘pativrata’) is ‘ritually pollutable, physically weak and lacking in strong
willpower’ (Dhruvarajan, 1989, p. 27). Those who do not or cannot fit into these
stringent norms are likely stigmatized, marginalized, and devalued.
Socio-cultural discourses perpetuate exclusive gender scripts by defining ‘appro-
priate’ behaviors for males and females (Dhruvarajan, 1989; Uberoi, 2006). In the
absence of other socially acceptable venues for learning about sexuality, media play
important roles in influencing normative heterosexuality among Indian youth
(Derne, 1999; Ramasubramanian & Oliver, 2003). In Indian media, portrayals of
women frequently tend to depict them stereotypically: caring homemakers or as
sexual objects of desire (Das, 2007; Ramasubramanian & Oliver, 2003).
When cultural values are in a state of flux, societies have the opportunity to
become more receptive to the possibility of alternative discourses that encourage
experiencing reality in different ways. Due to the forces of globalization and

*Corresponding author. Email: srivi@tamu.edu

ISSN 0129-2986 print/ISSN 1742-0911 online
# 2009 AMIC/SCI-NTU
DOI: 10.1080/01292980903072831
http://www.informaworld.com
254 S. Ramasubramanian and P. Jain

consequent media revolution, the meta-theoretical lens through which patriarchal

Indian society traditionally viewed its social world seems to be transforming. The
changing gender roles prompted by India’s globalization have affected vocational
and familial spheres of society (Rajadhyaksha & Bhatnagar, 2000). Specifically, in
the context of spousal expectations in the domestic sphere, research has suggested
changes in the mate-selection processes in India (Butcher, 2003; Mathur &
Parameswaran, 2004) to the degree that gender equity in marriages is gaining
acceptance (Jain & Hazen, 2007).
The current study focuses on gender-role expectations in marital relations as
expressed in matrimonial advertisements in the contemporary media of a globalizing
India. Specifically, this study explores the possibility that the process of globalization
and exposure to Western media are agents of change for the traditional gender
polarization in India, and consequently engendering greater interconnectedness
between masculinity and femininity. A content analysis of contemporary Indian
matrimonial advertisements from the two largest-selling newspapers, The Times of
India and The Hindu, exposes the dialectical tensions between contemporary and
traditional, masculinity and femininity, individualism and collectivism employed by
these media advertisements.

Economic and social changes in India: impact on gender roles

India opened its economy to the global market in the early 1990s. The globalization
of the economy marked a transition from a primarily agrarian society to a more
industrialized, market-driven economy, resulting in a drastic alternation in Indians’
attitudes toward consumption (Mathur & Parameswaran, 2004). The new consumer-
oriented culture, accompanied by ready access and exposure to foreign, especially
Western, media content via satellite television channels and the Internet has
challenged traditional social roles and redefined gender-role expectations (Butcher,
2003; Malhotra & Rogers, 2000).
However, the impact of globalization has been far from uniform. Indian society
remains in a dynamic state of flux as it continues to experience mixed value systems
ranging from traditional cooperation and sharing to emerging individualist
consumerism, self-assertion, and competition. This amalgamation of culture, a
mix of Western and traditional values, and the intermingling of the traditional,
conservative Indian value-belief system with the relatively free, liberated, capitalist
way of life is the ‘hybridization’ to which authors such as Sen (1993) refer.
Growing employment opportunities coupled with a desire for a consumption-
driven lifestyle have opened the pathway for many women in India to enter the
formal workforce (as opposed to informal domestic roles) (Rajadhyaksha &
Bhatnagar, 2000). Although increasing numbers of women seek and secure employ-
ment outside their homes, the concept of the ideal Indian wife remains someone who
exhibits the nurturing qualities of a domestic caregiver while also embodying
masculine agency and independence in the workplace. Moreover, even when women
secure formal employment outside the home, they are often underpaid and are more
anxious because of the perceived conflicts between their paid labor and their
traditional roles as homemakers (Sanyal, Chatterjee, & Chatterjee, 2007).
Globalization and economic liberalization in India have affected married women
in yet another way: through their impact on the ‘dowry system.’ In most parts of
 Asian Journal of Communication 255

India, the customs of marriages include dowry gifts from the bride’s family to the
groom’s family. The value of the dowry, a function of the bride’s ‘marketability,’
correlates with factors such as her virginity, physical appearance, domestic skills, and
education (i.e. the less marketable the potential bride, the greater the value the dowry
must be to attract a suitable spouse) (Sharma, 1993). Moreover, wedding expenses
are almost entirely the responsibility of the bride’s family. Economic liberalization
and the growing consumer-oriented lifestyles have allowed acceptable dowries to
include not only cash and jewelry, but also an array of luxuries.

