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AUTONOMY IN
LANGUAGE
LEARNING AND
TEACHING
New Research Agendas
Edited by
Alice Chik, Naoko Aoki
and Richard Smith
Autonomy in Language Learning and Teaching
Alice Chik • Naoko Aoki
Richard Smith
Editors
Autonomy in
Language Learning
and Teaching
New Research Agendas
Editors
Alice Chik Naoko Aoki
Educational Studies Graduate School of Letters
Macquarie University Osaka University
North Ryde, NSW, Australia Kobe, Japan
Richard Smith
Centre for Applied Linguistics
University of Warwick
Coventry, UK
ISBN 978-1-137-52997-8 ISBN 978-1-137-52998-5 (eBook)

https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-52998-5
Library of Congress Control Number: 2017960759
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Contents
1 Introduction 1
Alice Chik, Naoko Aoki, and Richard Smith
2 Learner Autonomy in Developing Countries 7

Richard Smith, Kuchah Kuchah, and Martin Lamb
3 Language Teacher Autonomy and Social Censure 29

Xuesong Gao
4 Learner Autonomy and Groups 51

David M. Palfreyman
5 Learner Autonomy and Digital Practices 73

Alice Chik
6 Researching the Spatial Dimension of Learner Autonomy 93

Garold Murray
Index 115
v
Notes on Contributors
Naoko Aoki is a professor of Graduate School of Letters, Osaka

University, where she teaches Japanese as a second language pedagogy.
She started practising and writing about learner autonomy in the early
1990s and earned a PhD on that topic from Trinity College Dublin. She
is a founding co-coordinator of JALT’s Learner Development SIG and
was a co-convenor of AILA’s Learner Autonomy Research Network from
2011 to 2014. Her publications include Mapping the Terrain of Learner
Autonomy published by Tampere University Press in 2009, co-edited with
Felicity Kjisik, Peter Voller and Yoshiyuki Nakata; “Defending stories and
sharing one: Towards a narrative understanding of teacher autonomy” in
Pemberton, R., Toogood, S. & Barfield, A. (Eds.); Autonomy and
Language Learning: Maintaining Control published by Hong Kong
University Press in 2009; “A community of practice as a space for collab-
orative student teacher autonomy” in O’Rourke, B. & Carson, L. (Eds.);
and Language Learner Autonomy: Policy, Curriculum, Classroom
(pp. 63–78), published by Peter Lang in 2010.
Alice Chik is a senior lecturer in Educational Studies at Macquarie
University. Alice’s primary area of research examines language learning
and multilingual literacies in digital environments. She is especially inter-
ested in exploring how language learners construct and direct their auton-
omous learning in informal contexts. Alice is a leader of the Macquarie
Multilingualism Research Group. Her particular interest in multilingual-
ism is public discourse, representation and narratives of everyday multilin-
vii
viii NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS
gual experience. She is the lead co-editor of The Multilingual City: Sydney
Case Studies (Routledge, 2018). Her recent projects can be found on
www.multilingualsydney.org.
Kuchah Kuchah has been involved in ELT research and teacher educa-
tion for over 18 years. He is currently a lecturer in TESOL at the University
of Bath, UK. Previously, he worked as a teacher, teacher trainer and policy
maker in his home country Cameroon and, later, as a teaching fellow at
the Universities of Warwick and Sheffield in the UK. He has served as a
consultant on language policy and pedagogy with the Council of Europe
in Albania and with UNICEF and WTI in South Sudan and was recently
recognised as one of TESOL International Association’s “30 upcoming
leaders” in ELT. Kuchah’s research interests include teaching English to
young learners, English medium instruction, context-appropriate meth-
odology and teacher education. He is co-editor of International Perspectives
on Teaching English in Difficult Circumstances (forthcoming, Palgrave
Macmillan) and has published in Innovation in Language Learning and
Teaching, Issues in Educational Research, ELT Journal and Comparative
Education.
Martin Lamb is a senior lecturer in TESOL at the University of Leeds,
UK. After a brief stint in sales and marketing, he taught English in Sweden,
Indonesia, Bulgaria and Saudi Arabia, before moving into teacher training
and institutional development on various British Council projects. At
Leeds he teaches on undergraduate and postgraduate courses in language
teaching methodology, the psychology of language learning and language
assessment. His main research interests are in learner and teacher motiva-
tion, especially how it relates to identity, social context and pedagogy. His
articles have appeared in the academic journals Language Teaching, TESOL
Quarterly, Language Learning, System and others, and he is currently
working on Handbook of Motivation for Language Learning for Palgrave
Macmillan.
Garold Murray is an associate professor in the Center for Liberal Arts
and Language Education at Okayama University. His research interests
focus on learner autonomy, social learning spaces, semiotics of place and
imagination in language learning. He is the editor of the book The Social
Dimensions of Learner Autonomy (2014), and co-editor of Identity,
Motivation, and Autonomy in Language Learning (2011, co-edited with
Andy Gao and Terry Lamb), Social Spaces for Language Learning: Stories
NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS
ix
from the L-café (2016, co-edited with Naomi Fujishima) and Space, Place
and Autonomy in Language Learning (2018, co-edited with Terry Lamb).
David Palfreyman is an associate professor in the Department of English
and Writing Studies at Zayed University, Dubai. Since 1995 he has worked
in higher education at undergraduate and postgraduate level in Turkey
and the UAE. His research interests include learner autonomy, the devel-
opment of academic biliteracy and the contributions of sociocultural con-
text (particularly the family and peer groups) to learning. He has presented
research at numerous international conferences and has published his
work in journals and books. He is the editor of Learner Autonomy Across
Cultures (2003, with Richard Smith), Learning and Teaching Across
Cultures in Higher Education (2007, with Dawn L. McBride) and
Academic Biliteracies (2017, with Christa van der Walt); he also edits a
journal titled Learning and Teaching in Higher Education: Gulf Perspectives.
He is currently coordinating a cluster of research projects on “Languaging
and higher education in bilingual contexts”.
Richard Smith is a reader (associate professor) at the University of
Warwick, UK. He co-founded the JALT Learner Development SIG in
1994, and formerly edited both its newsletter Learning Learning and
IATEFL Learner Autonomy SIG’s publication, Independence, subse-
quently co-convening the AILA Research Network on Learner Autonomy
(2008–2014). His publications include Learner Autonomy Across Cultures
(co-edited with David Palfreyman, 2003), as well as chapters and articles
on teacher-learner autonomy, pedagogy of autonomy as appropriate meth-
odology and the relationship of teacher-research and teacher autonomy.
Recently he has been focusing on work with teachers in developing coun-
tries in this latter area as academic coordinator for teacher-research men-
toring schemes in Latin America and India. His related innovative, open
access e-books include (for the British Council) Champion Teachers: Stories
of Exploratory Action Research and Children and Teachers as Co-researchers
in Indian Primary English Classrooms, as well as (for IATEFL Research
SIG) Teachers Research!
Xuesong Gao recently joined the School of Education, the University of
New South Wales, as an associate professor. He used to teach at the
University of Hong Kong and Hong Kong Institute of Education. His
research and teaching interests include language learner autonomy, lan-
guage teacher education, language policy, reading, second language
x NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS
acquisition and sociolinguistics. His publications appeared in journals

including Applied Linguistics, Asia Pacific Education Researcher, Asia
Pacific Education Review, Educational Studies, Journal of Education for
Teaching, Journal of Language, Identity and Education, Journal of
Multilingual and Multicultural Development, Language Awareness,
Language Teaching Research, Modern Language Journal, Studies in Higher
Education, System, Teacher Development, Teaching and Teacher Education,
TESOL Quarterly and World Englishes. He co-edits the System journal and
the Springer book series on English Language Education.
List of Tables
Table 6.1 Multiple timescales at the L-café 98

Table 6.2 A research agenda for the spatial dimension of
learner autonomy 107
xi
CHAPTER 1
Introduction
Alice Chik, Naoko Aoki, and Richard Smith
Abstract This introductory chapter provides background to and outlines

the main arguments for exploring new research agendas in autonomy in
language learning and teaching research. As research on autonomy in lan-
guage teaching and learning approaches the four-decade mark, the field is
rapidly moving in different directions. However, the most recent overview
of the field was published ten years ago (Benson, Lang Teach 40:21–40,
2007). Picking up from Benson’s (Lang Teach 40:21–40, 2007) state-of-
the-art article, this introductory chapter overviews various relatively recent
developments in autonomy research with learners and with teachers and
briefly summarizes the contribution of each chapter.
Keywords Learner autonomy • Research agenda
A. Chik (*)
Educational Studies, Macquarie University, North Ryde, NSW, Australia
N. Aoki
Graduate School of Letters, Osaka University, Kobe, Japan
R. Smith
Centre for Applied Linguistics, University of Warwick, Coventry, UK
© The Author(s) 2018 1

A. Chik et al. (eds.), Autonomy in Language Learning and
Teaching, https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-52998-5_1
2 A. CHIK ET AL.
Ten years ago, Benson’s comprehensive review of research into autonomy

in language learning and teaching (Benson, 2007) showed that the field
was flourishing and outlined several future research directions. The first
involved expanding the definition of autonomy to cater better for social
processes. Secondly, Benson also suggested greater exploration of rela-
tionships between autonomy and other student-focused constructs such as
self-regulation, self-motivation, agency and identity. Finally, he argued for
a stronger base for empirical understanding of the various ways autonomy
is actualized in different contexts and settings. These suggestions were
proposed in response to the emerging research trends in the field at the
time. Since 2007, while the field of autonomy is still flourishing, we have
witnessed changing perspectives on language learning and teaching in
general. New research agendas are needed.
There are various detailed definitions of learner autonomy, but for this
chapter, we will start with the definition of it as ‘the capacity to take con-
trol of one’s learning’ (Benson, 2011, 58). Inevitably, questions about
who, what, when, where and why emerged. Who is taking control? Taking
(or retaking) this control from whom? What types of control? When do
the learners exercise control? And in what places and spaces do learners
take control? Clearly, such questions invite further exploration and think-
ing about new dimensions of autonomy.
In this volume, the order of chapters to some extent matches the order
of these who, what, when, where and why questions. The first chapter
addresses the question of how suitable the concept of autonomy is in
developing countries and under-resourced learning and teaching contexts.
‘For whom is it feasible and desirable?’, in other words. Then we see how
language teachers and social censure might impact on conceptualizations
of autonomy. Another, less frequently discussed dimension of autonomy is
group and group dynamics. The reimagination of groups in the discourse
on learner autonomy also brings into question the fundamental nature of
interaction and space. In our contemporary world, the most popular
spaces for group interaction are certainly digital rather than physical. As
we rethink new learning affordances, a discussion of spatial dimensions
provides much needed expansion in the field.
Autonomy has been argued to be a Western concept, but Aoki and
Smith (1999), Littlewood (1999) and others have disputed this falsely
constructed binary with regard to East Asian contexts. Instead, these writ-
ers argue, autonomy needs to take into consideration the characteristics
and needs of learners in specific contexts, and learners should not be
INTRODUCTION 3
s tereotyped. Expanding the discussion further, Smith, Kuchah and Lamb

in this volume critically examine the relevance of the concept of autonomy
in developing countries. Rather than viewing autonomy as culturally lim-
ited, they propose availability of resources as a critical criterion for engage-
ment of learners and teachers with autonomy. Developing countries differ
in cultural, social, linguistic, religious, political and educational systems,
but one commonly shared factor could well be a constraint on resources
for language learning and teaching. From this starting point, Smith,
Kuchah and Lamb outline various perspectives for understanding of and
research into autonomy.
Of course, resources are not the only constraint. Autonomy also
involves interdependence between learners and teachers. What happens
when teachers feel that they not only have to deal with institutional con-
straints (e.g. curriculum, public examinations) but also social censure?
Gao, in his chapter, discusses impacts of public scrutiny and censure on
teachers’ professional identities and sense of autonomy. Public censure of
teachers is increasingly gaining traction in the media, especially in teaching
contexts where English is viewed as an important tool for academic and
social advancement. In addition, with the ever-prevailing permeation of
social media platforms, the general public also appears to have extremely
high expectation for language teachers beyond their professional duties.
This might have been tended to be true in East Asian contexts, especially
in countries where there are clashes between more traditional Confucian
expectations and modern education consumerism. Gao provides a detailed
discussion with examples drawn from Hong Kong and China and suggests
possible ways forward.
Another dimension in autonomy that has raised questions is the role of
groups. By association, autonomy has often been framed as a learner’s
lone quest to forge his/her learning journey. The concept of ‘group’ may
appear to counter that of autonomy, but in his chapter here, Palfreyman
examines different facets of groups, grouping and group dynamics to
argue for their benefit in fostering autonomy among learners. This is an
especially important issue to consider as contemporary learning theories
emphasize that learning does not just happen within the learner. Learning
happens from interaction and that requires consideration to be given not
only to contexts but also other learners in the learning environment. In
addition, institutional learning is still pretty much designed for groups of
learners, not necessarily individually tailored. So the examination of groups
in the conceptualization and development of autonomy is essential.
4 A. CHIK ET AL.
An additional reason for considering the role of groups in autono-

mous language learning and teaching is that one of the fastest areas of
growth for group interaction is certainly in digital space. Historically,
work with autonomy has benefited from technological advancement,
especially when the technologies were designed for independent use. In
more recent times, user-generated Web 2.0 content has certainly enabled
greater access to target language communities and learning content
(Reinders & White, 2016). Chik’s chapter in this volume adopts an
autoethnographic approach to examining the learning on language
learning social network sites—the affordances and the constraints. Using
an analytical framework for informal language learning on Duolingo,
Chik suggests how further empirical knowledge can be acquired regard-
ing how learners autonomously direct their learning pathways while
engaging in different digital practices.
While digital spaces might provide new affordances, there is also a new
call for rethinking the spatial dimension of learner autonomy, taking con-
sideration of the social dimension of learner autonomy a step further. On
the basis of a case study of a learning space in a Japanese university lan-
guage centre, in the final chapter in this volume, Murray argues that new
configurations of space will create new learning, and, by the same token,
new forms of learning call for new kinds of space. Changes in space and
learning impact social relationships, which in turn impact the conceptual-
ization and exercise of autonomy. To conclude, Murray proposes the
adoption of an ecological approach to examining innovations in and sym-
bioses between space and learning.
The research agendas suggested in these five chapters are not meant to
be exhaustive. And, as we deepen our understanding of autonomy and
how it is conceptualized and manifested in various learning contexts, these
research agendas will themselves be taken into new directions and require
renewal.
Acknowledgement The research agendas presented in this volume began life as

moderated discussions on the AILA Research Network for Learner Autonomy
discussion board, AUTO-L, when we were joint coordinators of the network
(2011–2014). They benefitted considerably from feedback at the 2014 AILA
Congress in Brisbane, Australia, and subsequent peer review. We thank all those
who have helped with their feedback in the process of construction of this
volume.
INTRODUCTION 5
References
Aoki, N., & Smith, R. (1999). Autonomy in cultural context: The case of Japan.
In S. Cotterall & D. Crabbe (Eds.), Learner autonomy in language learning:
Defining the field and effecting change, Bayreuth contributions to glottodidactics
(Vol. 8, pp. 19–28). Frankfurt am Main, Germany: Peter Lang.
Benson, P. (2007). Autonomy in language teaching and learning. Language
Teaching, 40, 21–40.
Benson, P. (2011). Teaching and researching autonomy (2nd ed.). London: Pearson
Longman.
Littlewood, W. (1999). Defining and developing autonomy in East Asian con-
texts. Applied Linguistics, 20(1), 71–94.
Reinders, H., & White, C. (2016). 20 years of autonomy and technology: How far
have we come and where to next? Language Learning & Technology, 20(2),
143–154. Retrieved from http://llt.msu.edu/issues/june2016/reinder-
swhite.pdf
CHAPTER 2
Learner Autonomy in Developing Countries
Richard Smith, Kuchah Kuchah, and Martin Lamb
Abstract Learner autonomy may have special relevance now in develop-

ing countries, where a dissonance often exists between what formal edu-
cation offers and what many learners want or need. Globalization and its
technologies are providing new means of accessing knowledge, but
school language lessons remain largely unchanged. Almost by default,
successful language learners in developing country contexts are autono-
mous learners who can exploit out-of-school resources, while some of the
most effective pedagogy involves promoting autonomy as a means of
confronting low- resource challenges. This chapter argues for more
research into both these phenomena, in order to increase understanding
of them and to enable identification of principles for practice. It also
emphasizes the need for such research to be conducted with and by local
teachers and learners.
R. Smith (*)
Centre for Applied Linguistics, University of Warwick, Coventry, UK
K. Kuchah
Department of Education, University of Bath, Bath, UK
M. Lamb
School of Education, University of Leeds, Leeds, UK

8 R. SMITH ET AL.
Keywords Learner autonomy • Developing countries • Difficult

circumstances • Appropriate methodology • Mobile learning •
Teacher-research • Researching with children
Introduction
Learner autonomy as a concept has its origins in Europe and, for a time,
there were even questions about whether it had relevance for educa-
tional cultures elsewhere. This chapter suggests that it may, in fact, have
particular relevance now for learners in developing countries, and spe-
cifically in less well-resourced contexts. We should recognize at the start
that ‘developing countries’—using the broadly accepted, though not
unproblematic (see, e.g. Khokhar, 2015), definition of such countries as
those with a lower standard of living, undeveloped industrial base and
moderate-to-low Human Development Index (HDI) relative to oth-
ers—are themselves highly diverse contexts, presenting stark contrasts
between urban and rural areas, for example, and between private and
public institutions. Our focus in this chapter will be mainly on those set-
tings within developing countries which are less well-resourced, and
where official provision of education (whether publicly or privately
funded) is currently most deficient in enhancing the life chances of
young people. In this chapter, we report on some of the research which
has been undertaken with as well as ‘into’ learners and teachers in such
contexts, and we highlight areas which would benefit from further
research.
Evidence of Autonomy in Developing Country

Contexts
In the past, ‘learner autonomy’ has often tended to be associated with
technology-rich self-access centres (‘resource centres’), and with technol-
ogy in general. Indeed, autonomy research has been mainly carried out
with learners in well-resourced Western or East Asian settings. In apparently
‘under-resourced’ contexts, its importance may have seemed less salient.
Nevertheless the affordances that are available in such settings should not
be underestimated, as we shall see. At the same time, it seems particularly
important to study autonomy in developing country contexts, given its
relevance in many learners’ lives.
LEARNER AUTONOMY IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES 9
Signs of Autonomy in Learner Beliefs and Behaviours

As part of a broader study in Cameroon, Kuchah (2013) set out to elicit
from state school primary children aged around 11–12 what they thought
were good English language teaching practices. Through the use of various
participatory approaches to data collection, children, in both urban and rural
contexts, were found to be able to identify a number of practices as either
good or bad and, in each case, provide reasons for their judgements. For
example, they wanted teachers to encourage them to work in groups or pairs
to develop their own ideas. They did not like teachers who explained every
detail to them, but instead wanted to be challenged to think for themselves:
JosephineB5: I like when the teacher is explaining something, but she

should not explain it all. I like that she should allow some for us to go and
find out and come and explain in class.
[…]
GraceG1: If she ask us to go and find out, it will make me to make an
effort to learn […] it is not good when the teacher tells us everything; it is
good that we should also do our homework so that we can learn on our own
and understand. (ibid, pp. 149–150)
Among the good practices identified by children, a few were particularly

absent from the practices of their teachers. Children’s desire for homework
which would enable them to engage in independent learning outside the
school environment was one case in point. Another was the desire of some
children to be involved in providing teaching materials/aids because they
thought the process of producing or finding such materials would help
them develop a better understanding of what they study in class:
AlbertoG5: If we bring the things to class, it will be more interesting because

we will see if we can remember the names of all the things that we need to
cook [the food] […] then it will be easier for us to understand how to write
the composition because we already know how to cook it. (ibid, p. 151)
Hamid and associates’ work in Bangladesh (Hamid & Baldauf, 2011;

Hamid, Sussex, & Khan, 2009) has pointed to a similar dissonance
between state provision of English and what young people desire:
Students’ voices help us to understand how the discourses of the benefits of

English lead learners in developing areas to struggle with English with their
10 R. SMITH ET AL.
limited resources and how the teaching and learning of English have come
to rely on non-curricular and non-methodological means (i.e. private tutor-
ing) in the context of poor performance of the public sector English teach-
ing. (Hamid & Baldauf, 2011, p. 214)
Given the social inequities of this state of affairs—with only children of

the better off likely to achieve any meaningful proficiency—Hamid and
Baldauf (2011) call for more research into the lives and learning behaviour
of young people in disadvantaged areas.
Indeed, while researching the motivation to learn English of young
people just entering junior high school in a provincial town in Indonesia,
Lamb (2004) was immediately struck by the important role of out-of-class
learning. A wide range of activities were reported which involved the use
of English: listening to radio programmes in English, listening to and
learning pop songs, watching English language films or TV shows (some-
times with subtitles covered), playing computer games, reading English
language teenage magazines and novels, studying independently at home,
practising English conversation with friends. Even at the age of 12–14,
these learners were able to distance themselves from their school English
classes, often casting a jaundiced eye over events there: apart from the dull
lessons, they were aware that some teachers in the school struggled to
speak English fluently themselves. Indeed, the teachers were aware that
many learners studied the language independently. One teacher who had
done some action research commented:
It’s the interesting [idea] that I got from my research at that time, that the
students want to study based on their […] activity, they don’t want only to
wait […] on the teacher. (cited in Lamb 2004, p. 238)
Most school teachers were not familiar with the concept of ‘learner
autonomy’, and there was little evidence, either in their talk or their
teaching, that they deliberately promoted it. Yet, as Lamb’s findings
reveal (see also Lamb, 2002), students were able to improve their English
language by independent means.
In a later study, in a relatively remote rural area, Lamb (2013) again
found that the most motivated Year 8 learners of English exhibited consid-
erable levels of autonomy (as revealed through a large-scale survey in three
village junior high schools). Like their urban counterparts, they too lis-
tened to English language songs, watched English TV and used computers
in internet cafes, but their real enthusiasm was for the affordances of
mobile phone technology, which by now allowed for relatively easy and
cheap access to the internet. They put this facility to various uses: everyone
thereby had access to a good quality dictionary, and many also sought out
language learning websites to supplement school lessons. Pre-eminently,
though, the technology enabled them to set up Facebook pages and
establish their own social networks, which sometimes included foreign
contacts with whom they would communicate in English. Some were
even starting to use English words and phrases in their text messages to
Indonesian friends. Lamb (2013) suggests that ‘because of its capacity to
reach across national borders, [online] social networking appears to legiti-
mate the use of English when in more local domains it may be considered
pretentious’ (p. 25).
The concept of learner autonomy may, then, have a particular kind of
relevance in the developing world, partly because there is such a disso-
nance between what formal education offers, or can offer, and what many
learners want and actually attempt to gain for themselves. In rural parts of
Indonesia, as Lamb’s research has shown, globalization and its technolo-
gies are having the effect of increasing the desire for English among young
people and providing novel means of accessing it, while their school
English lessons remain largely unchanged, dependent on the textbooks,
assessments and the professionalism of their class teacher. This kind of
dissonance is probably found in most developing world contexts right
now, and how it affects learners’ sense of autonomy and their autonomous
learning and use of English is worthy of much more study.
Use of ICT as a Possible Focal Point for Research

In connection with out-of-class learning, a particularly important focus for
research in developing country contexts would seem to be the use of tech-
nology to enhance learning in remote rural contexts. This was vividly
brought to the attention of the ELT profession by Sugata Mitra’s plenary
talk at the IATEFL conference in April 2014. He shared descriptions of
the famous ‘hole in the wall’ experiments, where children in Indian villages
apparently learned how to use computers by themselves, and without any
form of scaffolding by adults, and he also drew attention to his more
recent work which shows how groups of seven-year-olds can use the inter-
net to teach themselves physics to the level of first year undergraduates.
He showed a clip from inside a hut in a poor Indian village, where a
12 R. SMITH ET AL.
mother is heard saying about her infant son ‘we really want him to become
an educated person but it’s difficult because of the state of the school’.
Mitra’s big claim is that cloud technology is now allowing us to bypass the
school, which he regards as an anachronistic legacy of Victorian Britain’s
need for clerks to serve its expanding empire.
The talk provoked a storm of protest among some delegates who
believed he was demeaning the status of the teacher, but it raised the inter-
esting question of whether new technologies by themselves can engage
and develop learner autonomy in young people. It may be possible to see
this happening in rural Indonesia, where relatively cheap smart phones are
being used by learners to learn English, or, rather, they are using their
English resources to connect to the world via their smart phones and in
the process are expanding those resources, almost as a muscle is expanded
through regular exercise. How widespread is this phenomenon? Does it
occur only where mobile phone technology is relatively cheap? What are
young people actually doing in English? Is it only certain individuals, for
example those from better off homes, who are using mobile phones in this
way, or is it a more general phenomenon? And where does this leave the
school teacher, who is not going to lose her job any time soon but may feel
threatened by this wave of technical innovation which her pupils can mas-
ter much better than she can? It is quite possible that further research
elsewhere would uncover a similar spread of mobile technology as found
in rural Indonesia (see above), with a similar democratizing effect on
access to English (for relatively recent evidence, see Tyers, 2015).
The discussion in this section leads us to the first clear research need we
wish to highlight:
Research Priority 1 There is a need for more studies of learning and learner
autonomy in out-of-class settings in developing countries, with a particu-
lar focus on the affordances of mobile phone technology and other types
of access to the internet. Such research will have major implications for
grant-aided development initiatives, for teacher training and for teaching
in such contexts.
Engaging Autonomy as Appropriate Pedagogy

The picture we have so far been painting has been one of some—perhaps
many—learners engaging and maybe developing their autonomy in out-
of-class language learning in situations where schools and teachers are
struggling to cope. We now look at the frequently very challenging cir-

cumstances of classroom learning in developing country contexts, and at
how a pedagogy of autonomy has, in some cases, been found to emerge as
a kind of ‘rescue solution’ (Fonseka, 2003).
Difficult Circumstances for Classroom Learning and Teaching

The state of formal teaching and learning in developing countries is cer-
tainly not optimal from participants’ points of view, as revealed in a candid
account by Lie (2007). Like those in so many developing countries,
Indonesian educators face numerous structural problems:
• A rapidly expanding and increasingly diverse pupil population: Lie

(2007) compares the privileged students of high-quality schools in
metropolitan cities like Jakarta and Bandung to their counterparts in
‘the jungles of Kalimantan and Papua’ (p. 10) and asks how any cen-
tralized curriculum could be expected to meet needs in both set-
tings. Indonesian state school classes typically have around 40 pupils,
presenting a wide spectrum of proficiency levels and making it diffi-
cult for teachers to establish close relations with individual pupils.
• Pay and conditions for teachers have improved over recent years, but
this has followed decades of underinvestment in education, and in
teacher professional development in particular (Chang, Shaeffer, Al-
Samarrai, Ragatz, de Ree and Stevenson, 2014). Language class-
room methodology remains largely traditional, with teacher-centred,
textbook-based lessons aimed at the staged learning of grammar,
vocabulary and reading comprehension, while oral practice is limited
to rote repetition of textbook dialogues and teacher-pupil question
and answer routines (Marcellino, 2008).
• A third major constraint that Lie (2007) identifies in the formal lan-
guage education system is a lack of resources, for example in terms
of available textbooks, audio/visual materials and ICT support.
Although other contexts in the developing world may be much
worse off, she argues that the EFL setting, where English is rarely
used in the social environment, makes the lack of attractive supple-
mentary learning resources relatively acute. In fact, this situation is
changing rapidly, as English is increasingly used in public advertising
and signage (Chern & Dooley, 2014) and mobile phone-based inter-
net services spread rapidly through the country (see above), but
14 R. SMITH ET AL.
teachers are not trained to exploit this material and may feel that
venturing into these unfamiliar domains could undermine their
authority as the fount of language knowledge.
The British educationalist Michael West (1960) coined the phrase

‘teaching in difficult circumstances’ in relation to settings like these, which
are prevalent across the developing world but which have tended to be
neglected by language teaching theorists and researchers. This neglect has,
indeed, been ‘dysfunctional’, if we consider that most teaching in the
world occurs in such circumstances, as argued by Smith (2011). Of course,
classrooms in the public sector in developing countries vary in many ways,
but they also tend to share sufficient similarities (relatively low resourcing,
large classes, etc.) to be comparable across contexts and to benefit, for
now, from their specificities being highlighted with the catch-all term ‘dif-
ficult circumstances’.
At first glance, the difficult circumstances of teaching and learning in
classrooms in the developing world such as those we have described do not
seem promising territory for the promotion of learner autonomy. With
regard to African contexts, it has been suggested (e.g. by Ampiah, 2008)
that because of resource challenges and a lack of appropriate and sufficient
training for most teachers in rural communities, transmission- oriented
‘chalk and talk’ pedagogies are the norm, rendering the notion of auton-
omy distant from local realities and, potentially, a culturally alienating one.
Indeed, for those who view the concept of learner autonomy as essen-
tially a European one, the very notion of promoting autonomy in develop-
ing countries might appear culturally imperialistic, or even neocolonialist,
in inspiration—akin, perhaps, to the kind of inappropriate, paternalistic
development initiatives described in Zambian economist Dambisa Moyo’s
(2009) Dead Aid: Why Aid Is Not Working and How There Is Another Way
for Africa. Such concerns may have been one reason why, in one of the
few articles to consider learner autonomy in relation to an African context,
Sonaiya (2002) described it as a form of individualism which was typically
western and incompatible with the community-oriented cultures of the
Yoruba people.
We now wish to show, though, how the above propositions can be
turned on their head. In fact, we shall argue, it is precisely because the
teaching and learning circumstances in developing countries tend to be so
challenging that engaging and developing learner autonomy can be a
pressing priority for participants concerned.
Practical Reasons for Engaging and Developing Autonomy

On a dark, chilly evening in November 1812, the Yorkshire mill owner
Joseph Rogerson recorded in his diary: ‘Mr Humphreys at my father’s
tonight talking on the best way of establishing a School on the Madras
System at Bramley’ (cited in Crump, 1931). Mr Humphreys, the pastor at
Bramley chapel, was, like many of his contemporaries, struggling to devise
a way to teach ever-increasing numbers of children, as the urban popula-
tion of England surged. The Madras system that he was thinking of
importing into his chapel school may have had its origins in a traditional
Tamil form of literacy teaching, where a master would instruct older chil-
dren in how to draw letters and words in sand, and they would then help
younger children to write and pronounce them, thereby enabling far more
children to learn to read and write than would be otherwise possible. By
1820 there were over 12,000 schools in England using the Madras sys-
tem, and the man who popularized it, Andrew Bell, has a tomb in
Westminster Abbey.
There are many aspects of this system which today we would find
oppressive—Bell’s primary aim after all was ‘instilling principles of reli-
gion and morality into the minds of the young’ (1797, p. 6)—but the
notion that children might learn more from active collaboration with
their (near-)peers than by listening in obedient silence to their teacher
was one that impressed early-nineteenth-century educators in Britain. In
a chapter in which we argue for the importance of learner autonomy in
developing country settings, it is worth remembering that the exchange
of educational ideas has a long history and is two-way; in fact, as Thompson
(2013) points out, in the globalized twenty-first century, it is ongoing
and multidirectional, whether it involves ‘a Nigerian educator recom-
mending presentational strategies to teachers in the UK or a Brazilian
practitioner explaining Freirean approaches in China’ (p. 48). Within
most global societies there exist diverse, competing agendas for educa-
tion, and we should not be any more surprised to find evidence of rela-
tively learner-centred pedagogy being practised in African settings, for
example, than we would be to hear a British minister of education advo-
cating the return of more teacher-centred whole-class learning
(Department for Education, 2013).
Indeed, as Smith (2002) has previously written, autonomy can take dif-
ferent shapes in different cultures and historical contexts, and ‘teaching
students to learn’ is not simply the latest language teaching fashion but
16 R. SMITH ET AL.
can be related to deeper, older educational conceptions and traditions. He

cites, for example, Quick (1890, p. 421):
The highest and best teaching is not that which makes the pupils passive
recipients of other peoples’ ideas (not to speak of the teaching which con-
veys mere words without any ideas at all), but that which guides and encour-
ages the pupils in working for themselves and thinking for themselves.
In the history of western education, then, a focus on developing learner

autonomy is not as new as is commonly supposed, nor should we be sur-
prised to find cases of teachers outside western countries engaging and/or
developing students’ autonomy without having been influenced by the
post-1970s ‘learner autonomy movement’.
As the early-nineteenth-century example at the head of this section also
shows, in developing country contexts where education is in a rapid state
of development and where teachers and physical resources are in short
supply (in these respects, England was at the time, after all, the epitome of
a ‘developing country’), teachers may actually need to tap into and engage
the existing autonomy of students to a greater extent than in better-
resourced settings. Indeed, certain educationalists have previously high-
lighted the particular relevance to large classes in developing country
contexts of what we might nowadays recognize as an autonomy-oriented
approach. Michael West himself emphasized that:
the larger the class and the more difficult the circumstances, the more
important it is to stress learning as the objective. And the higher the elimina-
tion [i.e. ‘drop-out’], the more necessary it is to do so: if a pupil has learnt
how to learn he can go on learning afterwards. (1960, p. 15)
Thus, engagement of learner autonomy can be seen as an eminently appro-

priate approach in difficult circumstances, for example, large classes with
diverse student needs (see Smith, 2003) and/or few resources (see Fonseka,
2003). With regard specifically to problems posed by large classes, Zakia
Sarwar has emphasized the value of group work and project-based learning
in Pakistan (see Sarwar, 2001; Smith, 2008). Latterly, she explicitly came
to ally this approach with the autonomy movement, as has Amritavalli
when describing a successful practice of ‘maximising learner autonomy’ by
enabling choice of extensive reading materials in the ‘deprived circum-
stances’ of an Indian primary school (Amritavalli, 2007). As what he calls
a ‘rescue solution’ in a situation of lack of printed materials, Sri Lankan
educator Gamini Fonseka (2003) also came to theorize from an autonomy

perspective his experience of getting children to memorize songs and work
with these as a source of language learning input.
As documented and discussed further in Kuchah and Smith (2011), the
practical worth of an autonomy-oriented approach is borne out by the
experience of one of the authors of this chapter—Kuchah Kuchah—in
Cameroon. Sonaiya’s (2002) argument about the incompatibility of
autonomy with an African ‘communal aspect of learning’ (cited above)
was disproved in this experience, since it was precisely via a collective effort
that Kuchah and his students were able to develop autonomous learning
as a rescue solution to the challenges they faced, namely, large classes of
more than 200 teenagers in temperatures above 46 °C and with almost no
textbooks to rely on. Students were enabled to work with learning materi-
als they had helped provide as well as with negotiated pedagogic practices
that helped them and their peers to attain learning objectives that were
both relevant to them and consistent with the syllabus requirements.
Thus, a number of educators familiar with the difficult circumstances of
classrooms in developing country contexts have, at different times, devel-
oped and advocated autonomy-oriented practices as a way to overcome
practical difficulties, even though they were not, in most cases, actually
inspired by learner autonomy theory. Thus, they were engaged in pedago-
gies of autonomy though not for autonomy, according to the distinction
made by Kuchah and Smith (2011).
It is probable that there are many other such cases, yet to be described
and identified, whose documentation would be of great use within the
kind of context-sensitive ‘enhancement approach’ to teacher development
described in Kuchah (2013), advocated by the Teaching English in Large
Classes research and development network (bit.ly/TELCnet-home) and
promoted in the current University of Warwick ‘Teacher-research for dif-
ficult circumstances’ impact initiative (warwick.ac.uk/trdc). Along with
Kuchah (ibid.), Smith, Padwad and Bullock (forthcoming) provide
examples of how stories of success can usefully be shared in a teacher
development workshop situation, while Lamb and Wedell (2013) have
highlighted the value of capturing and sharing the experiences of what
they term ‘inspiring teachers’ in China and Indonesia.
Taken together, these concrete examples constitute a firm argument
against the idea that autonomy-oriented pedagogy is inappropriate in devel-
oping country contexts or that it is necessarily an imposed western ideal—in
fact, we have seen the argument reversed: a pedagogy of autonomy can be
18 R. SMITH ET AL.
very appropriate indeed, precisely because it works with the ‘social auton-
omy’ (Holliday, 2003) that learners bring to the classroom. Thus, a peda-
gogy of autonomy can be viewed as a kind of ‘becoming- appropriate
methodology’ par excellence, as Smith (2003) has previously argued.
To be quite clear, we are not advocating any specific form of pedagogy.
Subscribing to the contextualist paradigm of educational reform (Elliott,
2014), which emphasizes the cultural situatedness of all educational prac-
tices, we are well aware of the difficulty in transferring teaching approaches
from one context to another, and indeed of the long history of failure in the
export from the west of ‘learner-centred’ educational approaches
(Schweisfurth, 2011). Rather, we are suggesting that autonomy—as the
ability to take control of one’s own learning—is an essential characteristic of
all successful learners and can be found everywhere if we know how to look.
A previous volume (Palfreyman & Smith, 2003) showed how learner
autonomy can and does take varied forms in different national, institutional
or sociocultural settings, and can be cultivated in diverse institutions and
classrooms. As Holliday (2003, 2005) points out, however, it is often missed
by educators, especially those looking with western eyes, because it may not
be displayed in forms that they recognize (e.g. assertive expression of per-
sonal ideas), or in the educational contexts that they expect (e.g. class-
rooms), nor articulated in the same terms by teachers. Sometimes it can be
seen outside the classroom as countering what goes on in the classroom (as
in the preceding section), but it can also be tapped into within the class-
room by certain educators, as we have illustrated in the present section.
Research Priority 2 There is a need for more research into and sharing of
success stories of teaching in low-resource classrooms, to assist in building
appropriate methodology from the bottom upwards. Cases of successful
teaching should be viewed and analysed on their own terms, but can also
provide fertile ground for understanding how ‘social autonomy’ can be
engaged in particular contexts.
Needs for Bottom-Up Research with and/or

by Teachers and Learners Themselves
We have argued that identifying and describing cases of autonomy outside

class and inside class is useful, our underlying assumption being that this
will not just help to fill a ‘theoretical’ gap but can have significant practical
implications, especially where teacher development—as touched on in the
last section—is concerned. However, the question arises of who should do

the research that is needed if learner autonomy is to be better understood,
engaged and enhanced in outside-class and classroom contexts in the
developing world.
The question is an important one partly because there is an ever-
present danger of inappropriate imposition of ideas onto educators in the
contexts concerned. For example, however well-intentioned he may
individually have been, and however experience-based his ideas, Michael
West was himself a colonial educator (in what is now Bangladesh), and
some of his suggestions come across as rather paternalistic for this reason
(Kuchah, Padwad and Smith, in process). There are needs for self-con-
scious decentring, indeed decolonizing of English language teaching
methodology and discourse, in particular (ibid.), and this is not neces-
sarily best served by academic studies emanating from northern/western
universities. Locating the control of research in the hands of academics
from the countries concerned is not by itself adequate as a solution
either, although it may be a step in the right direction, since there has
been a worldwide ‘neocolonization’ of English language teacher devel-
opment by applied linguistics, even as former colonies have gained polit-
ical independence. Divorces between theory and practice are therefore
just as prevalent in developing countries as elsewhere (see, e.g. Clarke
1994), and overly academic studies, even if carried out by researchers in
the countries concerned, are unlikely to have much resonance with or
impact on people there.
Adopting a participant-centred approach to research and to associated
teacher development therefore appears necessary, indeed appropriately
autonomy-oriented, in developing country contexts. This might involve
two aspects, relating to participation and actual control by teachers and by
learners themselves, considered now in turn.
Research with and by Teachers

One possibly appropriate alternative to purely academic research is
‘Teacher Association (TA) Research’, as developed by Smith and Kuchah
(2016) with the Cameroon English Language and Literature Teachers
Association (CAMELTA). By analogy with ‘teacher-research’, TA research
is defined as ‘systematic inquiry which is derived from members’ expressed
priorities and officially endorsed by a TA, and which engages members as
active participants in what they see as a collective project to improve
20 R. SMITH ET AL.
understanding and practice’ (Smith & Kuchah, 2016, p. 215). Academic

expertise can be enlisted in the service of such a project, as has occurred in
the Cameroonian case, but control of the ongoing research remains in the
hands of the TA itself, assuring relevance to the lives of members. So far,
in line with research priority 2 (above), CAMELTA research has uncov-
ered a large number of success stories and solutions to common classroom
problems which, shared across the membership, provide useful starting
points for members’ continuing professional development. The idea
emphasized above, that successful practice in difficult circumstances is
often relatable to engagement of learner autonomy, appears to find strong
support in the data gathered so far (see the CAMELTA website, http://
camelta-cameroon.weebly.com/resources--useful-links.html). TA mem-
bers have given some quite clear indications, additionally, that they feel
their own autonomy has been enhanced via engagement in the project
(see, for example, Smith and Kuchah, 2016).
The engagement and enhancement of teachers’ own autonomy in
relation to their professional development can, of course, be seen as a
major aim of practitioner research generally (cf. Dikilitaş & Griffiths,
2017; Smith & Course, 2014). A major issue, though, is whether teacher-
research is actually feasible, in particular in the kinds of difficult circum-
stance we have been describing (one aspect of such circumstances often
being the high number of hours teachers have to devote to teaching and
marking, and the fact that they may need to engage in private tutoring
and/or work at more than one institution in order to make ends meet).
While collective, open-ended questionnaire-based TA research was devel-
oped in the Cameroon case as an alternative to more individualistic, pos-
sibly unfeasible teacher-research, a happy medium appears to have been
struck in another recent Teacher Association project, this time one orga-
nized by the All-India Network of English Teachers (AINET) in
2015–16. Here, the difficulties of lack of time and support for individual
teacher-research in difficult circumstances appear to have been success-
fully addressed via volunteering and much collaborative activity within
the association.
Other approaches to making teacher-research appropriate in relatively
difficult circumstances have included the discussion-based practice
described by Naidu, Neeraja, Ramani, Sivakumar and Viswanatha (1992)
(again, a collective, collaborative approach); Exploratory Practice, as
developed in Rio de Janeiro (see Allwright & Lenzuen, 1997; Allwright,
Lenzuen, Mazzillo & Miller, 1994); and Exploratory Action Research, as
developed originally in the context of the Chilean Champion Teachers

programme (Smith, 2015; Smith, Connelly & Rebolledo, 2014). In all
three of these approaches, clarification and exploration of a problematic
situation or puzzle is prioritized over action for change, and research pro-
cedures are not presented as an additional burden but as something teach-
ers can integrate into a busy teaching schedule, while nonacademic,
teacher-friendly sharing of findings is also emphasized. Thus, not only
teaching but also teacher-research requires procedures to be specifically
tailored to difficult circumstances.
Research with and by Learners

As with research involving teachers (above), a genuinely autonomy-
oriented approach to research in developing country contexts would
involve not so much research on or into learners as research with them, and
even by them. As already indicated above, Kuchah’s (2013) research
involved participative, child-friendly research methods enabling rich data
to be gathered which revealed signs of autonomy in inside-class and
outside-class language learning (see also Kuchah & Pinter, 2012). As
would be expected, many of the children indicated that they liked lessons
in whose practice exercises they scored good marks. But the excerpt below
shows something different:
KinivoB1: This is my best lesson… I had a zero in the exercise.

Harry: So it was your best lesson because you had a zero?
KinivoB1: No, because [the teacher] did not tell us what to do, so I had
zero. But after, my friend explain[ed] to me what I was supposed to do, and
I know it very well now.
Harry: Wait a minute. Who helps you to understand more? Your friend or
your teacher?
KinivoB1: I understand better when my friend explains to me. (Kuchah,
2013, p. 136)
Whether we look at this as an example of peer support, collaborative

learning or whatever terminology we assign to it, the point is that it was
the child’s personal decision to seek for help from her friend and, in doing
so, she was able to understand the lesson better. In a large class of 103
10-/11-year-olds, this is just one instance of autonomous (or teacher-
independent) learning which could be built on further.
22 R. SMITH ET AL.
Pedagogies of autonomy can, indeed, be built up on this basis of access-

ing learners’ voices in a child-friendly and context-sensitive manner. Of
course, this is not a new finding for teachers who have been engaged in
pedagogy of/for autonomy, but if more research findings can be shared
which highlight the existence and rationality of students’ opinions regard-
ing their learning, more teachers could be expected to take notice.
Teachers can and do—of course—discover learners’ autonomy for them-
selves, and one way this discovery can occur is, precisely, via the kind of
teacher-research approach we have described above. Engagement in teacher-
research which involves exploration of students’ perceptions can lead teach-
ers to understand learners better for themselves—perhaps the major outcome
of the Chilean Champion Teachers project, for example, has been that
teachers learn to listen to and thereby understand their students better than
before (see Rebolledo, Smith & Bullock, 2016; Smith et al., 2014).
Indeed, in recent manifestations of Exploratory Practice (e.g. Allwright
and Hanks, 2009), the learner is conceived of as a researcher—or explorer
of classroom life—just as much as the teacher. Pinter, Mathew and Smith
(2016) have additionally shown that pre-teenage children can be engaged
appropriately and successfully in activities whereby they themselves act as
coresearchers, in the context of teacher-research activity in Indian primary
classrooms. Not only are interesting findings produced for a wider reader-
ship, the children themselves also benefit from the research process in that
their autonomy is engaged and developed even as it is explored. Thus,
finally, we wish to emphasize the importance in autonomy-oriented
research of considering in whose interests the research is taking place and
ensuring that participants’ interests are both protected and well-served,
ideally via involvement of them in controlling and carrying out the
research, to their own immediate and/or long-term benefit.
Research Priority 3 Engage teachers and learners themselves in research

which both respects and contributes ethically to the development of their
own autonomy, enabling expression of their voices and engagement of
their agency, and avoiding research simply ‘on’ or ‘into’ them.
Conclusion
We have indicated some studies which have begun to treat the area of
learner autonomy in developing countries, but we have also pointed out
that much remains to be researched, shown why it is worthwhile to do
such research and indicated how it might be approached. We think there

is justification in considering ‘developing countries’ as a distinct type of
context which has so far been under-researched, despite the dangers of
essentialization involved.
As we have seen, cases of success from teachers’ and learners’ own per-
spectives can be usefully gathered, analysed and disseminated with a view to
enhancement of professional practice. One central issue worthy of further
reflection and research concerns the role of teachers: does it matter whether
they actually do try to foster learner autonomy deliberately or whether
learner autonomy is a kind of by-product of the limitations of school lan-
guage education? Another important area for research concerns the poten-
tial benefits of using ICT to enhance learning in remote rural contexts.
Research in these areas will, crucially, need to involve teachers and
learners themselves. Indeed, a central theme has been the importance of
participants becoming involved centrally as actors in research, appropriately
to an autonomy paradigm, not just having research done ‘into’ or ‘onto’
them. We have, in other words, highlighted the value of learners and
teachers themselves being engaged in explorations of their learning and
teaching lives—especially in the light of concerns that autonomy should
not be just the latest in a long line of fashionable academic concepts to be
‘dumped’ inappropriately in the developing world. As autonomy research-
ers we need to be conscious of the power relations involved in research
and not just in teacher education and pedagogy.
Finally, in this chapter, we have mainly discussed how aspects of the
situation in developing countries might form a context for the develop-
ment of learner and, to some extent, teacher autonomy. However, it would
be interesting to consider, additionally, to what extent a greater engage-
ment and enhancement of learner and teacher autonomy could contribute
to the overall development of the countries in question. After all, the word
‘developing’ implies a more positive perspective than the deficit indicators
which are typically used to define a ‘developing country’ (lower standard
of living, undeveloped industrial base and moderate-to-low Human
Development Index (HDI) relative to other countries). The relationship
between learner/teacher autonomy and developing standards of living, an
improved industrial base and raised HDI measures, attainment of
Sustainable Development Goals in the area of quality of educational provi-
sion and the identification of paths for development which are internally
generated, could usefully be considered as additional areas for further
investigation.
24 R. SMITH ET AL.
Acknowledgement We are grateful to David Palfreyman for originating the

thinking in the final paragraph, by means of his useful comments on an earlier
draft of the chapter. We also acknowledge the support of the United Kingdom
Economic and Social Research Council (grant number ES/M500434/1).
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CHAPTER 3
Language Teacher Autonomy and Social

Censure
Xuesong Gao
Abstract Teacher autonomy has been acknowledged as central to teach-

ers’ efforts to promote learner autonomy. However, language teachers’
exercise of autonomy has been increasingly undermined by shifting socio-
cultural conditions and educational reforms. Drawing on data collected in
studies on teachers’ professional vulnerability, this chapter explores how
language teachers’ autonomy and professional practices are undermined
by bureaucratic management and marketization of education that drove
various educational reform initiatives. These findings indicate that it has
become critical for language teachers to address the challenge of social
censure in pursuit of being autonomous language teachers. Further
research is needed to collect teachers’ experiential narratives and decon-
struct the sources of professional vulnerability in these narratives with
them so that they can be better prepared for the challenge of being
autonomous.
Keywords Teacher autonomy • Social censure • Professional vulnerability •

Paradox of power • Agency • Educational reforms
X. Gao (*)
School of Education, University of New South Wales, Sydney, Australia

30 X. GAO
Introduction
Language teacher educators have long acknowledged the importance
of promoting autonomy or ‘the capacity to take control of one’s learn-
ing’ among language learners (Benson, 2001, p. 61). As language cur-
ricula incorporate the notion of autonomy in many contexts, language
teacher educators have also appreciated the critical role that language
teachers play in implementing innovative pedagogical practices that
help enhance autonomous language learning (e.g. Benson, 2010;
Lamb, 2008). In light of recent advances in sociocultural perspectives
on language learner autonomy, teachers are also being seen as key
agents in mediating learners’ autonomy development (e.g. Deters, Gao,
Miller & Vitanova, 2014; Lamb & Reinders, 2008; Murray, Gao &
Lamb, 2011). Consequently language teachers are expected to assume
multiple roles such as learning facilitator, learner developer and coun-
selor, in addition to the traditional pedagogical roles in delivering
English lessons.
The assumption of these new roles constitutes a significant profes-
sional challenge for many language teachers who have had little experi-
ence of the type of learning they are expected to provide or who do not
have the relevant skills or capacities for executing these roles. For this
reason, language teacher educators committed to promoting learner
autonomy have devoted discussions to the connection between learner
autonomy and teacher autonomy, or teachers’ ‘capacity to improve their
own teaching through their own efforts’ and ‘freedom to be able to
teach in the way that one wants to teach’ (Lamb, 2008, p. 275; also see
Benson, 2010; Little, 1995; Smith, 2003). These discussions have usu-
ally reached the conclusion that a close link between teacher autonomy
and learner autonomy exists since teachers who did not experience
autonomy in learning and do not have capacity for critical reflection on
prior learning experiences are unlikely to support language learners’
autonomous learning (e.g. Lamb & Reinders, 2008). They also recog-
nize the complex nature of teacher autonomy with emphasis upon the
profound influences of prior learning experiences and commitment to
professional development on teachers’ acquisition and development of
relevant skills and capacity for promoting autonomous learning (e.g.
Little, 1995). It has also been noted in these discussions that teachers’
exercise of autonomy takes place in particular contexts and is mediated
by a variety of contextual processes and conditions. In this chapter, I
LANGUAGE TEACHER AUTONOMY AND SOCIAL CENSURE 31
would like to argue that language teacher educators devote much more
attention to these contextual processes and conditions when preparing
language teachers for teacher autonomy.
In many contexts, ironically, the very educational reforms that rely
on teacher autonomy to promote better, autonomous learning among
students undermine teachers’ autonomy and their capacity to take con-
trol of teaching. Specifically, educational reforms often create a relent-
less accountability system, which constrains autonomy (e.g. Codd,
2005). Educational reforms together with marketization of education
and shifting sociocultural conditions in these contexts have made
teachers increasingly vulnerable to societal censure of professional
practices, which is likely to weaken effective control of learning and
teaching (Gao, 2008; Gordon, 2005). In contexts such as China, where
competence in strategically important foreign languages such as English
is highly valued, language teachers are subject to even closer public
scrutiny of their professional practices. It has become critical for lan-
guage teacher educators to address the challenge of such social censure
in order to help these language teachers assert themselves as autono-
mous language teachers. Drawing on my own studies of social censure
of teachers’ professional practices in Chinese contexts (Gao, 2008,
2011), this chapter presents such social censure as a serious challenge
for language teachers to remind language teacher educators of the
intricate contextual constraints that language teachers need to address
in achieving teacher autonomy. To this end, this chapter briefly dis-
cusses what researchers have learned about language teacher autonomy
and how shifting contextual conditions may mediate the exercise of
autonomy.
Language Teacher Autonomy and Educational

Reforms
In language learning and teaching research, teacher autonomy is often
‘viewed more as a professional capacity’ (Benson, 2010, p. 263). An
autonomous teacher, in Little’s (1995, p. 179) theorization, has ‘a strong
sense of personal responsibility for their teaching, [exercise] via continu-
ous reflection and analysis the highest possible degree of affective and
cognitive control of the teaching process, and [exploits] the freedom that
this confers’. Little (1995) further contends that ‘learner autonomy and
32 X. GAO
teacher autonomy are interdependent’ and ‘the promotion of learner

autonomy depends on the promotion of teacher autonomy’ (ibid).
Drawing attention to the mediating effects of contextual conditions,
Benson (2010, p. 263) argues that teachers exercise their capacity to con-
trol teaching within multiple constraints such as ‘school rules and conven-
tions, textbooks and curricula, educational policy and conceptions of
language as an educational subject matter that condition what counts as
foreign language teaching and learning’. For this reason, it is important to
note that teacher autonomy also entails teachers’ freedom as a necessary
condition. In other words, teacher autonomy should be understood both
as teachers’ ‘freedom and internal capacity’, which has the following
dimensions in relation to professional action and professional develop-
ment (Smith, 2003, p. 4):
1. In relation to teachers’ professional action, teacher autonomy refers

to teachers’ ‘self-directed professional action’, ‘capacity for self-
directed professional action’ and ‘freedom from control over profes-
sional action’.
2. In relation to teachers’ professional development action, teacher
autonomy refers to teachers’ ‘self-directed professional develop-
ment’, ‘capacity for self-directed professional development’ and
‘freedom from control over self-directed professional development’.
Unfortunately, many language teachers work in conditions where they

enjoy little freedom in relation to their teaching and professional develop-
ment. They often work with undermined professional authority under
challenging conditions where ongoing educational reforms and shifting
sociocultural conditions make them increasingly vulnerable. In spite of the
critical role that teacher autonomy has in promoting learner autonomy,
language teachers’ autonomy has been increasingly undermined by educa-
tional reforms that strengthen bureaucratic management of teaching and
escalate the marketization of education, which subject teachers’ practices
and performance to close social scrutiny (e.g. Codd, 2005; Elliott, 2004;
Gao, 2008, 2011).
In addition, recent educational reforms have created a structural condi-
tion in which many teachers feel threatened as they are ‘questioned by
others (principal, parents)’ about their ‘professional identity and moral
integrity’ and lose ‘control of the processes and tasks they felt responsible
for as teachers’ (Kelchtermans, 2005, p. 997). These reforms often create
a tightened regime of accountability, which scrutinizes teachers’ profes-

sional competence with externally developed performance standards (e.g.
Codd, 2005). As marketization of education has resulted in the need for
parents to invest more in their child’s education, both parents and stu-
dents have been transformed into consumers who can legitimately censure
teachers’ performance (e.g. Codd, 2005; Gao, 2008).
Shifting sociocultural conditions have also challenged teachers’ profes-
sional authority, which is fundamental for them to initiate and sustain
cooperative relationship with students in delivering classroom activities
(e.g. Gao, 2008; Kelchtermans, 2005). As a result, these educational
reforms have made teachers feel both deskilled and threatened by reinforc-
ing an accountability system and allowing vociferous parents to critically
scrutinize teachers (e.g. Elliott, 2004; Sachs, 2001; Troman, 2000). In
the Chinese context, public scrutiny of teachers has been exacerbated by
cultural traditions supposed to empower teachers with professional author-
ity (Gao, 2008). Although the Chinese cultural traditions bestow a high
social status on teachers, it also burdens them with heavy societal expecta-
tions because of the cultural heritage that reveres teachers. This phenom-
enon is summarized by Schoenhals (1993) as a paradox of power, which
‘places the higher status individual under a great burden to conform to
society’s moral norms, and make them more vulnerable to being named
and shamed in the event of failure’ (Schoenhals 1993, p. 199).
Previous research in the Chinese context has identified that good teach-
ers are expected to be not only experts in their subjects but also caring
figures to the students (Gao, 2008). They are also expected to be morally
and ethically impeccable so that they can be role models and mentors for
students (e.g. Gordon, 2005; Ouyang, 2003; Wong, 2001; Yang, 2004).
The ideological propaganda of the government in mainland China has
consistently portrayed teachers as ‘soul engineers’, responsible for cultivat-
ing moral qualities among students (e.g. Boyle, 2000; Hu, 2002; Ouyang,
2003), or ‘silkworms’, diligently spinning silk thread till death, or ‘can-
dles’, selflessly burning themselves to light others (e.g. He, 2002). These
metaphors stress the importance of teachers being altruistic and self-
sacrificing. The public closely scrutinize the professional practices and
private behaviors of teachers, including those of language teachers, with
reference to these highly demanding cultural expectations. Failing to
comply with such cultural norms, the public can criticize and pressurize
teachers, adding an additional spectrum of professional vulnerability to
teachers in the Chinese contexts as shown in my analyses of Internet
34 X. GAO
iscussions concerning teachers and language teachers (Gao, 2008, 2011).

d
They draw language teacher educators’ attention to these constraints on
language teachers’ assertion of teacher autonomy, which language teach-
ers need to be prepared for.
Data Sources
This chapter draws data from two studies on teachers’ professional vulner-
ability and critical societal censure in mainland China and Hong Kong.
Both studies were based on Internet discussions concerning teachers and
language teachers (Gao, 2008, 2011). The study by Gao (2008) is an
examination of discussions in an online teachers’ community where teach-
ers shared their professional experiences. The researcher collected 8398
strands of online discussions with 44,645 responses over three months.
The focus was on identifying whether a discussion was related to teachers
and what feelings these identified posts expressed about teachers. The
analysis was facilitated by the researcher’s observation of online discussion
activities for 6 months prior to it, which helped him become familiar with
the topics and netizens’ (Internet citizens) behaviors. Gao’s (2011) study
is an interpretive inquiry into netizens’ comments on an online newspaper
story on the results of Language Proficiency Attainment of Teachers of
English (LPATE) test, a high stakes test that grants English language
teachers permission to teach English in Hong Kong’s public schools. The
newspaper story mentions the spelling and grammatical mistakes that a
few English test takers had made in the LPATE test before asking netizens
to respond to a provoking question: Do you think that teachers should be
held responsible for the ‘falling’ language standards among our students?
The researcher collected 650 responses from 350 netizens in five days.
Many responses were apparently from teachers, students and parents.
Most of the responses were about English language teachers, but some
were also related to Chinese language (Putonghua) teachers. The analysis
categorized these responses into three major categories, including expec-
tations of teachers, educational reforms and contextual changes that affect
the pedagogical process. Although the two studies were conducted in two
different contexts with different research objectives, both studies reveal
how teachers are becoming increasingly vulnerable because of critical soci-
etal censure. In Gao’s (2008) study, teachers shared and discussed negative
professional experiences, but their sharing was constantly interrupted by
non-teacher netizens (‘Internet citizens’) who believed they had no
grounds for complaint. Gao (2011) documented how non-teacher neti-

zens zealously criticized language teachers for failing to discharge their
duties properly while teachers and language teachers tried their best to
defend their professional integrity.
Language Teachers’ Professional Vulnerability

and Undermined Autonomy
The data collected from two online sites revealed that performance and
practices of teachers and language teachers are undermined by the general
public’s critical censures in mainland China and Hong Kong. A close
examination of the discussion posts also suggests the sources of teachers’
professional vulnerability and confirms that many teachers struggle with
the bureaucratic control of professional practices, consequences of mar-
ketization and a cultural paradox of ‘power’ in their professional lives.
Mainland China and Hong Kong have quite different educational systems
and sociocultural conditions, but the ways teachers and language teachers
are censured by the public appear to be no different, suggesting the ‘cul-
tural paradox of power’ associated with the Chinese cultural tradition can
be used to understand the societal censure of teachers in both contexts.
Bureaucratic Control of Teachers’ Professional Practices

Autonomy researchers have stressed that teachers should have freedom to
follow professional practices as an integral part of teacher autonomy (e.g.
Benson, 2010; Smith, 2003). Unfortunately, teachers’ experiences posted
in the mainland Chinese online forum reveal that professional lives are
subject to increasingly tight administrative monitoring. Bureaucratic con-
trol of teachers’ professional practices adds a huge amount of workload as
they are required to fill up numerous forms and submit countless reports
to school administrators. One teacher reported a primary school teacher’s
death caused by heavy workload, as follows:
Extract 1
We have recently learnt from the Internet that a primary school teacher died
suddenly when preparing evaluation materials. We have heard many rumors
about the cause. However, only those who have worked as teachers in
schools know the real cause behind the death. Just look at the list of m
aterials
36 X. GAO
needed for our work evaluation at the end of an academic term: (1) home-
room class teacher’s work plan, (2) homeroom class activity plan, (3) subject
teaching plan, (4) improvement plan for underachieving students, (5) IT in
classroom teaching plan, (6) subject teaching research plan, and (7) materi-
als for Green Campus movement and so on. These are the materials we have
to prepare for the inspectors to evaluate us; they just have a casual look and
put them aside. In addition to the materials preparation, we have to teach,
prepare for teaching, mark student assignments, help students in learning
and prepare for all kinds of exams, assessment, evaluation, training and per-
formance competitions. (Gao, 2008, pp. 159–160)
The long list of duties, including many administrative chores, leads one
to infer that teachers had a really challenging time in coping with the work-
load at school. It is worrisome that teachers not only sacrifice health but also
spend valuable time for teaching in response to the administrative monitor-
ing mechanism in mainland China. In Hong Kong also, teachers do not
have better working conditions. One netizen, apparently a teacher in Hong
Kong, made the following comment on his or her professional lives:
Extract 2
The teachers’ main duty is to teach. However, teachers nowadays have no

time and energy for teaching. They are pushed to upgrade their professional
knowledge, do self learning and self-evaluation and promote their schools,
etc. (85, translated from Chinese). (Gao, 2011, p. 493)
Language teacher educators may find it comforting to know that teach-

ers in Hong Kong are driven to ‘upgrade their professional knowledge’
and pursue professional development. However, these professional devel-
opment efforts can be counterproductive if teachers ‘have no time and
energy for teaching’. This teacher does not see these professional develop-
ment activities as something meaningful for his or her teaching. Instead,
the teacher thought that these activities were meant to help promote their
schools and can be regarded as a means for school administrators to con-
trol his or her professional lives. These administrative measures do not
create more room for critical reflection on professional enhancement. In
contrast, they deprive teachers of the valuable time and space needed for
critical reflection and pedagogical improvement. In some mainland
Chinese schools, as reported in the online discussion, school principals
have assumed great control over their professional activities, leaving no
room for teachers to act on their own. One netizen used a doggerel verse
to capture his or her professional experience as follows:
Extract 3
The principals become the Lord and the numbers of leaders multiply.
We become slaves for our students and work overtime day and night.
Collegiate relationships are tense and regular work checks are tight.
Better treatment is a joke and in reality, teaching shortens our life. (Gao,
2008, p. 160)
This verse also reveals an increasingly complex school administration

structure with multiple ‘leaders’, which is seen by these teacher partici-
pants as a mechanism to enslave teachers through regular monitoring of
their work. The general public perceive teaching as a highly secure profes-
sion, but educational decentralization in China means schools have auton-
omy to manage their own finances and principals the right to hire and fire
teachers (Wong, 2004). This must have created complex relationships
between school principals and teachers. As reflected in the mainland
Chinese teachers’ sharing, some principals use the rhetoric of educational
reform and accountability to pressurize teachers to work even harder.
Echoing the message in Extract 3, the following extract indicates the ris-
ing pressure on teachers at workplace:
Extract 4
The principal acts like an emperor. We had a three-hour meeting today. In

three hours, he referred to ‘your contract will be terminated’ over a hundred
times! This is how he forces us to work even harder, without complaining.
Otherwise, you will be fired. (ibid)
It is unclear whether this teacher works in a private school and how

representative his experience is. The large number of posts on the Internet
creates an impression that the educational reforms and initiatives have led
to a situation in which ‘schools are factories, teachers are workers and
students are products’ (Gao, 2008, p. 161). Teachers are increasingly
being deskilled and devoid of room and space for exercising autonomy.
While teachers are constrained by their institutional set-up, the general
public, including parents and students, are becoming increasingly vocal
and articulate in criticizing teachers’ professional practices.
Another random document with
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culla delle adunanze repubblicane. Il piccolo Genovesato, unitevi per
forza Arquata, Ronco, Torreglia e i feudi imperiali, è diviso in quattro
dipartimenti, e ordinato militarmente all’uopo di trarne soldati. Ai
nobili spiaceva la prepotenza straniera, ai preti l’incameramento dei
beni ecclesiastici e il distacco da Roma, al popolo gl’insoliti accatti;
onde violentemente si ammutinarono le valli, e la forza e la forca
bisognarono per domarli (7bre).
Buonaparte, che rappresentava la forza espansiva della rivoluzione,
allorchè partì dalla Cisalpina lasciandovi Berthier con trentamila
uomini, le diceva: — La libertà donatavi senza fazioni, senza morti,
senza rivoluzioni, sappiate conservarla. Voi, dopo Francia, la più
ricca e popolosa repubblica, siete chiamati a gran cose. Fate leggi
con saviezza e moderazione, eseguitele con vigore, propagate le
dottrine, rispettate la religione; riempite i vostri battaglioni, non di
vagabondi ma di cittadini leali e caldi d’ardore repubblicano; sentite
la forza e dignità vostra, quale richiedesi a liberi. Dopo tanti anni di
tirannide, non avreste da voi potuto ricuperare la libertà, ma fra
breve potrete da voi tutelarla. Io vado, ma ricomparirò fra voi non sì
tosto un ordine del mio Governo o il pericolo vostro mi richiami.
Anche lontano amerò sempre la felicità e la gloria della vostra
repubblica».
Il suo ritorno in Francia (9 xbre) fu un continuo trionfo: all’esercito fu
dal Direttorio presentata una bandiera, ove leggevasi in oro:
«L’esercito d’Italia fe cencinquantamila prigioni, prese censettanta
bandiere, cinquecentocinquantacinque pezzi d’assedio, seicento da
campagna, cinque equipaggi da ponte, nove vascelli, dodici fregate,
dodici corvette, diciotto galee. Armistizio coi re di Sardegna e di
Napoli, col papa, coi duchi di Parma e di Modena. Preliminari di
Leoben. Convenzione di Montebello colla repubblica di Genova.
Pace di Tolentino e di Campoformio. Data libertà ai popoli di
Bologna, Ferrara, Modena, Massa, Carrara, della Romagna, della
Lombardia, di Brescia, Bergamo, Mantova, Cremona, parte del
Veronese, Chiavenna, Bormio, la Valtellina; ai popoli di Genova, ai
feudi imperiali, ai dipartimenti di Corcira, del mar Egeo e d’Itaca.
Spedito a Parigi i capolavori di Michelangelo, Rafaello, Leonardo.
Trionfato in diciotto battaglie ordinate: Montenotte, Millesimo,
Mondovì, Lodi, Borghetto, Lonato, Castiglione, Roveredo, Bassano,
San Giorgio, Fontanino, Caldiero, Arcole, Rivoli, la Favorita, il
Tagliamento, Tarvis, Neumarckt. Dato settantasette combattimenti».
A quei vanti sarebbonsi potuti aggiungere almeno cinquanta milioni
di lire, che Buonaparte mandò per servizio dello Stato: egli che in
contribuzioni avea tirato venticinque milioni dalla Lombardia,
ottocentomila lire da Mantova, ducentomila dai feudi imperiali,
seicentomila da Massa e Carrara, dieci milioni da Modena, venti da
Parma e Piacenza, trenta dal papa, sei da Venezia, otto dallo spoglio
de’ magazzini inglesi. Le feste non finivano al giovane vincitore: i
giornali ne riferivano ogni atto o gesto, come di re; il popolo cominciò
a guardarlo come l’uomo suo, e stupiva che, in tanta gloria, avesse
sì poca ambizione. Non avea di fatto quella piccola che esala in
intrighi, e portando gli sguardi ben alto, meditava un’impresa che
crescesse la sua gloria senza dar ombra a una rivoluzione, la quale
aveva schiacciato chiunque avea voluto imbrigliarla.
L’India non è il paese da cui l’Inghilterra trae tutta la potenza, e
quelle droghe e quel cotone che le fanno tributario tutto il mondo?
Se dunque si voglia spegnere quest’implacabile nemica della
repubblica francese, bisogna ferirla in quel suo cuore; e via per
giungervi non può essere che l’Egitto. Conquistato questo il
Mediterraneo è reso un lago francese, e per l’istmo di Suez e pel
mar Rosso è dominata la via diretta alle Indie. Le navi e le isole
carpite a Venezia, tre milioni sottratti al tesoro di Berna, i suoi
veterani d’Italia gli varranno ad un’impresa che più gli arride perchè
straordinaria; e fatti in gran secreto i preparativi, salpa da Tolone
(1798 19 maggio), con cinquecento vele, quarantamila uomini,
diecimila marinaj e sommi capitani.
L’Ordine di Malta, ultima reliquia delle Crociate, da un secolo viveva
in depravata oscurità, fra minuti litigi interni e dissipate congiure.
Pingui commende in tutti i regni erano investite a cavalieri discoli e
gaudenti, cadetti d’illustri famiglie, cui il voto di castità non serviva
che a sacrilegio, e quello di povertà a lauti ozj. La marina, ond’essi
avrebbero dovuto assicurare il Mediterraneo dai Barbareschi,
conservava qualche galera appena per corse di piacere, nè tampoco
impedendo agli Algerini di corseggiare le coste d’Italia. Dovea
dunque perire; e prevedendo che l’Inghilterra alla prima occasione
metterebbe le mani su quell’isola, Buonaparte vuole prevenirla; e di
sorpresa sbarcato (12 giugno), l’ha dopo lieve ostacolo. Non veduto
procede di mezzo alle crociere inglesi; là pure proclamando libertà
(luglio), conquista Alessandria, vince al Cairo, e sottrae dai
Mamelucchi il basso Egitto.
I trionfi d’Italia e d’Egitto erano la sola parte nobile negli avvenimenti
d’allora. Il Direttorio di Francia, debole come tutti i Governi che
sbocciano da una rivoluzione, parea volesse spingerla anzichè
sistemarla allorquando tutti sentivano bisogno di riposo e di legalità;
fuori menava intrighi politici, insultava papi e re; dentro accusava
incessantemente i realisti e i preti, vantava legalità e la ledeva, era a
continue baruffe in consiglio, mentre la calma rimetteasi nelle strade,
usava violenze nel governare, mentre la gente era caduta nella
noncuranza; a Buonaparte invidiava la gloria mentre vivea del
riflesso di questa.
Di tale vanitosa debolezza risentivansi le nostre repubbliche.
Oltrechè niun popolo ama una costituzione, che una volontà
estranea gli diede e può togliere e mutare, il governare riusciva
difficile dove la libertà e l’eguaglianza essendo intese nel senso più
materiale, tutti credeansi in diritto di comandare e nessuno in dovere
d’obbedire; le plebi si lagnavano dei Governi municipali, questi degli
eserciti, eserciti e popolo dei commissarj di Francia: ed è in questi
rammarichi che si logorano i nervi d’una nazione.
Quasi fosse fatale a tutte le nostre rivoluzioni di pensare meno a
consolidare la nazione, che a scinderla in partiti, nella Cisalpina tutto
andava in baruffe: aristocrati, democratici, preti, giacobini, agenti del
Direttorio, emissarj dell’Austria, milanesi, novaresi, transpadani,
veneti, formavano altrettante consorterie, che si contrariavano,
rinterzavano gl’intrighi, e voleano ognuna trarre a vantaggio proprio
la pubblica cosa. L’indipendenza non erasi ancora acquistata, e già
sull’uso da farne vituperavansi a vicenda federalisti e unitarj; questi
rinnegando tutta la storia per voler fondere i piccoli Stati in un unico
potente, quelli risparmiare la soverchia scossa col lasciare a
ciascuno la propria individualità; gli esagerati sorretti dagli uffiziali,
otteneano predominio nei consigli e nella legione lombarda; e
neppure i piccoli dissensi possono conciliarsi quando uno è
appoggiato dalla forza esterna. Tutto poi era guasto dalla
prepotenza militare: gli uffiziali come in paese di conquista
comandavano a bacchetta, esigevano, tassavano senza dare
ragione; coi commissarj di guerra si conchiudeano turpi baratti; la
società degli abbondanzieri col quattro per cento sugli appalti
comprava la connivenza dello stato maggiore; ne’ quadri appariva il
doppio di soldati che in realtà, e lo Stato li pagava.
Non bastando tre secoli di sanguinosi eventi a mostrarle che il
tenere serva una porzione d’Italia la obbliga a conflitti incessanti, la
repubblica francese non si contentò d’essere protettrice della nostra,
e la volle ausiliaria, obbligandola ad un trattato d’alleanza e uno di
commercio, e a pagare diciotto milioni l’anno per un corpo francese
da mantenervi. I nostri respingeano gagliardamente questi patti di
servitù; ma il generale Brune, succeduto nel comando a Berthier,
imprigionò i più caldi patrioti, fra cui Melchior Gioja; ai direttori
Moscati e Paradisi sostituì Lamberti e Testi, gittò una contribuzione
militare, e fece approvare i trattati.
Trouvé, giovane ingegnoso e caldo, redattore del Moniteur, mandato
a Milano perchè modificasse la costituzione, per quanto gli uffiziali
protestassero vedervi uno smacco a Buonaparte, coi moderati
sormonta (1798 1 7bre); dimezza i consigli, designando quali
persone conservare; sulla sistemata imposizione fonda il diritto
elettorale, e pone al direttorio Adelasio, Alessandri, Luosi e
l’avvocato e poeta Sopransi. Ma un nuovo intrigo del Direttorio
sostituisce a Trouvé l’esagerato Fouché, manutengolo di Barras, che
tutto sovverte; le bajonette del generale Brune collocano direttori
Brunetti, Seletti, Smancini; quand’ecco il Direttorio di Francia gli
manda lo scambio, e Joubert surrogatogli ripristina la costituzione di
Trouvé.
Questi mensili avvicendamenti toglievano ogni fiducia di durata, ed
esaurivano le finanze in modo, che dopo gli accatti e le tolte, si
dovette por mano anche ai beni dei capitoli, dei vescovi, delle
confraternite. Ne conseguiva una malavoglia universale, e il ricordo
di quei tempi fa molti aborrire anche adesso dalla libertà
repubblicana, non volendo accorgersi che quel che mancava era
appunto la libertà. Nulla al certo è più detestabile che il despotismo
militare; ma almeno allora si avea speranza che fosse precario, e
avvierebbe ai beni di cui siamo più sitibondi, la libertà e
l’indipendenza.
E a questi mirando, formossi allora un partito nazionale; e Pino,
Lahoz, Teulié, Birago, altri militari legaronsi nella società de’ Raggi
che aspirava all’indipendenza, favoriva i Francesi come barriera
contro i Tedeschi, ma sperando potere poi anche quelli escludere
con forze italiane. Fu la prima manifestazione del voto Italia farà da
sè: ma per effettuarlo occorreva anzitutto un buon esercito; poteva la
Cisalpina formarselo, costretta a mantenere venticinquemila soldati
forestieri?
Quella libertà alla francese continuava a distruggere le libertà
italiane. Sebbene il Direttorio raccomandasse di non fomentare le
insurrezioni, la casa di ciascun diplomatico francese era un focolajo,
dove scaldavansi quelli che febbricitavano di repubblica. Roma,
sfiancata dall’umiliazione, era aggredita da ogni parte, e più dai
paesi statile tolti; preti e papi erano il comune bersaglio dei giornali e
delle tribune; e sul teatro di Milano si sceneggiò il conclave. Pio VI
era stato costretto a imitare i rivoluzionarj, pigliando gli ori delle
chiese e i beni di manomorta, aggravezzando gli ecclesiastici,
avendo smesse le spese e le pompe, con cui pareva fare rivivere il
secolo dei Medici. Ne mormoravano i sudditi, già scandolezzati
dall’arricchirsi del suo nipote Braschi; i nobili parlottavano di
ristabilire un senato all’antica; i Giansenisti rigalleggiavano; pertutto
non si discorreva che del rancidume pretesco, di superstizioni
tarlate, di regno dei cieli staccato da quello della terra, di riformare,
di secolarizzare. La creazione d’una carta moneta portò al colmo il
disgusto contro il Governo di preti: un Ceracchi scultore s’arrischiò di
piantare l’albero sul monte Pincio: gli allievi dell’Accademia di
Francia tentarono levare rumore, nel qual fatto (1797 26 xbre)
sventuratamente cadde ucciso il generale francese Duphot.
— Assassinio, violazione del diritto pubblico» si grida allora;
Giuseppe Buonaparte ambasciadore abbassa lo stemma e se ne va;
e il Direttorio, declamando contro «quella potenza che sembrava
essere nata sotto il regno di Tiberio per appropriarsi i vizj del padre
di Nerone, e della quale da mille quattrocentun anni l’umanità
domandava la distruzione» [34], ciuffa molti milioni in diamanti del
papa deposti a Genova [35], e ingiunge a Berthier di menare
l’esercito contro la Babilonia, e «sbigottire il preteso gerarca della
Chiesa universale colla sua tiara in capo». Berthier ai già volenterosi
soldati porge nuovi eccitamenti a punire quel Governo, ma
risparmiare il popolo innocente e i riti; e senza dare spiegazione nè
trovare resistenza arriva a Roma (1798 15 febb.), vuole Castel
Sant’Angelo, promettendo rispettare il culto, gli stabilimenti pubblici,
le persone e le proprietà: ma subito la fa da padrone, congeda le
truppe pontifizie, arresta e prende ostaggi; getta contribuzioni,
sequestra i beni d’Inglesi, Russi, Portoghesi.
Appena si vedono drappellati i tre colori, una folla, di concerto con
Cervoni e Murat, proclama il popolo libero, nomina consoli: Berthier
trionfalmente s’insedia nel Quirinale; a Pio VI intima d’abdicare la
sovranità temporale, atteso ch’egli ne sia soltanto il depositario; e
perchè ricusa, gli ingiunge d’andarsene in Toscana. Il papa pregava
che, vecchio e convalescente, lo lasciasse morire in pace col suo
popolo, a’ suoi doveri; — Morire si può in qualsia luogo», gli fu
risposto. E dovette andarsene (19 febb.) non prima d’avere subito le
insultanti indagini di Haller, avidissimo fra gli avidi commissarj, che
gli tolse fin il bastone, fin un anello di dito: e talmente erano sbigottiti
gli animi, che nessuno protestò. Pio VI rifuggì in quella Toscana,
donde erangli venuti tanti disgusti; e al ministro Manfredini diceva: —
Queste disgrazie mi fanno sperare ch’io sia non indegno vicario di
Gesù Cristo; mi rammentano i primi anni della Chiesa, e quelli furono
gli anni del suo trionfo» [36].
I cardinali ed altri prelati sono mandati via; di quelli forestieri si
spogliano i palazzi, e così le chiese; è soppressa la Propaganda
«istituto affatto inutile», sperperandone la preziosa biblioteca e per
poco anche gli archivj; da’ palazzi pontifizj si levano fino le porte e i
gangheri; si predano i vasi sacri come quei di cucina, e bruciansi i
paramenti per cavarne l’oro; grosse taglie sono imposte a privati,
trecentomila scudi alla famiglia Chigi, dodicimila all’incisore Volpato,
e spesso non erano se non minaccie affinchè a pronto prezzo se ne
redimessero; vendute a vil costo le sculture degli Albani e del Busca
che non fossero scelte pel museo nazionale.
Se n’impinguava la turba, che dietro all’esercito traeva, di
commissarj per rubare, mediatori ed ebrei per comprare il rubato;
intanto che nello scialacquo i militari giacevano sprovvisti di viveri e
di paghe comuni. Protestarono essi contro quello sperpero; ma fu
risposto che all’esercito era proibito deliberare. Ne nascevano
scissure, e i soldati guardavano di mal occhio Massena che rubava e
lasciava rubare: di che preso speranza, i Transteverini si sollevarono
(2 marzo); «colla fiducia di potere sorprendere Castel Sant’Angelo,
Monte, Transtevere, Borgo, si danno al diavolo; e con Cristi e
Madonne gridando Viva Maria, si avventano contro i Francesi e
contro i neonati repubblicani romani. Qualche centinajo tra morti e
feriti; un altro centinajo arrestato da popolo barbaro; de’ fucilati alla
piazza del Popolo ventidue; altri se ne fucileranno, e forse alquanti
preti» [37].
Anche nelle altre città v’ebbe ammutinamenti e con esito eguale; le
bande del prete Taliani d’Ascoli e la squadracela d’Imola si
sostennero a lungo; sul Trasimeno, nella Campagna, nella Marittima
le domò il terrore; al saccheggio furono abbandonati Ferentino,
Frosinone, Terracina, e molti passati per le armi: ed è notevole come
solo nel paese che dicesi governato peggio di tutti, incontrasse
resistenza la Rivoluzione.
Allora Faypoult, Florent, Daunou, Monge, uomini famosi, compilano
per Roma una tapina costituzione, notevole unicamente perchè nel
centro del cattolicismo non facea motto della religione. Secondo il
consueto, dovea giurarsi odio alla monarchia: ma Pio manda per
enciclica, che il Cristiano non deve odiare nessun Governo; basta si
giuri sommessione alla repubblica, e di non fare trame contro di
essa. Queste temperanti parole furono bestemmiate dai patrioti, i
quali, in piazza del Vaticano, celebrarono la festa della federazione,
imitando quella di Milano, che aveva imitato quella di Parigi.
Subito Bruto e Scipione sono su tutte le lingue: consoli, senato,
tribuni allettano con rimembranze di un tempo troppo diverso. Ma i
primi consoli erano nominati, poi rimossi dai generali, e non essi,
non i tribuni poteano [38], bensì Massena, Saint Cyr, Championnet,
insomma le sciabole. Si arma la guardia nazionale, ma il Direttorio
scriveva: «Non si lasceranno in Roma che millecinquecento fucili per
la guardia nazionale, coll’avvertenza però che n’abbia soli ducento
buoni a sparare [39]. Positivo soltanto il pagare; tre milioni di scudi
all’esercito d’Italia in denaro, seicentomila lire in abiti, un milione sui
beni nazionali; poi contribuzioni, poi prestiti forzati, e torre gli argenti
e fino le posate (1798), metter ipoteche su beni di particolari, poi la
carta moneta, poi il fallimento. Pochi voleano comprare i beni
ecclesiastici nazionalizzati, chi per coscienza, chi per paura che un
cambiamento di cose invalidasse i contratti: onde all’asta liberavansi
a pochi speculatori audaci, che con tenuissimo profitto dell’erario
facevano ingenti acquisti. Il depauperamento de’ ricchi sottigliava le
entrate indirette: non si potè pagare i Monti, non gli stipendj:
gl’impiegati, amando i posti non i pesi annessi, avrebbero voluto
tante vacanze quante ai vecchi tempi: il popolo sobbolliva: i patrioti si
disingannavano d’una libertà così costosa, d’una repubblica affatto
serva della francese. Di sì varj scontenti arrivavano i gemiti o le grida
a Parigi, gittavano zizzania fra i governanti, esacerbati dai disastri, e
trovavano appoggi nel Direttorio stesso, massime in Luciano
Buonaparte, desideroso di rendere necessario il fratello eroe.
Perocchè i nemici armavano, e la diplomazia trescava. La Francia,
benchè stesse in pace con Napoli, occupò i beni che in Romagna
aveva il re ereditati dai Farnesi; poi gli mandò intimare congedasse
Acton e i migrati francesi; alla repubblica romana pagasse il tributo
che dovea come vassallo della santa Sede; lasciasse passare
l’esercito francese per occupare Benevento e Pontecorvo.
Ferdinando sì poco avea creduto alla pace, che da quattro anni
teneva in piedi sessantamila uomini, per ciò diffondendo carta
moneta, levando bestie e uomini all’agricoltura; gridava per
l’occupata Malta, su cui pretesseva l’antica superiorità, e negava
mandarle dalla Sicilia i provvigionamenti senza cui essa non vive;
lagnavasi che le irrequietudini della repubblica romana si
propagassero anche ai paesi limitrofi, e per non lasciarli invadere dai
Francesi, occupava egli stesso Benevento e Pontecorvo. Francia per
ciò gli tenea il broncio, e per aver accolto vascelli inglesi nei suoi
porti, mentre se n’approdavano di francesi il popolo gli offendeva e
derubava: e la vicinanza delle stazioni d’Egitto e di Malta dava a tali
lamenti il peso di minaccie.
Ferdinando era stimolato al rigore da Nelson, famoso ammiraglio
inglese, il quale, sconfitta e mandata a fondo la flotta di Buonaparte
nella rada di Abukir, avea menato la sua a Napoli, e ricevuto in
trionfo, v’era trattenuto dai vezzi di Emma Leona, fanciulla divulgata
in Inghilterra, poi modello di pittori, prima che l’ambasciatore
Hamilton se le facesse marito connivente e peggio.
Ferdinando faceva predicare che la religione periva dovunque
Francesi arrivassero, che bisognava rassodare la fede e l’autorità; e
quand’egli, condottosi in gran pompa alla basilica, lo scettro, il
diadema, il manto deponeva sull’altare, quasi collocandoli in
protezione dei santi, la ciurma applaudiva, esaltavasi, giurava
difenderli. Udito poi che Buonaparte si trovava a cattivo partito in
Egitto, intima a Francia che sgombri lo Stato pontifizio e Malta, per
rispetto alle stipulazioni di Campoformio, e conchiude alleanza
difensiva coll’Austria, la quale obbligavasi ad avere sessantamila
uomini in Tirolo, mentr’egli ne porrebbe trentamila alle frontiere, e tre
o quattro fregate nell’Adriatico; colla Russia, la quale prometteva
mandare truppe a Zara, donde Ferdinando le tragitterebbe nel suo
regno; coll’Inghilterra, la quale avrebbe una flotta nel Mediterraneo;
colla Porta, la quale manderebbe diecimila Albanesi. Ferdinando
accelera i provvedimenti; levando otto uomini ogni mille ne raduna
settantacinquemila; mancando però di generali, è costretto chiedere
l’austriaco Mack, il quale la sapeva lunga in fatto di storia e d’arte
bellica, e non si metteva in marcia che con cinque carrozze.
L’esercito francese di Roma contava soli sedicimila uomini sotto
Championnet, e sparsi qua e là per vivere; onde i Napoletani
avrebbero potuto sorprenderlo, e piantandosi fra Roma e Terni,
separare la destra dalla sinistra, vincerli disgiunti, e sottoporre
mezza Italia. Mack invece (1798), all’antica, sparte i suoi corpi in tre
colonne: una che tagli ai Francesi il ritirarsi nella Cisalpina per
Ancona; una che copra la Toscana, ove Inglesi e Portoghesi
occuperanno Livorno; una con Ferdinando trionferà nella capitale del
cristianesimo.
In fatto il re, vincitore senza merito, entra in Roma (29 9bre),
richiama il papa, e alla guarnigione di Castel Sant’Angelo intima che,
per ogni cannone sparato, darebbe al furore del popolo un de’
Francesi feriti. Intanto sollecitava Piemonte e Toscana a fare causa
seco contro Francia; il principe Belmonte Pignatelli suo generale
chiedeva al Priocca ministro del re di Piemonte: — Perchè il tuo
padrone tarda a frangere i patti impostigli dalla forza? Forse è
assassinio sterminare i proprj tiranni? I Francesi vagano sicuri pel
paese. Eccitate a furore il popolo; ogni Piemontese voglia aver
atterrato un nemico della patria. Parziali uccisioni varranno meglio
che fortunate battaglie; nè la giusta posterità chiamerà assassinj gli
atti vigorosi d’un popolo, che sui cadaveri oppressori sale a
recuperare la libertà. Primi i Napoletani sonarono l’ora fatale de’
Francesi, e dall’alto del Campidoglio avvisano l’Europa che i re sono
risvegliati. Su, Piemontesi, spezzate le catene, opprimete gli
oppressori». Questo foglio (se pure non fu finto ad arte) si disse
intercetto dai Francesi, e pubblicato diede pretesto al Direttorio di
volere occupare la cittadella di Torino, mentre i patrioti moltiplicavano
sforzi per ammutinare il Piemonte.
A Roma intanto nei Napoletani apparivano il disordine,
l’inobbedienza, l’inesecuzione, soliti in esercito nuovo; a gara colla
ciurmaglia trascorreano ad ogni abuso, diedero il sacco, affogarono
Ebrei, guastarono le camere vaticane, e se alcun che di prezioso era
sfuggito al Direttorio: costosa lezione all’Italia di quel che vagliano i
liberatori armati. Championnet che si era ritirato concentrandosi,
presto si sente in grado di tornare alla riscossa; rientra in Roma (14
xbre), donde il re fugge travestito; e pensa profittare dello sparso
sgomento per assalire il Reame.
Frontiera eccellente ha questo; a sinistra appoggiandosi a Terracina
sul Mediterraneo, a due marcie da Roma, nel centro, fra Rieti e
Civita Ducale, a quindici miglia da Terni; e a destra verso l’Adriatico,
linea di cencinquanta miglia, che non può essere girata perchè mette
capo nel mare. Se il nemico si dirizzi sovra Terracina e Roma,
possono i Napoletani riuscirgli alle spalle per Rieti e Terni, ed
occupare le strade che volgono a Foligno: se forza il centro o la
destra, s’implica in montagne o gole pericolose: se neglige il Tronto
e le rive adriatiche, possono i Napoletani in due giorni essere ad
Ancona. Perchè dunque sì belle posizioni furono sempre inutili o
superate?
Nè allora seppe profittarne Mack, il quale turpemente fugge sin a
Capua e sulla linea del Volturno. Il popolo di Napoli gridandosi
tradito, invoca armi, e avutele, si fa padrone della città (1799): il re,
la regina, Acton, con venti milioni in denaro e sessanta in gioje [40],
fingendo andare a ingrossarsi di rinforzi, salpano per Sicilia sulla
flotta di Nelson senza lasciar ordini o provvedimenti; fanno bruciare i
vascelli e le navi incendiarie e cannoniere e il corredo dell’arsenale,
lungo e costoso studio di Acton, quasi temessero nel popolo quella
risoluta difesa di cui essi non sentiansi capaci. Ben se ne sentivano
capaci i paesani, che insorti per tutta la campagna, trucidano i
Francesi, tagliano i ponti, rapiscono le artiglierie, rattengono
Championnet: se non che Mack, inetto a combinare la tattica
scientifica coll’impeto popolare, conchiude un armistizio (11 genn.),
dando Capua e una contribuzione di otto milioni.
Il popolo abbandonato giura per san Gennaro di morire respingendo
i Francesi; — Viva la patria, viva il re»; quelli che il re fuggiva per
paura d’esserne tradito, se ne costituiscono unici difensori;
universale disordine baldanzeggia, si trucidano persone di nome e di
senno, il duca della Torre e suo fratello Filomarino trucidati, Moliterno
e Rôccaromana, ch’erano stati messi a capo del Governo, non
valgono a frenare i lazzaroni, non valgono le processioni col sangue
di san Gennaro: la campagna li seconda, talchè Mack non vede altro
partito che darsi in mano ai Francesi (1790 23 genn.). Championnet
guida i suoi Giacobini sopra la città; assalto pericolosissimo contro
arrabbiati plebei, che non curavano la propria purchè togliessero la
vita ai Francesi, e resistettero anche quando egli per intelligenza co’
repubblicani ebbe avuto castel Sant’Elmo: ma egli, che fra l’orrore
della mischia non avea deposto la speranza di riconciliazione, col
trattare bene uno dei capi preso e col mostrare venerazione a san
Gennaro induce la plebe a cessare le armi [41].
Detto fatto, il furore si converte in giubilo: fra mille cadaveri francesi
e tremila napoletani si proclama la repubblica Partenopea, coi tripudj
soffogando i gemiti, cogli applausi i dissensi; quei ch’erano
perseguitati trionfano, quei che fremeano nelle prigioni pompeggiano
nella reggia; e l’esercito francese piglia il nome di esercito
napoletano «per combattere con loro e per loro, e del difenderli
domandando unico premio l’amore». Così diceva Championnet,
uomo di sincere intenzioni, e promettea libertà, indipendenza, e
lasciava piantar alberi, e dichiarare cittadino san Gennaro,
imponendogli il berretto tricolore. Sì, ma le dimostrazioni bisognava
pagarle; e l’esercito liberatore imponeva diciotto milioni di ducati, che
bisognò tor per forza e a capriccio, ponendo mano fino agli argenti e
alle orerie delle case, e perchè il popolo fiottava, Championnet ne
ordinò il disarmo.
Cessò allora d’essere l’idolo della plebe, mentre il Direttorio
disapprovava quel darsi aria di liberatore e legislatore; ed a regolare
la parte economica vi spedì quel Faypoult, che aveva espilato Roma,
e che quivi pure cominciò confische. Il generale, cui l’avere
conquistato il paese pareva ragione di farvi ogni suo talento,
ingiunse soldatescamente a’ commissarj d’andarsene; ma quest’atto
gli meritò d’essere destituito e arrestato, surrogandogli l’emulo
Macdonald, mentre Faypoult dichiarava beni della Francia quei della
Corona, degli ordini cavallereschi, de’ monasteri, e le anticaglie. Se
una repubblica credeasi in diritto di togliere questi al re ed alle
corporazioni, non avrebbe dovuto restituirli alla nazione? ma il diritto
suol guardarsi sempre da un lato solo, e alla Francia allora
occorreva denaro, denaro; e l’Italia n’aveva ancora.
E senz’altro titolo che di trarne due milioni per l’esercito, i Francesi
invadeano la repubblica di Lucca con Serrurier, poi con Miollis: dalla
cui presenza inanimati, i democratici domandarono l’abolizione della
nobiltà e delle leggi del 1556 e del 1628; e all’antico venne surrogato
uno statuto popolare, che fu il francese; intanto moltiplicandosi le
tolte fin a tre milioni di scudi, cui tennero compagnia la consueta
ruba dell’erario, delle armerie, e il dovere mantenere i soldati.
Si domandò ragione alla Toscana d’aver accolto Pio VI, e non
escluse le navi napoletane dal porto di Livorno; e in conseguenza, e
col pretesto di salvarla da altrui invasioni, fu occupata (25 marzo). Il
granduca parte per Vienna, i ministri per Sicilia; Gautier e Miollis
scacciano i migrati francesi, reprimono le opposizioni di Firenze e
Pistoja, poi derubano i beni del duca, gli argenti, sessantatre de’ più
bei quadri, fra cui otto di Rafaele, il Virgilio della Laurenziana:
ventidue tavole in pietra dura, e cammei e medaglie voleansi
mandare via, se risolutamente non si fosse opposto il Puccini,
presidente alle gallerie.
Il Piemonte non avea veduto salvezza che nell’attaccarsi al carro
trionfale di Francia, e il Direttorio avea fatto rispondere al nuovo re,
«La nazione francese non dimenticherebbe mai ciò che da principio
avea fatto per la Francia». Erano ministri Prospero Balbo e Damiano
Priocca, valente giureconsulto e sperto diplomatico; e per quanto
repugnanti, dirigevano le attenzioni, gli uffizj, la corruzione ad
amicarsi il Direttorio. Neppure nella depressione dimenticando le
lunghe speranze, gli mostravano come a Francia importasse l’aversi
a’ fianchi uno Stato amico e robusto, e tale renderebbero il Piemonte
coll’aggiungervi Genova e quella Lombardia, tutte le cui forze non
valeano quanto un battaglione piemontese; diecimila Piemontesi
dispenserebbero la Repubblica dall’occupare i suoi prodi a custodire
quel lato. In fatti Buonaparte avea conchiuso alleanza in questo
senso: ma il Direttorio or si faceva scrupoloso su tale mercato di
popoli, or ricusava garantire al re gli Stati, essendo i popoli in diritto
di scegliersi un governo al modo di Francia; quanto ai diecimila
uomini, bastava si aprissero i ruoli nella Cisalpina, e ne
accorrerebbero altrettanti e più a combattere per la libertà; a ogni
modo si desser parole al re fino alla pace. Intanto però si lasciava
che il suo territorio fosse sommosso dai novatori e dai profughi, i
quali è vero non riuscivano che a moltiplicar le vittime [42]. Giovani
improvvidamente animosi furono passati per le armi, e
contaminarono col sangue la storia di quel re; fra i quali Carlo
Tenivelli, mediocre storico, che a Moncalieri avea predicato idee
democratiche, e vivrà in una pagina caldissima di Carlo Botta suo
scolaro. Crescevano lo scontento le tante gravezze necessarie per
soddisfare a Francia: ma per quanto Carlo Emanuele IV odiasse
questa, e le potenze confederate lo stimolassero ad avversarla, egli
reggeasi fido ai trattati.
Facea da ambasciatore a Torino il Ginguené, repubblicano caldo e
sincero, accademicamente dissertatore, che in prima fu nelle carceri
del Terrore, poi messo nella commissione d’istruzione pubblica,
approvò il regicidio, ed è memorevole per una Storia letteraria
d’Italia, più lodata qui che nel suo paese. Egli si tolse l’indegno
incarico di perdere i reali di Piemonte, cercando esacerbarli con
piccole persecuzioni, e sollecitare i popoli a sollevazioni che ne
giustificassero la cacciata. Volle ricevuta a Corte sua moglie, e ve la
mandò in abito peggio che plateale (en pet en l’air); il maestro delle
cerimonie la respinge; ma perchè il marito domanda i passaporti, è
ricevuta, ed egli spedisce un corriere per annunziare al Direttorio
questo trionfo sovra i pregiudizi e Talleyrand ne pubblica nel
Monitore un ridicolo ragguaglio [43].
Ma la scintilla era gettata, e le sommosse in paese non tardarono;
Genova le seconda sul mare e a Carrosio; la Cisalpina sul lago
Maggiore e a Pallanza: ma i regj combattendo presso Ornavasso,
prevalgono (1798); moltissimi insorgenti sono uccisi in Domodossola
e a Casale per legge di guerra. Il Priocca si lagna di queste
subornazioni, asserisce il diritto di difendersi: ma Francia assume il
tono di oltraggiata; Ginguené parlando retoricamente di stiletti, di
fonti avvelenate, d’oro inglese, di migrati, di barbetti, d’un tramato
vespro siciliano, intima al re che cessi i supplizj dei patrioti e le
spedizioni contro gl’insorgenti di Liguria. Intanto il Direttorio
domanda sempre nuove concessioni, onde avvilire il re prima di
prostrarlo; ora vuole che estradica i fuorusciti, or che tolga di grado
alcuni suoi sudditi, or arresti quello, or perdoni a questo; che più?
dovette dar la chiave del proprio regno, cioè lasciar occupare la
cittadella di Torino, a patto venissero acquetati i patrioti sul lembo
della Cisalpina.
Così egli trovossi sotto al cannone francese; obbligato allora a
disarmarsi, vide ripigliar baldanza i patrioti e tentare Alessandria; e
sebbene respinti colla morte di seicento côlti in un’imboscata, pure
crescono dappertutto, e raddoppiano gl’insulti al re; con buffe
mascherate, provocano la Corte e il popolo, mentre il Direttorio
pretende che il re congedi, anzi consegni il Priocca, il suo miglior
ministro, e un de’ pochissimi che tenessero la testa alta in quel
tempo di depressione, mandando fuori una notificanza, ove
protestava della lealtà del re e snudava la perfidia degli oppressori.
Ma quando arrivò notizia della nuova lega tessuta contro Francia, il
Direttorio temette che Carlo Emanuele cogliesse il destro per
vendicarsi; Joubert che comandava la cittadella, butta fuori le solite
accuse generiche, chiama dalla Cisalpina (1798 xbre) uno stuolo
che per cautela occupa le fortezze e fa prigionieri i presidj. Carlo
Emanuele, che aveva esortato i cittadini a tenersi quieti, e avea
perduto il suo miglior sostegno, cessa dall’esercitar il potere, e non
togliendo nè le gioje nè settecentomila lire che aveva in tasca, per
risparmiare al paese i guaj d’una resistenza inutile, se ne va. Passò
per Firenze, dove a Vittorio Alfieri, che come gentiluomo era andato
a riverirlo, disse: — Vedete cos’è un tiranno», e pianse. Arrivato in
Sardegna (1789 5 marzo), protesta contro la violenza usatagli, poi si
dà a vita di quiete e di pietà: nessun libro nuovo più volle leggere,
salvo le poesie vernacole del Calvi, ammirandone la naturalezza, e
diceva: — Così non si scrive se non nella lingua della balia; se
avessi continuato, anch’io avrei scritto a questo modo». Mortigli poi i
fratelli duchi di Monferrato e di Moriana, morto l’unico maschio del
duca d’Aosta, successore designato, morta la moglie Clotilde sorella
di Luigi XVI, per le austerità sue dichiarata venerabile, il re
soccombente a tante sventure, rinunziò la corona al fratello Vittorio
Emanuele, e si ritirò a Roma.
In Torino, dove si trovarono mille ottocento cannoni, centomila fucili,
provvigioni abbondanti e denaro, s’istituì governo a popolo, o più
veramente militare sotto Eymar. Costui vedendo scontenti i soldati
dal trovarsi sottomessi a coloro che fin là aveano osteggiato, il
popolo dalla riduzione delle cedole, i preti dall’incameramento dei
beni, i ricchi dalle implacabili imposizioni, vuol prevenire una
sommossa col rapire i capi di famiglie nobili, e mandarli ostaggi a
Grenoble. Subito si usurpano le preziosità della Corona, dal re
illibatamente lasciate; depredansi i musei per arricchire il parigino; i
titoli di nobiltà sono arsi in piazza Castello. Erogati in tre mesi da
trentaquattro milioni per mantenere l’esercito, ridotto a un terzo il
valore della carta moneta, stremate le finanze, più non vedendo altro
spediente, si propose la fusione colla Francia.
Aperti ne’ Comuni i registri per votare su ciò, colla solita
maggioranza il plebiscito domandò che il Piemonte facesse parte
della Francia. Carlo Bossi, fautore delle nuove idee, e che aveva
celebrato con un’ode le innovazioni di Giuseppe II onde fu mandato
a viaggiare, rimpatriato verseggiò sugli eventi de’ tempi; poi al
minacciar della guerra fu spedito al re di Prussia; a Pietroburgo,
infine a Buonaparte. Dal quale avendo udito esser proposito della
Francia tenersi il Piemonte e ingrandire la Cisalpina, pensò meglio
smettere i pensieri d’italianità che con Carlo Botta avea coltivati; ed
essi due fecero lo spoglio de’ quattromila processi verbali che
conteneano meglio d’un milione di firme, e portò la domanda della
fusione al Direttorio, che si degnò esaudirla [44]. Non pochi
avversavano alla perdita dell’indipendenza; in Acqui vi si oppose una
risoluta sollevazione, ma fu repressa; e venne istituito in Piemonte il
Governo francese.
CAPITOLO CLXXVIII.
Riazione. I Tredici mesi. Italia riconquistata.
Pace di Luneville.
Ma sopra la Repubblica francese e le sue create si addensava il

nembo, tutti i nemici allestendosi a tarpare la sparnazzante
democrazia. Paolo di Russia, deliberato a ristabilire i dinasti
spossessati, mandava all’Austria sessantamila uomini; esercito
terribile, di tutta la forza che dà la barbarie a servizio dell’intelligenza.
Lo comandava Suwaroff vincitore dei Turchi, a cui una fanatica
intrepidezza teneva luogo di genio, e d’arte l’unico intento d’andar
sempre avanti. Ma il Consiglio aulico di Vienna, che poteva movere
ducenventicinquemila soldati, aveva divisato la guerra all’antica, e
mirando più di tutto all’Italia.
In Francia, le finanze esauste, scarsa la subordinazione, malversata
l’amministrazione; dei paesi protetti, cioè servi, non profittavano che
gli espilatori; il suo più bello esercito e i migliori generali
campeggiavano in Egitto, nè meglio di cencinquantamila soldati
effettivi le rimaneano; di Moreau temevasi l’esuberanza
repubblicana; Joubert e Bernadotte ricusavano il comando supremo
per le restrizioni che vi si voleano mettere: sicchè attribuendo
l’esercito di Napoli a Macdonald, quello dell’Alpi fu commesso a
Scherer ministro della guerra, segnalatosi nel Belgio e nelle prime
campagne d’Italia, ma vecchio e ignaro della moderna tattica di
concentrare le forze in un punto solo, e poco amato perchè
reprimeva la rapacità militare. È prezzo dell’opera conoscere le
istruzioni dategli dal Direttorio: — La missione affidatavi dalla patria
tende a rendere la repubblica francese arbitra delle nazioni
dell’universo. Nella caduta di Cartagine Roma previde la conquista
dell’Oriente; nella totale sommessione dell’Italia sono compresi i
nuovi trionfi riserbati all’eroismo della gran nazione
dall’insormontabile forza delle cose... Fin qua il Direttorio esecutivo
stimò bene celare il magnifico proposito, e allucinar le teste italiane
col fantasma della sovranità e indipendenza nazionale: questo
lenocinio, secondato dagli avidi e ambiziosi di colà, riuscì a capello
de’ nostri interessi: sedici milioni di uomini furono sottomessi da un
numero di combattenti, che potrebbero dirsi corpi volanti anzichè
esercito... L’oro e l’argento di che Italia ringorgava, fu versato nelle
nostre casse militari: ma bisognò prodigarlo a corrompere gli
amministratori dei diversi Stati, salariare i faziosi, gli allarmisti, gli
spioni che servivano la nostra causa, e fra gli stranieri gli entusiastici
apostoli dei nostri principj... Troviamo inutile rammentarvi che la
repubblica francese essendo una, tutte le repubbliche italiane,
partorite e tollerate solo per le imperiose contingenze, devono
sparire. L’esistenza politica dei vinti non consista che in una pacifica
servitù; non altre leggi conoscano che quelle date dal
conquistatore... Abolite all’istante i nomi di guardie civiche, di legioni
nazionali; soffogate nei cuori italiani ogni favilla d’ardor nazionale».
Massena, comandante all’esercito di Svizzera, invase (1799 marzo)
prosperamente il paese de’ Grigioni che aveano chiamato gli
Austriaci; ma verso Italia il valoroso austriaco Kray sventò i
divisamenti di Scherer, ed eccitando i popoli alla rivolta, lo sconfisse
a Magnano e a Verona (5 aprile); Santa Lucia, Bussolengo, i laghi
d’Idro e d’Iseo videro combattimenti gagliardi, mentre gl’Italiani
stavano guardando a chi toccherebbero.
Il selvaggio Suwaroff sopraggiungendo, e dato lo scambio agli
uffiziali austriaci trattandoli da donnicciuole, zerbini, infingardi, aduna
tutte le sue forze sull’Adda, e dopo sanguinosi fatti a Lecco, a
Verderio, a Cassano, la passa d’ogni parte (25 aprile); lascia
saccheggiare la Lombardia da Cosacchi, appena uomini d’aspetto,
sicchè vi rimasero popolarmente terribili i nomi di Bagration,
Korsakoff, Wukassovich [45]. Moreau, tardi mandato a scambiare
Scherer, potè a fatica coprire Milano sinchè fuggissero i patrioti: e
testimonio dell’esultanza dei popoli che si consideravano come
liberati, e che in più luoghi lo molestarono, voltò verso Genova,
donde potrebbe e tener aperto il passo verso Francia, e unirsi a
Macdonald che, per ordine del Direttorio, veniva da Napoli. Melas,
alla testa di cinquantamila Austriaci (28 aprile), e d’alquanti migrati
francesi comandati dal principe di Rohan, entrò in Milano.
Questa città, capo della migliore fra le improvvisate repubbliche,
focolajo della rivoluzione di tutta Italia, non oppose resistenza: i
vantatori di vittorie francesi e disastri austriaci, d’ostacoli naturali
insuperabili, d’opposizione indomita de’ liberi petti furono primi alla
fuga, alcuni squallidi e afflitti, altri lucidi e satolli, altri s’affrettò colla
viltà a meritar grazia dai nuovi padroni, e tosto rialzansi le croci e gli
stemmi, si drappellano santi e aquile, e simboli d’una nuova trinità,
Austria, Russia, Turchia; si dà nelle campane; al grido di — Viva la
religione, viva Francesco II» si saccheggiano le case e le terre di
Giacobini; il solito trionfo de’ camaleonti.
Quelli che l’altalena aveva abbassati, or si rialzano baldanzosi e
stizziti; alla forza dei vili sottentra la viltà dei forti, che pretendono
disfare il passato, punire le ingiustizie con altre, e fin la giustizia
snaturano coll’aspetto di vendetta. In tali casi un Governo intelligente
conosce unico partito il perdonare e dimenticare, per ottenere
dimenticanza e perdono, anzichè secondare le riazioni, che scavano
abissi in cui non precipita soltanto il vinto. Ma la vittoria sa di rado
moderarsi. Una congregazione delegata e tre giureconsulti (Manzon,
Drago, Bazzetta) sotto al commissario imperiale Cocastelli presero a
sindacare i fautori d’un Governo, che pure era stato legalmente
riconosciuto; molti furono cacciati prigioni, centrentuno mandati nelle
fortezze di Cataro e del Sirmio; minute persecuzioni pubbliche e
domestiche, sotto il pretesto di vendicare altari e troni, aprivano
sfogo a rancori, esacerbati da tre anni d’umiliazione. Intanto i soldati
la davano per mezzo a mille sporcizie, per quanto i paesani
sapessero ad ora ad ora pagar l’insulto col sangue.
In Valtellina, dapprima truppe cisalpine comandate da Lechi
invadono o turbano la val Poschiavo; poi una frotta di Bresciani,
vantando il nome d’Austria, taglieggia, concute, maltratta chiunque
ebbe impieghi sotto la repubblica; poi per l’imperatore vi governa
dispotico il barone Lichtenthurm; e un Parravicini valtellinese
militante coi Tedeschi, e Claudio Marlianici delegato commetteano o
lasciavano commettere arresti, perquisizioni, violenze.
Nella Svizzera italiana i malcontenti, dalle valli sbucati sopra Lugano,
cacciano prigioni alcuni patrioti, uccidono uno Stoppani, l’abate
Vanelli da gran pezzo redattore della Gazzetta ticinese, e alcuni altri:
finchè si mandano a chiamare gli Austriaci, che prendono il paese
«sotto gli auspicj potenti dell’imperial potere». L’amministrazione di
Torino rifugge a Pinerolo, e tutto il Piemonte sobbolle: Brandalucioni,
con bande ragunaticcie del Canavese che chiamava masse
cristiane, corre a schiantar gli alberi di libertà, e surrogare croci, e
depredare Giacobini e scannarli: il popolo aprì ai Russi le porte di
Torino (1799 20-22 giugno), ed ajutò Wukassovich ad assediare la
cittadella, capitolata la quale e quella d’Alessandria, fu ripristinato il
nome dei re di Sardegna.
Ma il solo nome; perocchè padroni erano i militari, che
moltiplicavano le esazioni, mentre Cosacchi e Panduri
imperversavano al saccheggio; le cedole infestavano il paese; i
soldati davano ai cavalli la sagina e il granturco sottratti al contadino,
che moriva di fame. Molti furono carcerati, nessuno ucciso in
giudizio. Suwaroff, per quanto spaventoso ne’ suoi manifesti,
professava di combattere per difesa della religione e delle proprietà,
e pel ripristino degli antichi governi, laonde, più che a punire, credea
dovesse pensarsi a riordinare, e dal marchese Thaon di Sant’Andrea
facea raffazzonare il Governo regio: ma altri erano i divisamenti
dell’Austria.
La rivoluzione in Italia era stata desiderata o gradita solo da
negozianti, da dotti, da begli spiriti, ed anche di essi i più se ne
stomacarono appena vedutala differente dalla speranza; poca parte
vi avea preso il popolo, o solo per l’andazzo; eransi fatte piuttosto
sedizioni, collera dei pochi, che non rivoluzioni, idea ed espressione
di un’epoca, e troppo lo chiarirono le fiere tragedie realistiche,

Autonomy in Language Learning and Teaching New Research Agendas 1St Edition Alice Chik Full Chapter

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Autonomy in Language Learning and

Teaching: New Research Agendas 1st

ISBN 978-1-137-52997-8 ISBN 978-1-137-52998-5 (eBook)

Library of Congress Control Number: 2017960759

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2018

Cover illustration: Mono Circles © John Rawsterne/patternhead.com

Printed on acid-free paper

This Palgrave Pivot imprint is published by Springer Nature

2 Learner Autonomy in Developing Countries 7

3 Language Teacher Autonomy and Social Censure 29

4 Learner Autonomy and Groups 51

5 Learner Autonomy and Digital Practices 73

6 Researching the Spatial Dimension of Learner Autonomy 93

Naoko Aoki is a professor of Graduate School of Letters, Osaka

a­cquisition and sociolinguistics. His publications appeared in journals

Table 6.1 Multiple timescales at the L-café 98

Alice Chik, Naoko Aoki, and Richard Smith

Abstract This introductory chapter provides background to and outlines

Keywords Learner autonomy • Research agenda

© The Author(s) 2018 1

Ten years ago, Benson’s comprehensive review of research into autonomy

s­ tereotyped. Expanding the discussion further, Smith, Kuchah and Lamb

An additional reason for considering the role of groups in autono-

Acknowledgement The research agendas presented in this volume began life as

Learner Autonomy in Developing Countries

Richard Smith, Kuchah Kuchah, and Martin Lamb

Abstract Learner autonomy may have special relevance now in develop-

© The Author(s) 2018 7

Keywords Learner autonomy • Developing countries • Difficult

Evidence of Autonomy in Developing Country

Signs of Autonomy in Learner Beliefs and Behaviours

JosephineB5: I like when the teacher is explaining something, but she

Among the good practices identified by children, a few were particularly

AlbertoG5: If we bring the things to class, it will be more interesting because

Hamid and associates’ work in Bangladesh (Hamid & Baldauf, 2011;

Students’ voices help us to understand how the discourses of the benefits of

Given the social inequities of this state of affairs—with only children of

Use of ICT as a Possible Focal Point for Research

Engaging Autonomy as Appropriate Pedagogy

struggling to cope. We now look at the frequently very challenging cir-

Difficult Circumstances for Classroom Learning and Teaching

• A rapidly expanding and increasingly diverse pupil population: Lie

The British educationalist Michael West (1960) coined the phrase

Practical Reasons for Engaging and Developing Autonomy

can be related to deeper, older educational conceptions and traditions. He

In the history of western education, then, a focus on developing learner

Thus, engagement of learner autonomy can be seen as an eminently appro-

educator Gamini Fonseka (2003) also came to theorize from an autonomy

Needs for Bottom-Up Research with and/or

We have argued that identifying and describing cases of autonomy outside

last section—is concerned. However, the question arises of who should do

Research with and by Teachers

understanding and practice’ (Smith & Kuchah, 2016, p. 215). Academic

developed originally in the context of the Chilean Champion Teachers

Research with and by Learners

KinivoB1: This is my best lesson… I had a zero in the exercise.

Whether we look at this as an example of peer support, collaborative

Pedagogies of autonomy can, indeed, be built up on this basis of access-

Research Priority 3 Engage teachers and learners themselves in research

such research and indicated how it might be approached. We think there

Acknowledgement We are grateful to David Palfreyman for originating the

Hamid, M. O., & Baldauf, R. B. (2011). English and socio-economic disadvan-

Language Teacher Autonomy and Social

2 Learner Autonomy in Developing Countries 7

3 Language Teacher Autonomy and Social Censure 29

4 Learner Autonomy and Groups 51

5 Learner Autonomy and Digital Practices 73

6 Researching the Spatial Dimension of Learner Autonomy 93

acquisition and sociolinguistics. His publications appeared in journals

Table 6.1 Multiple timescales at the L-café 98

s tereotyped. Expanding the discussion further, Smith, Kuchah and Lamb

iscussions concerning teachers and language teachers (Gao, 2008, 2011).