Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Fundingpatternjstor
Fundingpatternjstor
net/publication/377633927
CITATION READS
1 20
1 author:
Om Prakash
National Law University, Jodhpur
43 PUBLICATIONS 1 CITATION
SEE PROFILE
All content following this page was uploaded by Om Prakash on 25 January 2024.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide
range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and
facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at
https://about.jstor.org/terms
Indian History Congress is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access
to Proceedings of the Indian History Congress
This content downloaded from 14.139.242.231 on Thu, 11 Apr 2019 05:52:38 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
FUNDING PATTERN IN THE NAXAL
MOVEMENT IN CONTEMPORARY INDIA
Om Prakash
The naxal movement in India has reached the sixth decade of its
inception. According to the home ministry, 330 police stations across 76 states
had recorded incidents of Naxal violence in 2013. Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh,
Odisha and Bihar were categorized as the states severely affected by Left-
wing Extremism. Naxalites have a presence in 20 states, spread across 203
districts. To run a war machinery of this size, the outfit requires large amounts
of funds. Responding to Question No. 2276, in the Rajya Sabha, on February
12, 2014, Minister of State for Home Affairs, RPN Singh said, "the
CPI(Maoist) party has been collecting not less than Rs. 140 crores annually
from a variety of sources. Further, the possibility of certain front organizations
of the CPI (Maoist) ... clandestinely getting foreign funds cannot be ruled
out."
Money is collected from individuals as well as business groups ranging
from small to big industries. The sources are - Government Works and
Schemes, Industry and Business, Social Institutions, Infrastructure, People,
Membership Fees, Supporters/Sympathizers, Revolutionary Taxes in cash and
kind, fines on defaulters etc.
The Naxal movement in India in its current phase has significantly
diverted from the ethical and ideological moorings of yester years. It is now
resorted to most of the illegal methods for raising funds to run the movement
and its fight against the state. Due to increasing network of naxalism it is now
imperative for them to look for the alternate source of funding.
The paper seeks to look into the various sources of funding utilised
by the naxals. It has also made an attempt to look into possible nexus between
the corporate groups and the naxals. Further the paper has made an attempt to
look into the estimate of the funds they receive from variety of sources. Also
how are diese funds being utilised by naxals and what are their ways of keeping
these funds have found analysis in the paper. My paper has also suggested
some guidelines for the state to deal with the problem. Part one has attempted
to explore the various possible sources of funding as a general overview. Part
Two probes into the corporate linkage of naxals for funding. Part Three looks
into the instances of extortions and levies imposed by the naxals on local
contractors and other groups. Part Four deals with the way money that is
being utilised by the naxals for the purchase of weapons and other logistics
for their movement against the state. Part Five suggest measures to deal with
This content downloaded from 14.139.242.231 on Thu, 11 Apr 2019 05:52:38 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Contemporary History of India 90 1
the problem. Sources used for the paper arc govemincnl reports, media reports
and news and academic works published on the naxal issue in India.
I
Naxals have been reportedly receiving funds from some of the top
corporate houses, some of which are even listed on the slock cxchangc. An
arrested Naxal leader in Bihar has reportedly communicated to the authorities
that the companies regularly pay the rebels. The companies arc big players in
the metals, mining, steel and manufacturing sectors.1 To carry on their violent
activities across 223 districts in India, Maoists need a massive annual budget
of Rs 2,000 Crore to procure latest arms, perpetuate jungle warfare, continue
propaganda and recruit new cadres.2
The Naxal dominated areas are popular drug cultivating tracts in the
states of Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Chhattisgarh, Bihar, Jharkhand, Orissa
and Andhra Pradesh. India is the world's largest producer of illicit opium and
the only authorised user of gum method of opium production for
pharmaceutical preparations. India is sandwiched between the "Golden
Crescent" and "Golden Triangle", the two major drug producing and drug
trafficking regions of the world.5 Drugs like marijuana are cultivated in the
Naxalitc-dominatcd forests bordering Orissa and Andhra Pradesh. These drugs
are peddled by Naxal-linked middlemen on buses conducting inter-state
services.4
The three district of Jharkhand -Garhwa, Palamu and Latehar
contribute 1000 Crore to the Naxal through narco cultivation. Malkangiri in
Odisha is another area where Naxal cultivate the opium for the narco business.
40 percent of Naxal funding come through opium cultivation. Many naxal
affected areas are involved in cultivation of poppy, cannabis and drug trade.