Matrimonial advertising as part of the arranged marriage system

For many centuries, Asian countries such as Japan, China, and India have been
practicing arranged marriages, in which many factors such as compatibility,
economic status, and social status of the involved families are considerations
(Applebaum, 1995; Gupta, 1976; Mathur & Parameswaran, 2004). Although so-
called ‘love marriages’ have always been a part of Indian society, the preferred
process for spousal selection has been an imposed arrangement that coincides with
society’s collectivist preferences and sublimates individual agency (Puri, 2000).
Although modern and individualist trends in India might suggest a decline in
traditional ‘arranged marriages,’ this type of mate-selection is still the preference of
the vast majority of parents and offspring (Uberoi, 2006). However, in recent years,
parents have become considerably more accommodating of their children’s
preferences and, not uncommonly, children of modern Indian families, especially
boys, exercise the freedom to refuse their families’ selected alliances.
Due to geographic mobility and increased media access, matrimonial ads in
newspapers, marriage agencies, and the Internet are replacing traditional match-
makers. Popular in many countries, ‘personals’ advertising in newspapers and
magazines and on websites are one way of finding a suitable romantic partner.
Several socio-cultural factors, including traditions of the mate-selection processes,
attitudes toward sexual relationships, and gender roles affect the composition of these
solicitations, as reflected by research which primarily considers such advertising in the
US (de Sousa Campos, Otta, & de Oliveira Siqueira, 2002). However, the phenomenon
is not an exclusive of the West. Matrimonial ads in Indian dailies are a popular way to
seek prospective partners (Pandey, 2004). Most of the national and regional dailies in
India devote substantial portions of their content to matrimonial classified ads every
week. For instance, the Sunday edition of the largest-selling English daily in India, The
Times of India, contains an entire classified section of matrimonial advertisements.
Beyond the existence of relationship-related solicitations, differences between
East and West become apparent. In India, matrimonial ads are usually placed in
media outlets such as newspapers to advertise for brides and grooms; contrarily, in
Western cultures, personal ads do not typically focus on the idea of identifying a
spouse. In countries such as India, where dating is particularly uncommon, a
matrimonial ad’s sole intention is to secure marriage. Since those who place
matrimonial ads explicitly search for a serious long-term intimate partner, the
qualities they emphasize are, consequently, different from personal ads seeking
casual short-term dating relationships of the type typical in the West. In general,
Western personal ads tend to be more informal in tone than matrimonial ads typical
of Eastern cultures (Pandey, 2004).
256 S. Ramasubramanian and P. Jain

Self-presentation and image management in matrimonial advertising

As a form of advertising, those dealing with marriage treat people as products: they
highlight the best features of the ‘product’ (eligible single people, in this case). Since
classified insertions in most Indian newspapers incur costs in proportion to length,
(number of words), advertisers, particularly matrimonial advertisers, must exercise
selectivity and thoughtfulness when considering what aspects of the bride/groom
to exhibit. Also, typical of most reputable Indian newspapers, several hundred
matrimonial ads appear on a given day, creating a competitive environment.
Not surprisingly, matrimonial advertisements are a showcase for researchers:
they serve as possible socio-cultural indicators of what Indians believe to be the
qualities that make their daughters/sons ideal choices to become brides/grooms. The
desirable qualities mentioned in matrimonial ads often mark the beginning of a long
and complex process of negotiations in the arranged marriage system. They serve as
convenient sites for analyzing spousal expectations and normative heterosexuality in
an unobtrusive manner (Jagger, 2001).Traditionally, for instance, a matrimonial
posting describes the expected ideal Indian wife to be ‘fair, beautiful, god-fearing,
quiet, respectful, innocent, humble, [and] cultured’ (Pandey, 2004, p. 417).
According to Koestner and Wheeler (1988), in order to attract the largest number
of responses, those trumpeting attributes are likely to ‘accentuate the qualities that
they feel will especially appeal to the opposite sex’ (p. 151). Emphasis on
‘appropriate’ self-presentation and righteous image-management is only natural
since those proffering these ads are attempting to reach potential partners through
this printed medium; hence the ads adopt the best possible rhetorical strategies
(Montini, Overbro, & Overbro, 1990). Murthy and Ranga Rao (1984) further noted
that in order to be distinguishable among the plethora of ads, people might try
to emphasize their uniqueness by stressing non-standard self-descriptors. Since
arranged marriages in India are the confluence of not only two individuals, but also
their families, advertisers of the personal ads take precautions to present both
themselves and their families in the best possible manner (Pandey, 2004).

Theoretical framework
Androcentrism: male privilege and sexism in matrimonial advertising
In her book, The lenses of gender, Sandra Bem (1993) outlined three lenses as organizing
principles for understanding how people perceive and interpret social reality in a
gendered fashion. According to Bem, these lenses of gender are operational in any
patriarchal society, including India. Androcentrism, the first lens, is the prevalence of
male privilege which accepts male experiences as being the norm. The second lens,
gender polarization, encourages people to treat men and women differently by dividing
the world itself in terms of two different gendered realities. The final lens, biological
essentialism, involves accepting androcentrism and gender polarization as a natural,
biological consequence rather than a socio-historical construct.
The male experience, taken as standard, normal, and neutral in India, renders
explication of Indian females’ experiences from the perspectives of men. Therefore,
women form the ‘other’ peripheral gender whose very definition has its basis in
comparisons with men. Pandey (2004) noted that in Indian matrimonial ads,
irrespective of age or occupational status, women are ‘girls’; whereas, men are
 Asian Journal of Communication 257

‘grooms,’ ‘graduates,’ or ‘professionals.’ This researcher also noted the gender divide
in personal ads when he stated that men, more so than women, were more stringent
in specifying the ‘exact’ requirements they seek in their future partners. Khan, Barge,
Sadhwani, & Kale (2005) conducted a study which interviewed Indian women to
discover their marital and sexual expectations. They found that women did not have
much choice in the matter and were often overcome with a sense of gratitude and
self-worth when men indicated interest in them when considering a future alliance.
Previous studies of matrimonial ads differentiate between announcer ads and
seeker ads (Bhargava, 1988; Murthy & Ranga Rao, 1984). Announcer ads are those
in which the advertisers describe only their profiles and do not indicate their
preferences for the type of spouse sought. In contrast, seeker ads describe the
qualities of the announcers as well as the traits sought in the prospective spouse.
Seeker ads uniquely lend themselves to an analysis of both gendered self-
presentation and gendered role expectations. Seeker ads indicate a sense of selectivity
when choosing a mate and, arguably, this bestows a power dimension to the
transaction. Given an overall understanding of the androcentric nature of Indian
society, expectedly, men enjoy higher status in society and occupy a position which
allows stricter demands, and the right to be particular about the desired type of
spouse, none of which accrue to female counterparts. Accordingly, the implication is
that gender differences exist between announcer and seeker ads. Thus, these
observations lead to the first hypothesis:
H1 (Ad Type Hypothesis): Ads by men are more likely to be of the seeker type; whereas
ads by women are more likely to be of the announcer type.

Pretty women for wealthy men: social exchange theory

Many researchers cited social exchange theory as an important framework for
understanding sex-role expectations in romantic relationships (de Sousa Campos
et al., 2002; Gist, 1953; Shukla & Kapoor, 1990). Social exchange theory suggests an
exchange of rewards, costs, material, and social entities. According to the theory:
‘[I]ndividuals evaluate relationships in a relatively rational manner akin to an
economic analysis’ (Miller, 2005, p. 170). Several researchers have tested the exchange
theory that hypothesizes that men are likely to offer financial stability in exchange for
women’s physical attractiveness, and vice versa for women (de Sousa Campos et al.,
2002; Koestner & Wheeler, 1988; Rajecki, Bledsoe, & Rasmussen, 1991). Consistent
with these results are findings that suggested that older men are more marketable than
older women because the mature men are perceived to be more financially stable; on
the other hand, older women are not as marketable because they cannot offer fertility
in the exchange. Therefore, other features such as attractiveness and interest in sex
become more important (de Sousa Campos et al., 2002). Researchers such as Shukla
and Kapoor (1990) and Pandey (2004) found that exchange of beauty for wealth,
reported in other cultures, is evident in the Indian context as well.
Socialization, the driving force that determines spousal qualities offered and
accepted in the marital exchange process, is in contrast to evolutionary theories of
mate-selection that claim these gendered spousal preferences are due to inherent,
innate biological differences between the sexes. Often descriptions of characteristics
of the ideal wife in the Indian context emphasize her reproductive capacity for
258 S. Ramasubramanian and P. Jain

‘vamsa vriddhi’ (roughly translated to mean lineage or ancestry). For the male
perspective, this biologically essentialist argument emphasizes strategic choices in
order to maximize the chances of producing healthy offspring and, as a corollary,
they seek physical attractiveness in women to ensure fertility and successful
procreation. Conversely, in female self-interest, women seek material success from
men to ensure survival of their progeny (Baize & Schroeder, 1995; Rajecki et al.,
1991). The expected norm is that the definition of ideal female partners is in terms of
reproductive health and physical attractiveness, while men are more likely to
emphasize their financial security and social status. Based on social exchange theory
and evolutionary theories of mate selection, the arising hypotheses are:
H2 (Financial Stability Hypothesis): In ads for potential mates, men announce financial
stability; whereas women seek financial stability.

H3 (Physical Attractiveness Hypothesis): In ads for potential mates, women announce

physical attractiveness; whereas men seek physical attractiveness.

Fair-slim-beautiful: globalization and gendered beauty ideals

Skin tone is seen as an important marker of physical attractiveness, especially in
women, in India. Colorism, discrimination among people within the same ethno-
racial group on the basis of skin tone variations, is deep-rooted in India and results
in strong preference, especially in mate selection, for light skin color. Arif (2004)
noted: ‘[I]f a woman’s skin is black, certainly she is considered unattractive from the
point of view of the concept of beauty by men as well as women’ (p. 585).
Previous research showed that in matrimonial advertisements, more women than
men announced skin color, and men indicated a preference for fair-skinned brides
(Gist, 1953; Pandey, 2004). Interestingly, none of the advertisers in Pandey’s (2004)
sample made any reference to ‘dark’ complexion. Being light-skinned (also referred
to as ‘fair’ skin) is so important in the Indian society that hardly any personal ads
mention a female’s ‘wheatish’ complexion (instead almost all emphasize ‘fair’);
whereas men’s ads mention of wheatish complexion is not uncommon (Pandey,
2004). The term ‘wheatish’ in India describes a person whose skin color is neither
‘fair’ nor ‘dark.’ Most people who do not fall in the range of ‘fair’ use the self-
signifier, wheatish, as the descriptor.
Many skin care product companies have built fortunes in India by selling Indian
women the promise of lighter skin color as the key to being beautiful. According to
Kumar (2003): ‘[T]he cultural belief that fairness is beautiful has made Fair and
Lovely a strong brand’ (p. 54). Kumar further noted: ‘Vicco turmeric cream
positioned itself as a cream which would be useful for would-be brides to enhance
their complexions’ (2003, p. 54). According to Jain (2005), men’s yearning to marry a
‘fair’ bride has objectified Indian women who often suffer from low self-esteem due
to skin complexion issues. Apparently, a strong connection exists between skin color
preferences and notions of idealized beauty. These beauty standards are gendered in
the sense that they are more likely to be applied while evaluating women than when
evaluating men.
Since the marketability of women in the arranged marriage system is partially
determined by how light or fair-skinned a woman is (Rahman, 2005), the arising
hypothesis is:
 Asian Journal of Communication 259

H4 (Skin Color Hypothesis): Matrimonial ads for potential mates originating from
women announce skin fairness; whereas ads originating from men seek skin fairness.

Other than the skin color, body proportion is another increasingly important
physical attribute that defines Indian females’ physical attractiveness. Koestner and
Wheeler (1988) found that men in their study’s sample were more likely to seek slim
women. Weight is a significant factor in the personal ads and women, more so than
men, are expected to be ‘skinny’ (Koestner & Wheeler, 1988). A survey administered
to more than 500 personal ad writers found that when men seek a ‘low-weight’
partner, without any specification of the exact desired weight range, they actually
mean skinny (Miller, Smith, & Trembath, 2000). The authors also noted that ‘low-
weight’ seekers are different from those advertisers who want a physically fit partner.
On the basis of the above literature, the following relationships relating to physical
attributes formulate the hypothesis:
H5 (Slimness Hypothesis): Matrimonial ads for potential mates originating from
women announce their slimness; whereas ads originating from men seek slimness.

Caring homemakers and aggressive breadwinners: social role theory, occupational

preferences and personality traits
According to the social role theory, the qualities that reflect the ‘feminine’ aspects of
women’s reproductive, domestic, and social roles are called feminine or interdepen-
dent qualities (Eagly & Steffen, 1984). An ideally socialized woman is one who is
gentle, docile, quiet, and patient. These are predictors of desirable qualities suited
for child-rearing and household work. On the other hand, men adopting the
breadwinner’s role must display the required masculine, agentic, or independent
qualities of aggression, leadership, industriousness, and dominance. According to
this perspective, Indians’ socialization promotes the belief that ideal men and women
differ not only in their occupations but also in personality traits and roles. In the
context of matrimonial ads, ads for brides, as expected, emphasize very different
qualities as compared to ads for bridegrooms, leading to the hypothesis:
H6 (Stereotypical Personality Traits Hypothesis): Matrimonial ads for potential mates
originating from men announce stereotypical masculine traits and seek stereotypical
feminine traits; whereas ads originating from women announce stereotypical
feminine traits and seek stereotypical masculine traits.

Pandey (2004) noted that, in India, being a caring homemaker is the primary role of
women in society. Not surprisingly, Indian men feel that family honor is at stake
when women leave the sanctity of their homes (Derne, 1999). A study conducted in
India by Ramu (1987) indicated that in families where both partners have
occupations outside the home, the wife’s occupational status had little to no impact
on the household chores required of her. Similarly, Gray (1983) found that 77%
women in their sample experienced strain due to the duality of their expected roles.
Traditionally, unemployed women are perceived as being more privileged (Gist,
1953). However, recent research shows that due to growing consumption-driven
lifestyles in post-globalization India, men seek fair, slim, physically attractive women
who are able to fulfill dual roles in both public and private spheres (Pandey, 2004). A
study by Rajadhyaksha and Bhatnagar (2000) found that even in dual-career couples,
260 S. Ramasubramanian and P. Jain

more importance is placed on the occupational role of men, while for women,
homemaker and marital roles are emphasized. The Rajadhyaksha and Bhatnagar
study’s finding is not surprising since, traditionally, the expectation for Indian
women is to be a homemaker. According to the same authors, although the role of
women in contemporary Indian society is changing, still more ‘reward value’
attaches to the role of men as primary breadwinners on the professional front, while
paramount importance accrues to the traditional role of women on the home front.
The resulting hypothesis is:
H7 (Occupational Hypothesis): Matrimonial ads for potential mates originating from
men announce professional achievements and seek domestic skills in women;
whereas ads originating from women announce domestic skills and seek profes-
sional achievements in men.

Method
This study analyzes the content of 1065 matrimonial ads published in The Times of
India and The Hindu. The Times of India and The Hindu are the English newspapers
with the highest and second-highest readership in India with 7.4 million and 4.05
million readers, respectively (National Readership Survey Council, 2006). Sunday
issues of these newspapers were selected because they carry a detailed supplement
entirely devoted to matrimonial ads. The random sample, drawn from a total of 7936
unique ads (3684 from The Times of India and 4252 from The Hindu), appeared in
the selected issues. Of the total 104 Sunday issues, 52 from each in 2001 and 2005, a
total of 10 Sunday issues were selected for each newspaper.1 Ads placed by marriage
bureaus or describing more than one person (typically siblings) were discarded. This
process yielded 477 ads from Times of India and 588 from The Hindu. A total of 553
of these ads originated from males and 512 ads originated from females. All ads
sought heterosexual marital partners.

Unit of analysis
Unit of analysis for this study is matrimonial advertisements. The study includes all
the matrimonial ads, defined as print advertisements placed by a single advertiser for
a bride or a groom, and appearing in the classified sections of The Times of India and
The Hindu, under the title of ‘Brides Wanted’ or ‘Bridegrooms Wanted.’

Variables of interest
A coding scheme, created for the variables of interest included: length of ad, type of
ad, and gender of announcer. The other variables’ codes identified traits announced
by the person placing the ad as well as the traits sought in an acceptable spouse.
These variables are financial status, physical attractiveness, slimness, fairness,
personality traits, and occupation.

Type of ad
The type of ad could be either announcer ad or seeker ad. Announcer ads are those
in which the advertisers mention only their own profiles and do not indicate their
 Asian Journal of Communication 261

preferences for potential partners. Seeker ads, on the other hand, are those in which
advertisers mention both their own profiles and the type of person sought to be a life
partner. Seeker ads lend themselves to an analysis of the relationship between the
seeker and the sought.

Gender of announcer
If the ads appeared in the ‘Bridegrooms Wanted’ column the code for gender of the
author was female, and if they appeared in the ‘Brides Wanted’ column the gender
was coded as male.

Financial stability
The presence or absence of words relating to financial stability received a code as a
variable for both announced and sought trait. Mention of words and phrases such as
‘well-settled’, ‘financially stable’, ‘rich’, ‘affluent’, ‘reputed family’, ‘comfortable life
assured’, ‘middle-class’, and ‘well-to-do’ were signals for coding into this category.
Also, mention of actual salary earnings or property owned noted the presence of
announced indicators of financial status.

Physical attractiveness
This variable coded for presence or absence of physical attractiveness as an
announced or sought quality. Mention of words such as ‘pretty’, ‘good-looking’,
‘attractive’, ‘beautiful’, ‘handsome’, and ‘young-looking’ received codes due to
presence of physical attractiveness announced or sought indicators.

Slimness
Dichotomous coding applied to ads with the absence or presence of slimness as a
characteristic of the announcer or as a sought trait in the potential partner. This
variable received codes upon mention of words such as ‘thin’ and ‘slim’, or the actual
weight.

Fairness
This variable coded the presence or absence of words such as ‘fair’ and ‘wheatish
complexion’ for qualities announced or sought in a potential spouse.

Stereotypical personality traits (masculinity and femininity)

This variable coded the presence or absence of masculine traits in this category.
Presence of masculine traits included descriptors such as ‘ambitious’, ‘accom-
plished’, ‘successful’, ‘talented’, ‘smart’, ‘intelligent’, ‘reputable’, ‘respectable’, and
‘aristocratic’ as qualities announced or sought. Femininity was a dummy code for
the presence or absence of feminine qualities in announced or sought traits.
Descriptors such as ‘caring’, ‘kind’, ‘charming’, ‘loving’, ‘amiable’, ‘home-loving’,
‘cheerful’, ‘innocent’, ‘devout’, and ‘cultured’ were included as indications of the
262 S. Ramasubramanian and P. Jain

presence of feminine qualities. When no mention of such indicators appeared in ads,

they were marked as absent.

Occupation
This variable, coded dichotomously, indicated whether or not the announcer or the
person seeking held employment outside the home. Mention of words and phrases
such as ‘employed, professional, career-minded’ or indications of specific occupa-
tions such as software professional, doctor, lawyer, and engineer were coded as
‘employed outside the home.’ Absence of such indicators or presence of words such
as ‘home-loving’ (also referred to as ‘homely’), ‘housewife’, or ‘domestically
accomplished’ were coded as ‘not employed outside the home.’

Coding reliability
For clarity, a detailed descriptive booklet included definitions of each of the variables
of interest along with illustrative examples. During coders’ initial training phase, 20
ads that were not part of the sample were coded to develop skill and familiarity with
the language of matrimonial ads and assisted development of coding categories for
the codebook. Coders met several times to discuss the codebook categories and
refine the variables’ definitions.
For the final reliability calculation, 120 ads were coded independently by two
coders who were trained and familiar with the codebook. These selected ads were
equally split by the gender of the announcer and the newspaper source. The Potter
and Levine-Donnerstein (1999) method of calculating Scott’s pi was used to account
for chance agreement. The reliability indicators revealed acceptable levels in the
range of 84% to 100% for all of the coded variables (see Table 1 for details).

Table 1. Scott’s pi reliability indictors for variables of interest.

Variables Reliability

Gender of announcer 0.96

Financial status of announcer 0.92
Financial status of person sought 0.92
Masculine qualities of announcer 0.96
Masculine qualities of person sought 0.90
Feminine qualities of announcer 0.92
Feminine qualities of person sought 0.86
Physical attractiveness of announcer 0.98
Physical attractiveness of person sought 0.86
Weight of announcer 0.94
Weight of person sought 1.00
Skin tone of announcer 0.92
Skin tone of person sought 1.00
Occupation of announcer 0.84
Occupation of person sought 0.94
 Asian Journal of Communication 263

Results
Results relating to H1
This hypothesis maintains that ads originating from men would more likely be seeker
ads and ads originating from women would more likely be announcer ads. These
differences were marginally significant such that 74.7% of ads by men and 69.5% of
ads by women were seeker ads (X2 3.51; df 1; p .06).

Results relating to H2
With regard to financial status, overwhelming statistical evidence appeared in
support of the hypothesized relationships. Specifically, ads by men (34.9%) were
significantly more likely than ads by women (7.8%) to announce financial stability
(X2 114.14; df 1; p B.001). Additionally, ads by women (23.8%) were signifi-
cantly more likely than ads by men (4.0%) to expect financial stability from their
future spouses (X2 89.59; df 1; pB.001).

Results relating to H3
With respect to physical attractiveness, results showed that ads by men (26.0%) were
significantly more likely than ads by women (13.7%) to expect physically attractive
spouses (X2 25.33; df 1; p B.001). Although ads by women (31.6%) were more
likely than ads by men (27.8%) to announce physical attractiveness; this relationship
did not attain statistical significance (X2 1.83; df 1; p.18).

Results relating to H4
In support of the existence of gendered notions of colorism in matrimonial ads, this
study found that ads by women (33.4%) had a significantly greater likelihood than
ads by men (21.3%) to announce fair or wheatish complexions (X219.56; df 1;
p B.001). These differences were even more stark in terms of traits sought in spouses
such that ads by men (16.1%) were significantly more likely than ads by women
(5.3%) to seek potential life partners with fair skin (X232.07; df 1; pB.001).

Results relating to H5
Statistically significant gender differences appeared for weight preferences in spousal
descriptions. In particular, ads by women (12.7%) were much more likely than ads by
men (8.9%) to announce themselves as slim or thin (X24.09; df 1; p B.05). As a
corollary, ads by men (5.8%) were more likely than ads by women (2.5%) to seek slim
spouses (X2 6.93; df 1; p B.01).

Results relating to H6
This hypothesis focused on gender differences in feminine and masculine qualities.
The hypotheses relating to feminine qualities found strong support. Apparently, ads
by women (7.2%) were significantly more likely than ads by men (2.9%) to announce
their stereotypical feminine qualities (X210.56; df 1; p B.001). Similarly, as
264 S. Ramasubramanian and P. Jain

hypothesized, ads by men (11.0%) were significantly more likely than ads by women
(1.4%) to seek spouses with traditional feminine traits (X2 41.54; df 1; p B.001).
On the contrary, no support is apparent for the part of the hypothesis that ads by
men would be more likely than ads by women to announce stereotypical masculine
qualities. Surprisingly, results show that ads by men (8.1%) were significantly more
likely than ads by women (2.1%) to seek stereotypical masculine qualities in their
potential spouses (X2 19.14; df 1; p B.001).

Results relating to H7
The final hypothesis focused on gender polarization in occupational preferences. The
hypothesis received strong support from the indication of ads by men (92.4%) were
more likely than ads by women (74.2%) to announce a professional status outside the
home (X2 64.33; df 1; p B.001). Ads by men (56.1%), on the contrary, were much
less likely than those by women (56.1%) to mention professional achievements
sought in a mate (X222.26; df 1; p B.001).

Discussion
The findings suggest that in contemporary Indian familial relations as reflected in
matrimonial advertising, a deep gender divide exists where the socially expected roles
are very different for husbands as compared to wives. Apparently, a social
understanding and unstated consensus exists for what the ideal woman/man should
be. In other words, this study found strong support for gender polarization in the
characteristics of a desirable, ideal, life partner. The implications of these ideals for
women and men of marriageable age are crucial for understanding the lack of
diversity in the matrimonial ads indicates the potential for exclusion or margin-
alization of several groups of ‘non-ideal’ people in the ‘marriage market.’ Overall,
the findings suggest that in order to be considered eligible in the marriage market, in
line with impressions from management literature, those placing matrimonial ads
seem to adhere to social norms relating to traditional gender-role expectations for
both men and women.
The finding that the overwhelming majority of men place a great deal of
emphasis on physical attributes for their potential spouses is particularly significant.
Beauty for women, in the context of matrimonial ads in India, seems to be quite
narrowly defined as being fair, slim, and physically attractive. For example, one of
the ads published in the Times of India describes the ideal bride as ‘very beautiful,
fair, slim . . . professional from an educated and cultured family’ (‘Very beautiful,
fair’, 2005). The grouping together of these words is particularly problematic in that
they reinforce messages that thinness and fairness are very desirable traits in women.
Women, especially those with low self-esteem, are likely to make comparisons
between themselves and media ideals, and even internalize these media messages that
thinness and fairness are essential for being considered beautiful, attractive, and
‘marriageable.’ The repeated emphasis on physique could make even a woman of
average build with medium complexion feel that she is not acceptable as a mate.
Other research has shown that sexual objectification leads to body dissatisfaction,
and a drive to be thinner, fairer, and prettier translates into behaviors such as
extreme dieting, facial bleaching, and cosmetic surgery that have several serious
 Asian Journal of Communication 265

health implications (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997). When such notions of body
dissatisfaction become normative in heterosexuality, they could lead to ‘normative
discontent’ (Rodin, Silberstein, & Striegel-Moore, 1984).
The unanticipated finding that both men and women are likely to announce their
physical attractiveness could be a sign of changing masculinity in India. Perhaps the
rising economic status of women in India is influencing the direction of social
exchange such that women instead of men are trading financial stability in return for
physically attractive men. Another interpretation of this finding could be that the
emerging health, beauty, and grooming industries in India have greatly increased
sexual objectification for both men and women. Commercials, newspaper stories,
infomercials, and magazine articles promote gyms and beauty salons geared toward
men, thus heightening appearance-consciousness. With the liberalization of media
content and changes in mate-selection processes, physical appearance seems to have
become something that men seem to announce as an ‘add-in’ to create a marketing
differentiation in the clutter of matrimonial ads.
The study’s results reveal a significant difference between what males and females
expect in terms of spousal personality traits. Females are expected to be ‘feminine’ by
being caring, loving, nurturing, compassionate, and warm. Women, in turn, cater to
these expectations by using these descriptors while announcing themselves in the
marriage market. For instance, one of the ads analyzed in this study seeks a ‘caring,
kind, educated girl with good family values’ (‘Caring, kind’, 2005). However, a
significant amount of gender differentiation in stereotypical masculine qualities that
indicate dominance, smartness, ambition, and high status remains undiscovered.
This can potentially suggest a small positive step toward reducing gender
polarization because both males and females were likely to describe themselves
using masculine words and seek these qualities in their spouses. Both masculine and
feminine traits are more likely to be discussed only in the context of females.
Apparently, then, ideal men are not described using either masculine or feminine
traits but ideal women should possess both. In a way, societal sanctions, rejecting
males’ treading into areas of ‘femininity,’ are much more stringent than those of
females’ treading into areas of ‘masculinity.’ These findings corroborate prior
research on global, hegemonic masculinities (Connell, 1995).
When considering ideal occupational status sought in potential spouses, the
results indicate that many men still do not place much importance on wives’ out-of-
home employment and professional achievements. Many ads explicitly stated a
preference for homemakers. Similarly, the findings that women often do not mention
their out-of-home employment in the ads could be interpreted that they are either
not employed or they do not willingly discuss or find importance in mentioning
professional employment while promoting themselves in matrimonial ads. Even
though a great number of women may be present in the workforce, the traditional
association of men with professional skills and women with domestic skills continues
unchallenged in Indian matrimonial ads.
However, given that Indian society is in the midst of an influx of more liberal
values amid existing traditional values, descriptions such as ‘traditional girl with
modern qualities’ or ‘homely working girl’ might reinforce the push
pull tension that
exists for the roles of partners in romantic marital relations. For example, one ad
seeks the following type of woman as a life partner: ‘Fair, educated . . . beautiful,
slim . . . outgoing yet conservative.’ Apparently, Indian women in the contemporary
266 S. Ramasubramanian and P. Jain

globalizing consumption-driven cultural context are expected to act as ‘superwomen’

who efficiently manage both professional lives and, effortlessly, maintain the role of
caring, nurturing homemakers. Additionally, these women must be physically
attractive and maintain slim figures and ideal complexions. Such high expectations
might very well place significant stress on women in modern, contemporary India.
The relationship between media content, audiences, and the society at large is
complex and dynamic. The findings from the present study might lead some to the
counter-argument that the media merely reflects attitudes and beliefs. Arguably,
though, these matrimonial ads echo the messages found in media in general and,
therefore, reflect an internalization of messages of skewed, culturally narrow,
standards of beauty, wealth, and success. While the effortful, purposive framing of
matrimonial ads is reflective of the gendered values of the communities that they
serve, it is equally possible that matrimonial ads function as a space through which
the complicated negotiations that lead to finding the ‘suitable’ partner begin. Further
research using ethnographic methods is needed to find out the role that matrimonial
ads play in facilitating (or hindering) familial communication in particular and in
maintaining (or countering) gender stereotypes in society in general.
Although, the present study is useful to understand how matrimonial ads
produce notions of ideal, gendered identities, a few limitations could serve as
directions for future research. The current study focused on the globalized, urban
middle-class of India, which is the primary readership base for English-language
newspapers. A comparative study that includes vernacular language papers might be
an avenue for additional research to understand how the changes in gendered
spousal expectations and of globalization in general affect rural and working-class
Indians.
Also, an interesting study would consider whether or not the trends noticed in the
newspapers published in India are similar to newspapers in the Indian diaspora,
which also carry matrimonial ads. Another avenue for research is the more recent
phenomenon of online match-making websites such as shaadi.com or bharatma-
trimonials.com, which might reflect slightly different information as compared to
traditional print media. The use of historical, archival data to examine differences in
gender role expectations and presentations, over time, could also yield valuable
insights.
Because of the cultural diversity in India, training coders to reliably designate
data from several hundred languages, castes, ethnicities, and religious denominations
mentioned in matrimonial ads is a difficult undertaking at best. Although
challenging, the natural next step for further research on this topic would be to
examine specific differences in gender-role expectations as a function of caste,
religion, language, and ethnicity. Overall, results from this study suggest that
matrimonial ads seem to reflect the same kind of ideals that mainstream advertising
and programming content has persistently portrayed: the importance of physical
beauty and material wealth in being successful and highly gendered social roles for
men and women. The persistence of gendered lenses both in self-presentations and
spousal expectations in this study is a reminder that androcentrism, gender,
polarization, and biological essentialism continue to be at the core of individual
identity and sexuality in middle-class Indian households. However, the findings
should be interpreted cautiously as a reflection of an oppressive patriarchal social
system. Dhruvarajan and Vickers (2002) argued that many relational differences
 Asian Journal of Communication 267

exist between women themselves, based, for example, on class, caste, social status,
education, etc. that could make them agents of change as well as victims of an
oppressive system. Notably, the efforts, both local and global, by governmental and
non-governmental organizations, have been reasonably successful in empowering
Indian women in politics, reproductive health, information technology, and agricul-
ture sectors. However, Indian society remains far removed from the psychological
revolution that Bem (1993) envisioned.

Acknowledgements
The authors would like to acknowledge Sydney Bachtell for her assistance during data
collection.

Note
1. The original intent of this research was to compare the spousal traits in matrimonial ads in
2001 with those in 2005. However, this comparative analysis did not yield any significant
results, possibly because this time period is too narrowly defined to reveal any changing
trends in gender roles. Therefore, ads from both time periods have been combined for this
discussion’s analyses.

Notes on contributors
Srividya Ramasubramanian (PhD, Penn State University) is an assistant professor in the
Department of Communication at Texas A&M University.

Parul Jain (MA, Wake Forest) is a doctoral student at the Ohio State University and was a
graduate assistant to the first author while working on this project.

References
Applebaum, K.D. (1995). Marriage with the proper stranger: Arranged marriage in
metropolitan Japan. Ethnology, 34(1), 37
52.
Arif, H. (2004). Woman’s body as a color measuring text: A signification of Bengali culture.
Semiotica, 150(1
4), 579
595.
Baize, H.R., & Schroeder, J.E. (1995). Personality and mate selection in personal ads:
Evolutionary preferences in a public mate selection process. Journal of Social Behavior and
Personality, 10, 517
536.
Bem, S.L. (1993). The lenses of gender. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
Bhargava, G. (1988). Seeking immigration through matrimonial alliance: A study of
advertisements in an ethnic weekly. Journal of Comparative Family Studies, 19, 245
259.
Butcher, M. (2003). Transnational television, cultural identity and change: When Star came to
India. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.
Caring, kind. (2005, December 11). Times of India, p. 14.
Connell, R.W. (1995). Masculinities. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.
Das. (2007). Men and women in Indian magazine advertisements: A preliminary report. In
R. Ghadially (Ed.) Urban women in contemporary India (pp. 139
153). New Delhi: Sage
Publications.
de Sousa Campos, L., Otta, E., & de Oliveira Siqueira, J. (2002). Sex differences in mate
selection strategies: Content analyses and responses to personal advertisements in Brazil.
Evolutionary Human Behavior, 23, 395
406.
Derne, S. (1999). Making sex violent: Love as force in recent Hindi films. Violence Against
Women, 5, 548
575.
Dhruvarajan, V. (1989). Hindu women and the power of ideology. Granby, MA: Bergin &
Garvey Publishers.
268 S. Ramasubramanian and P. Jain

Dhruvarajan, V., & Vickers, J. (2002). Gender, race, and nation: A global perspective. Toronto:
University of Toronto Press.
Eagly, A.H., & Steffen, V.J. (1984). Gender stereotypes stem from the distribution of women
and men into social roles. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 46, 735
754.
Fredrickson, B.L., & Roberts, T. (1997). Objectification theory: Toward understanding
women’s lived experiences and mental health risks. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 21,
173
206.
Gist, N.P. (1953). Mate selection and mass communication in India. The Public Opinion
Quarterly, 17(4), 481
495.
Gray, J.D. (1983). The married professional woman: An examination of her role conflicts and
coping strategies. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 7(3), 235
243.
Gupta, G.R. (1976). Love, arranged marriage, and the Indian social structure. Journal of
Comparative Family Studies, 7(1), 75.
Jagger, E. (2001). Marketing Molly and Melville: Dating in a postmodern, consumer society.
Sociology, 35(1), 39
57.
Jain, P. (2005, November). The fairer sex: Constructions of beauty in Indian film. Paper
presented at the Annual Conference of National Communication Association, Boston, MA.
Jain, P., & Hazen, M. (2007). Television viewing and its relationship to changing values in Indian
youth. Paper presented at the annual conference of International Communication
Association, San Francisco, CA.
Khan, M.E., Barge, S., Sadhwani, H., & Kale, G. (2005). Knowledge, attitude, and experience
of marriage and sexuality among newly-married women in Gujarat, India: An exploratory
study. International Quarterly of Community Health Education, 23(3), 215
251.
Koestner, R., & Wheeler, L. (1988). Self-presentation in personal advertisements: The
influence of implicit notions of attraction and role expectations. Journal of Social and
Personal Relationships, 5(2), 149.
Kumar, R.S. (2003). Branding strategies in a changing marketing environment (Indian
context). Journal of Brand Management, 11(1), 48
62.
Malhotra, S., & Rogers, E.M. (2000). Satellite television and the new Indian woman. Gazette,
62(5), 407
429.
Mathur, S., & Parameswaran, G. (2004). Intergenerational attitudinal differences about
consumption and identity among the Hindu elite in New Delhi, India. Journal of
Intercultural Studies, 25(2), 161
173.
Miller, K. (2005). Communication theories: Perspectives, processes, and contexts (2nd ed). New
York: McGraw Hill.
Miller, E.J., Smith, J.E., & Trembath, D.L. (2000). The ‘skinny’ on body size requests in
personal ads. Sex Roles, 43(1), 129
141.
Montini, T., Ovrebro, B., & Ovrebo, B. (1990). Personal relationship ads: An informational
balancing act. Sociological Perspectives, 33(3), 327
339.
Murthy, R.K., & Ranga Rao, A.B. (1984). A sociological analysis of the content in
matrimonial advertisements in South India. Indian Journal of Social Work, 44, 377
386.
National Readership Survey Council. (2006). National readership study 2006. Retrieved July
20, 2009, from http://www.auditbureau.org/nrs2006.htm
Pandey, A. (2004). Culture, gender, and identity in cross-cultural personals and matrimonials.
World Englishes, 23(3), 403
427.
Potter, J.W., & Levine-Donnerstein, D. (1999). Rethinking validity and reliability in content
analysis. Journal of Applied Communication Research, 27, 258
284.
Puri, D. (2000). Gift of a daughter: Change and continuity in marriage patterns among two
generations of North Indians in Toronto and Delhi. Dissertation Abstracts International, A:
The Humanities and Social Sciences, 60, 3806
3807.
Rahman, R.B. (2005). Colour as a status: The role skin colour in Hindu women. South Asian
Graduate Research Journal, 15, 1
31.
Rajadhyaksha, U., & Bhatnagar, D. (2000). Life role salience: A study of dual-career couples in
the Indian context. Human Relations, 53(4), 489.
Rajecki, D.W., Bledsoe, S.B., & Rasmussen, J.L. (1991). Successful personal ads: Gender
differences and similarities in offers, stipulations, and outcomes. Basic and Applied Social
Psychology, 12(4), 457
469.
 Asian Journal of Communication 269

Ramasubramanian, S., & Oliver, M.B. (2003). Portrayals of sexual violence in popular Hindi
films, 1997
99. Sex Roles, 48, 327
336.
Ramu, G.N. (1987). Indian husbands: Their role perceptions and performance in single-and
dual-earner families. Journal of Marriage and the Family, 49(4), 903
915.
Rodin, J., Silberstein, L., & Striegel-Moore, R. (1984). Women and weight: A normative
discontent. In T.B. Sonderegger (Ed.), Nebraska symposium on motivation: Psychology and
Gender, 32. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press.
Sanyal, N., Chatterjee, U., & Chatterjee, S. (2007). Psychosocial correlates of mothers at home
and at work place. In R. Pandya (Ed.), Women in India: Issues, perspectives, and solutions
(pp. 86
100). New Delhi: New Century Publications.
Sen, A. (1993). The impact of American pop culture in the third world. Media Asia, 20(4),
208
217.
Sharma, U. (1993). Dowry in North India: Its consequences for women. In P. Uberoi (Ed.),
Family, kinship, and marriage in India (pp. 341
356). New Delhi: Oxford University Press.
Shukla, A., & Kapoor, M. (1990). Sex role identity, marital power, and marital satisfaction
among middle-class couples in India. Sex Roles, 22(11), 693
706.
Uberoi, P. (2006). Freedom and destiny: Gender, family, and popular culture in India. New Delhi:
Oxford University Press.
Very beautiful, fair. (2005, November 20). Times of India, p. 12.