For example Ghagra area of Gumla district in Jharkhand and parts of
Kishanganj and Pumia districts in Bihar.5
The 1S1 of Pakistan is using the Naxals' local network in pushing counterfeit
currency all over India. Thailand, Malaysia, Myanmar and Sri Lanka are also
used as transit points. International airports in Bangalore, Chennai, Calicut,
Cochin, Hyderabad, Mangalore, Mumbai and New Delhi are identified as the
main landing points of counterfeit notes from abroad.6
The seized documents from arrested naxals showed that while Bihar
raised Rs 200 Crore in 2007, Andhra Pradesh collected Rs 100 Crore.
Jharkhand raised Rs 75 Crore in 2007, Maharashtra raised Rs 100 Crore while
Karnataka contributed Rs 78 Crore and Tamil Nadu's share was 35 Crore in
2007. Some prominent Maoist leaders, such as Andhra Pradesh state committee
secretary Konapuri ilaiah alone raised over Rs 80 Crore and Muppala
Lakshman Rao alias Ganapathi, the general secretary of the party, raised Rs
285 Crore in 2007.7
This content downloaded from 14.139.242.231 on Thu, 11 Apr 2019 05:52:38 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
902 UIC: Proceedings, 76lh Session. 2015
This content downloaded from 14.139.242.231 on Thu, 11 Apr 2019 05:52:38 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Contemporary History of India 903
pay both lo (he government and (he Naxals. They mighl be paying money t
Naxals in order to maintain peace and security for their industries.
A noteworthy media report, quoted an intelligence evaluation that
the Maoists have funds of more than Rs 2,500 croie." Home Secretary Mr G
K Pillai, speculated the fund of naxals to be around Rs 1 ,400 crorcs. 16 Th
Chhatisgarh DGP, Mr Vishwaranjan states that the Maoist funds may be a
minimum of Rs 2,000 crorcs, for which the major source is extortion.17
Information regarding the funding has been revealed by many arrested an
surrendered Maoists. Misir Bcsra, a Central Committee member of CPI
(Maoist) arrested in 2007, revealed that the outfit collected over Rs 1,00
crorc in 2007 and had set a target of Rs 1 , 1 25 crorc for 2008. As per the above
mentioned news report, around Rs 1,000 crore was from Jharkhand, whil
West Bengal and Chhattishgarh contributed their shares of Rs 500 crore each.
The funds of Bihar and Andhra Pradesh state committees were Rs 200 crore
and Rs 100 crore respectively. The Chhattisgarh Chief Minister, Mr Raman
Singh has agreed that the funding for Maoist from Chhattisgarh alone would
touch a minimum of 1 50 crore."1
Maoist General Secretary Ganapathy denied the reports of huge
amount of funds and says that they do not even get one per cent of what they
are accused of. But he accepts that they collect levies from contractors in
addition to 'donations from people". N R Sharma, a naxal leader arrested i
October 2009 revealed that big corporations doing business in Maoist areas
are the most important sources of funds for the Maoists. These industries
which are mainly into mining, manufacturing, metals etc., have the option of
either succumbing to the Maoists demand or closing their business in thos
areas. The companies lament that the government does not provide adequat
security and therefore they have to succumb to Maoist demands.
Maharashtra home minister R R Patii claimed that the Naxal
movement is being funded by a section of mining industry. He said, "Those
involved in the mining business are providing financial muscle to the Naxal
movement. It is being backed by "big shots" living in metro cities." The
minister suggested that the Directorate of Revenue Intelligence (DRI) should
find out details like the source of funding of these companies doing work in
Naxal-hit areas."
The Maoists blew up the guest house of mining corporation Essar in
Malkangiri for the same reason.20 Four security guards of Abhijit Power
Generation Company in Jharkhand were killed for refusing to pay the Maoists.
Jharkhand which contributes the major share to the Maoist exchequer has the
bulk of the corporations including Rungta Mines, Usha Martin, Torian Iron &
Steel etc. which have allegedly paid Rs. 25 lakhs each, the Birla Bauxite
This content downloaded from 14.139.242.231 on Thu, 11 Apr 2019 05:52:38 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
904 UIC : Proceedings , 76íh Session , 2015
Company in Palamau paid Rs. 80 lakhs, Latehar based Tetaría Mines has paid
Rs. 2 lakhs to the Maoists in 2007-08 and many more.
As it happened with Hindalco in Jharkhand, the Maoists even abduct
the employees of defaulters.21 The Maharashtra I lome minister RR. Patii said
that those involved in the mining business are providing financial muscle to
the Naxal movement.22 A report on the situation in Bengal says that the
insurgents collect Rs 8 lakhs to Rs 10 lakhs per month from stone-crushing
units, sponge iron factories, contractors, businessmen and even school teachers
in the state, especially Jangal Mahal.23
Ill
The Maoists charge commissions and levies from all non-
governmental agencies working in their areas of influence including tendu
contractors, road and other civil construction contractors, bus and truck owners,
petrol pumps, and even shop keepers. In Chhattisgarh the police has to depend
on private contractors to build roads, bridges etc in many interior regions of
Danetwada, Bastar, Bijapur etc where the Maoists rule the day.
The extremists have even fixed rates of levy like 10 per cent of the
project cost for those making unpaved roads to 5 per cent for small bridges
and others, l he bus and truck operators claim this to be Rs. 1,000 to Rs.
5,000 per month, from region to region. According to a government source
the Maoists have blocked 21 road construction projects sanctioned under the
Pradhan Mantri Gram Sadak Yojana due to the contractors' reluctance to pay
the levy.2'1
Maoists directly divert a huge share of the money allotted for
developmental works in Maoist affected areas by compelling and threatening
the government staff. Maoists also resort to robbery for raising funds. 1CICI
Bank in Jharkhand was robbed by them in May 2007 of around 5 crore in
cash. Their underworld connection has been exposed through the arrest of
gangsters belonging to Dawood Ibrahim and Chota Shakeel gangs.25 They
revealed the links the Maoists have with the Pakistan intelligence agency 1SI
and the underworld dons.
There are evidences of NGOs operating in Naxal affected areas
working as conduits of money for the ultras. In 2007, the arrests of a few
Maoist leaders in Gaya revealed the names of some of the NGOs including
Vajra Bodhi Society which helped the Maoists to mobilise funds in the name
of humanitarian activities.26 There have been similar cases in Jharkhand, Orissa
etc. where funds from national and international sources, including South
East Asian countries reaching the Maoists. But the Prime Minister in October
2009, has underplayed the notion that the Maoists get large amount of funds
from abroad.27
This content downloaded from 14.139.242.231 on Thu, 11 Apr 2019 05:52:38 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Contemporary History of India 905
IV
This content downloaded from 14.139.242.231 on Thu, 11 Apr 2019 05:52:38 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
906 UIC : Proceedings, 76th Session , 2015
quotes an officer in Chhattisgarh that 70 per cent of the funds allocated under
the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme
(MNREGS) in Bastar and Dantewada are controlled by sarpanchs backed by
Maoists.29
Government should implement measures for providing adequate
security for private companies operating in Maoist affected areas. More anti-
extortion measures needs to planned and implemented in these states, l he
state police should be enabled to have its own engineering division so that
they can reduce their dependence on private contractors. The intelligence
agencies also have a big role to play in identifying and severing the conduits
of money for Maoists.
Setting up of anti-extortion and anti-money laundering cells in the
police of naxal affected states are immediate requirement. The cells can end
the nexus between Naxalites on the one hand and illegal mining mafia and
forest contractors/transporters on the other. States have been advised to curb
flow of funds to Naxals from tendu leaf collection by making certain changes
in the policy.
According to the government sources, funds are being allocated to
the States under various central schemes like the Backward Regions Grant
Fund, Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme, Prime
Minister's Gram Sadak Yojna, National Rural Health Mission, Ashram
Schools, Rajiv Gandhi Gramccn Vidhyutikaran Yojna and Sarva Siksha
Abhiyan etc.30 It is important that the concern states should ensure that the
benefits of these schcmc should rcach to the targeted.
Thus the Maoists have been able to put in place a well organized
mcchanism to extort money on a regular basis. There is no evidence yet to
suggest that the Maoists are investing money in businesses or in the stock
market. The focus of development works could be on building schools and
Public Health Centres (PHCs), which would reduce people's alienation from
the state. Another area of concentration could be on improving infrastructure
and connectivity, such as laying roads and bridges, which would enhance the
scopc for penetration of the state machinciy.
This content downloaded from 14.139.242.231 on Thu, 11 Apr 2019 05:52:38 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Contemporary History of India 907
This content downloaded from 14.139.242.231 on Thu, 11 Apr 2019 05:52:38 UTC
View publication stats
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms