Imelda 1

INNATANG: A SURVIVING WAKE CULTURAL PRACTICE OF THE
INDIGENOUS PEOPLES IN PAYKEK, KAPANGAN
IMELDA P. BANTAS
SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL,

BENGUET STATE UNIVERSITY, LA TRINIDAD, BENGUET
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS
FOR THE DEGREE OF
MASTER OF ARTS
(Social Studies)
MAY 2019
Innatang: A Surviving Wake Cultural Practice of the Indigenous Peoples of

Paykek, Kapangan / IMELDA P. BANTAS, May 2019
Contribution No. MA 2019-0530-216
Republic of the Philippines

BENGUET STATE UNIVERSITY
La Trinidad, Benguet
GRADUATE SCHOOL
This thesis hereto attached entitled INNATANG: A SURVIVING
WAKE CULTURAL PRACTICE OF THE INDIGENOUS PEOPLES IN
PAYKEK, KAPANGAN, prepared and submitted by IMELDA P. BANTAS,
in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS
(Social Studies), is hereby accepted.
MA. THERESA B. DOLIPAS, PhD ANN HEATHER B. KIWANG, MAT

Member Member
Date Signed: ___________ Date Signed: ___________
GIGY G. BANES, PhD

Adviser
Date Signed: ________
Accepted as partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
MASTER OF ARTS (Social Studies).
SAMUEL S. POLIDEN, PhD ROMEO A. GOMEZ JR., PhD

Dean, College of Arts and Sciences Dean, Graduate School
Date Signed: ___________ Date Signed: ___________
ii
CERTIFICATION
This is to certify that all sources used in this thesis have been
properly acknowledged or duly cited.
This is to certify further that the research is an original undertaking
and has not been submitted for another degree.
IMELDA P. BANTAS

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This thesis is dedicated to the people of Paykek, Kapangan,
Benguet, to whom I will always be grateful, for the exemplary help extended
to my family during the successive death of my father and auntie in a matter
of two weeks.
My eternal appreciation goes to my parents, Rocklyn P. Bantas and
the late Gregorio A. Bantas; they brought me up to the best that they could
and they were my first teachers.
To my adviser, Dr. Gigy G. Banes, you had always motivated us to
conduct research. You have been patient in guiding and in giving directions
for this thesis. To my panel members, Dr. Ma. Theresa B. Dolipas and
Professor Heather B. Kiwang, your critiques were of great importance. To
my English editor, Candice Graile B. Macli-ing, for her inputs. To the BSU
Graduate School staff who were part of improving the technical aspect (form
and style) of my manuscript, thank you for your help.
To my sister Doris, thank you for the full support, the understanding
and the love, and for being the mother to my daughter when I am not
around.
Special thanks to my circle of friends, “pards”, “bff”, and my
“manongs” at work; you are my best support group ever.

Finally, to my daughter Chances Kate Venice B. Lepi, you are the
constant source of inspiration to all my greater endeavors.
IMELDA P. BANTAS

ABSTRACT
IMELDA P. BANTAS, May 2019. Innatang: A Surviving Wake
Cultural Practice of the Indigenous Peoples of Paykek, Kapangan.
Benguet State University, La Trinidad, Benguet.
Adviser: Gigy G. Banes, PhD
The study aimed to document the surviving innatang wake cultural
practice of the peoples of Paykek, Kapangan, Benguet. Specifically, it
looked into the emerging or changes of how innatang is practiced today
compared to the traditional way. It also delved into the psychological and
socio-cultural significance of innatang to the people of Paykek.
The descriptive qualitative research design, specifically the case
study, was used to document the surviving innatang cultural practices of the
indigenous peoples of Paykek. Key Informant Interview (KII), Focused
Group Discussion (FGD) and actual observation were employed to obtain
data from 18 key informants of the study who are the bereaved families and
the community elders.
Findings show that there are many emerging cultural practices of the
innatang during wakes. It has been redefined by religion and is greatly
affected by rationalization, the conveniences afforded by modernity, and the
division of labor.

In addition, the psychological and socio-cultural significance of
innatang during wakes continuously sustain the practice of the indigenous
peoples of Paykek. Innatang has become a coping mechanism for the
bereaved families. It also reinforces sense of community relationship by
keeping closer community ties, fostering cooperation, and boosting ethnic
identity and cultural pride.
Innatang has always been and will continuously help the peoples of
Paykek, hence, the community are encouraged to find measures to
preserve the practice for the next generation amidst modernization and
other external factors.
Keywords: innatang, babalu, upo, alus

TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
Title Page ……………………………………………………………... i
Approval Sheet ……………………………………………………….. ii
Certification……………………………………………………………. iii
Acknowledgements…………………………………………………… iv
Abstract………………………………………………………………… vi
Table of Contents……………………………………………………… viii
List of Figures………………………………………………………….. x
List of Plates…………………………………………………………… xi
.
INTRODUCTION………………………………………………………. 1
Background of the Study……………………………………... 1
Conceptual Framework……………………………………….. 8
Statement of the Problem…………………………………….. 17
METHODOLOGY……………………………………………………… 18
Research Design …………………………………………....... 18
Population and Locale of the Study ……………………….... 18
Data Collection Instruments ………………………………..... 22
Data Collection Procedures ………………………………….. 23

Page
Treatment of Data……………………………………………. 26
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION……………………………………… 28
Emerging Innatang Cultural Practices……………………… 28
Psychological and Socio-cultural Significance

of Innatang to the Peoples of Paykek……………………… 87
Summary……………………………………………………….. 101
CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS……………………. 104
Conclusions……………………………………………………. 104
Recommendations…………………………………………….. 104
LITERATURE CITED…………………………………………………. 106
APPENDICES…………………………………………………………. 113
A Interview Guide for Key Informants……………………. 113
B Informed Consent……………………………………….. 114
C Written Consent of Key Informants……………………. 115
D Profile of the Key Informants.....……………………….. 116
E Photo Documentations………………………………….. 117
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH…………………………………………… 126

LIST OF FIGURES
Figure No. Page
1 Schematic diagram of the study………………........... 14
2 The maps of Kapangan and Benguet

from Google images…………………………………… 20
3 Notice of death posted on social media

from Face Book………………………………………… 29

LIST OF PLATES
Plate No. Page
1 The community consultation......……………………… 23
2 Validation of data during the

general assembly…………………………………….... 26
3 The family tree of James Binay-an.………………….. 34
4 Concrete tombs at Paykek

cemetery……………………………………………….. 36
5 Part of the wake preparation……………………….... 40
6 Meal served at the wake…………………….……….. 41
7 Butchering and cooking of pigs

for meals………………………………………….......... 42
8 Serving of meals…………………………………......... 43
9 The coffin being prepared

for transport…………………………………................ 44
10 Family graveyard………………………………........... 47
11 The crowd in one of the wakes………………............ 50
12 Watching over the dead………………………………. 52
13 Burial rites of James Binay-an……………………….. 54
14 The tall wooden donation box……………………….. 61
15 Food prepared and served

to everyone………..................................................... 72
16 A Christian burial service…………………………….. 76

Plate No. Page
17 Food and beverages for the

dead…………………………………………………….. 85
18 Last/final words are said to the

deceased and the family……..……..………………… 87

1
INTRODUCTION
Background of the Study
Cultural change is inevitable due to various factors such as changing
landscape or urban migration, modernization, technological evolution,
intermarriages, language contact to other people, and others. These
internal and external factors affect the vanishing of some cultural practices
of the indigenous peoples like their traditional knowledge and value
systems.
As observed, some of the youth today are not even aware of the
value systems and traditions of their parents and forefathers. They are more
likely familiar with world popular culture than their indigenous cultures.
As a matter of fact, Prieti (2007) stated that keeping pace with world
popular culture runs strongly among the youth. One reason of the declining
culture is the lack of transmission of culture from one generation to the next
generation. A society’s identity should not be lost, specifically with the
traditions and practices that benefit many. These should be cherished and
preserved despite being overshadowed by world popular culture.
Likewise, Lanuza (2003) conducted a study on the Medianization of
the Filipino Youth Culture and stated that in late modern condition, the
spatial links of youth and their various cultures shrink more and more as a

2
result of the time and space compressing technologies. Even traditional
identities and gender roles that youth readily assume become fluid and
volatile. Youth culture is now moving beyond the simple tension between
modernity and tradition.
Moreover, the issue of culture collapse has threatened even smaller
communities including the city of Pines. However, despite of these
challenges that affect the vanishing of traditional cultures, some advocates
have initiatives to preserve the good traditions. As part of his speech on the
preservation of the Cordillera culture, Baguio City Mayor Mauricio G.
Domogan (2016) stressed that, “Our culture and heritage are the identities
we have as people of the Cordillera region. Our culture and heritage will be
lost if we do not preserve them against the influence of the outside factors
in these modern times.” The mayor emphasized that the values of
respecting elders and the bayanihan spirit that are embedded in the
Cordilleran culture, must be preserved and inculcated in the minds of the
younger generations so that these practices will not be forgotten.
In addition, Dulatre (2009) reiterated in her study that though
modernization has been imposed on Filipino institutions, the standard of
rules and norms of behavior and the conventional ways of thinking,
believing, feeling, and doing things in rural areas should not be left in vain.
Thus, social and economic obligations must be emphasized in order for a

3
village folk to be considered a neighbor who can be dependable in times of
need.
Furthermore, Adaci (1999) also mentioned that the youth and elders
should strengthen their adherence to the desirable practices through
appreciation, demonstration, and education. The youth and elders should
increase their participation in bayanihan activities.
Similarly, Omengan (1995) reinforced that the advantages and
disadvantages that result from the performance of death and burial rituals
need to be recognized in the light of progress. The real development of a
community does not sacrifice its good indigenous cultural practices.
Also, Ramos (1995) recommended that with the diminishing
performance of the cultural beliefs and practices of Benguet, concerted
efforts should be directed towards the documentation of the different
traditional beliefs and practices. Knowledge of the different cultural
practices among the younger generations, can be transmitted not
necessarily by the education sector, but by the culturally experienced
community elders. Educational institutions should exert more effort in
imparting knowledge not only on the different cultural beliefs and practices,
but also on folklore and folkways.
Moreover, good practices and traditions should be preserved in
times of death like the innatang or bayanihan that should be passed on to

4
future generations. Death is a universal event that will come to our end.
When it happens to a family member, regardless of the cause of it, of age,
or of any circumstances the family who is affected is devastated, saddened,
and grieved for the loss of a loved one. To many it could be the worst
experience of all. It is the time when a family needs comfort, assurance,
emotional strength, and prayers. The financial burden of experiencing death
in the family is also something to worry about, especially here in the
Philippines. From the wake to the burial and even weeks and months after
the burial, the family is left with financial responsibilities. When no help
comes along after the burial, they will be left emotionally and physically
exhausted, and financially drained. However, with the innatang or
bayanihan cultural practice of community members, the burden of the
bereaved families would be lessened like the case of the residents of
Paykek, Kapangan, Benguet. The remarkable and awesome practice of
innatang and on how the entire community work together during wakes,
motivated the researcher to conduct a study on the surviving cultural
practices of the people of Paykek.
Innatang/man-iinatang is the local word for bayanihan or cooperative
endeavor among the Paykek folks. Bayanihan is a traditional system of
mutual assistance in which the members of a community work together to
accomplish a difficult task without pay (Oxford, 2010). It has diminished in

5
many contexts of social occasions like weddings, festivities, public
gatherings, and other social occasions but has remained in times of death
at Paykek.
Additionally, I am also challenged by the limited literature on cultural
practices among the indigenous peoples of Paykek. Much of the indigenous
knowledge that I have experienced are from other provinces of the
Cordillera like Mt. Province, Ifugao, Kalinga, and Apayao. However, since I
am from Paykek, Kapangan and want to pay an act of gratitude, “utang na
loob”, to the people of Paykek, this research was conducted. The people
are acknowledged for their commendable cooperation in times of needs,
this I personally experienced during the death of my father. The limited
researches about the people of Kapangan, Paykek in particular, will lead
into other cultural researches to be conducted in the area, and will help
preserve the identity of the indigenous people of Paykek.
In addition, studies reviewed were limited to the burial and death
practices by the community but not on the point of view of the bereaved
families. If it would be from the account of the families who have first-hand
experiences on the significance of innatang, it would be more helpful to
preserve the indigenous practice.
On my personal account in December 2017, our family experienced
two successive deaths in a week. My auntie Lilia, an old maid, sister of my

6
father died on December 16, 2017 due to complicated illness caused by old
age. Auntie Lilia had been bed ridden for quite some time that led her
finances drained. Since auntie Lilia was an old maid who belong to a poor
family, the immediate needs for the wake and burial were then from the
contributions of the siblings and relatives.
This research presents the cultural changes in the community of
Paykek over time. There may be existing literature on the culture of Paykek
earlier but certainly there have been many changes as to how the traditions
are practiced today. As an educator and a major in social studies, I am
committed to contribute to indigenous knowledge through my own
community.
Accordingly, a more profound understanding of innatang is what I
aimed to preserve the good indigenous cultural practice. The indigenous
cultural practice would be lost because of modernization unless
documented by a native of Paykek who has substantial and direct
knowledge of the community’s traditions and practices. The documentation
of the indigenous cultural practices is for the next generations.
In addition, the findings of this research hope to benefit the
curriculum designers and educators. It will guide them in enhancing
curriculum by contextualization along the line of cooperation, community
practices, and traditions.

7
Furthermore, the results may serve as sources of authentic
indigenous knowledge for social scientists to share. It will also help in the
program of the Department of Education on contextualization and
localization of learning materials in the field of social sciences, specifically
on indigenous knowledge.
Also, it will help the younger generations of Paykek to preserve the
culture, most especially that, there has been a decline of youth participation
in the innatang, as observed particularly those who study in the urban areas.
Moreover, results may serve as a tool for the elders of Paykek to
religiously impart to the children the remarkable practice of innatang. In this
way, they may revive the practice of it in other occasions such as weddings,
festivals, and other social events. It also aims to highlight the negative
changes that emerged with the practice of innatang in hope for the elders
to correct such changes.
For other communities, they may gauge from the innatang
indigenous cultural practice of Paykek, especially of the significance of the
practice to the bereaved families. As time passes, a community will not be
disoriented from positive cultural practices, if it is influenced by another
community.
Finally, this research intends to inspire future researchers to do
related studies on Cordilleran culture that will help in preserving positive

8
Igorot identities.
Conceptual Framework
Innatang is the Kapangan Kankanaey term for voluntary communal
help. It is similar to the Filipino practice of bayanihan, as stated by Tacatani
(2017). Bayanihan is a way of rendering free voluntary service to neighbors
in need which is usually done in terms of manual labor and other forms. The
innatang is also similar to the ambon of Basca, Pangasinan, the ub-ubbo of
Sagada, Mt. Province, and the binnadang in other parts of Mt. Province. It
is a mutual assistance among smaller communities referring to communal
unity, work, and cooperation to achieve a common goal. This is a practice
among the traditional Filipino communities. It has been popularly portrayed
in a traditional village where group of men are carrying a bahay-kubo (a
traditional house out of bamboos and coconut leaves) or a nipa hut and
transferring it to a new location while in the background, the women are
busy preparing food. All of these services done in the spirit of community
service. Every able men and women in the village participates in the
bayanihan.
Society has two facets— structures and culture. Structures are
organized systems that help mold community members to become good
individuals. Organized systems are the institutions such as family, school,
government, economy, and the church, social groups, status, and all the

9
roles that provide order and unity in the community. On the other hand,
culture composes beliefs, values, norms, and symbols, way of thinking and
way of behaving of a group of people or a community. The behavior of a
certain society is greatly affected by its culture and its social structures. In
Paykek, innatang has become an integral part of the family, school, church,
and the local government. It is a social norm for everybody to participate in
innatang.
As cited by Farooq (2011), generally, societies value cooperation,
unity, brotherhood, relationships, and welfare of the many. A folk or
traditional society in social science is an ideal society having abstract model
developed by Redfield (1947). A folk society is small, isolated, non-literate
and homogenous with a strong sense of group solidarity. This has fewer
social institutions, simple culture with old ways of life, old ways of
communication, slow social changes, and lesser population having
homogenous social life.
The traditional society is further described by the Gemeinschaft
Theory of Tonnies (1887). This is an ideal society in which social bonds are
based on close personal ties of friendship, close association and kinship. It
is closely approximated by rural agricultural societies. The characteristics
of a Gemeinschaft society are reflected in the innatang cultural practice of
the indigenous peoples of Paykek during wakes. When one dies, neighbors,

10
friends, relatives, and the entire community are engaged in attending the
wake and the funeral service. It is an indication that the people maintain a
strong social bond that is manifested by supporting one another during
times of grief.
Similarly, Panopio et al. (1994) as cited by Dulatre (2009), noted that
the local equivalence of Gemeinschaft could be termed as damayan
(involvement) and bayanihan (cooperation). The two practices entail
helping one another in times of needs and sharing joy and sorrow. Hence,
community folks are bound together, work together, and share traditions
and customs.
Another social science theory which is relevant to the study is the
Mechanical Solidarity by Durkheim (1893). This theory discuss the
social integration of members of a society who have common values and
beliefs. These common values and beliefs constitute a “collective
conscience” that works internally among members and cause them to
cooperate. The practice of Innatang is a manifestation of Mechanical
Solidarity.
Additionally, Rousseau (1762) on his Social Contract Theory stated
that the individual finds his true being and freedom only in submission to the
“general will” of the community. This is the earliest expression of the
Collectivist Theory. Collectivism is any of the several types of social

11
organizations such as the state, nation, race, or social class, in which the
individual is seen as being subordinate to a social collectivity. Collectivism
is evident in the community of Paykek during wakes and burials.
The theory of Rationalization by Weber (1920) is a product of
scientific study and technological advances in the Western world. By
reducing tradition's authority in the society, rationalization led to new
practices. Instead of human behaviors being motivated by customs and
traditions, behaviors were guided by reason and practicality. Rationalization
influences how innatang is practiced today which is evident on the
modifications on how wakes and funerals were done in the past as
compared to how it is done at present.
On the other hand, the Modernization theory as explained by
Winston (2019), is a theory used to explain the process of modernization
that a nation goes through as it transitions from a traditional society to a
modern one. Paykek is traditionally an agricultural society. However, the
opening of roads paved the way to the entrance of modern influences such
as television and internet. It also opened doors to other sources of livelihood
outside the community. The theory of Modernization then may further
explain the modifications reflected on the practice of innatang in Paykek.
It is also important to note the homogeneous and heterogeneous
culture as bases of concepts in this study. Homogeneous, Maddox (2019),

12
is from a Greek word meaning “of the same kind.” It is often used in the
context of describing a group of people who are all of one race, religion,
ethnicity, or gender. In a homogeneous society, most of the people share
the same type of culture values, language, ethnicity, religious system and,
traditions are well preserved than in heterogeneous ones. Leadership and
governance are also manageable. On the other hand, heterogeneous is
from a Greek word meaning, “of different kinds.” A heterogeneous society
has the characteristic of different cultural identity related to class, ethnicity,
language, traditions, religion, sense of place, and many other cultural
aspects. The differences can make it more or less difficult for people to
communicate, trust, and co-operate with each other. Paykek community
has been a homogeneous society consisting mostly of the Kankanaey
ethnic group and the Episcopalian/Anglican being the main religious
denomination. Now, it is gradually transforming to a heterogeneous one as
a result of intermarriage with other ethnic groups, diverse religious
denominations, diverse occupations, and others. Despite the transition, the
community was able to work on the preservation of the practice of innatang.
It is equally important to consider the concept of the norm of
reciprocity. The norm of reciprocity, according to Kendra (2018), is a social
norm where if someone does something for you, you then feel obligated to
return the favor. The norm of reciprocity is just one type of social norm that

13
can have a powerful influence on people’s behavior. This rule operates on
a simple principle: we tend to feel obligated to return favors after people do
favors for us. There is no written law for the rule of reciprocity in Paykek but
people feel obliged to radiate the goodness to others. In Paykek, people
readily offer help because others are in need any time. This is especially
observed during wakes and funerals.
Figure 1 presents the schematic diagram of the study. Barangay
Paykek, in the municipality of Kapangan, is a community where the
characteristics of three social theories are observed—the Gemeinschaft
community, the theory of Mechanical Solidarity, and the theory of
Collectivism, including the concept of homogeneous culture. Paykek is a
small village in a rural area. The community maintains a strong social bond
and shared values. The community, whose members are familiar with each
other, emphasizes community and family ties as well as personal relation-
ships. It is also a community where there is simple division of labor. The will
of the many is given focus than the individual interests. Those features
prove that there is strong community spirit. These characteristics of Paykek
embody the Gemeinschaft society.
Paykek is also reflective of the theory of Mechanical Solidarity.
People performing similar work, sharing similar experiences, customs,
values, and beliefs are evident among the villagers. Moreover, the
community prioritizing the goodness of the whole society over the interest

14
of the individual is indicative of the theory of Collectivism. Paykek
demonstrates the characteristics of a homogeneous society, especially
during the olden days. The people had common language (Kankanaey), the
same ethnicity, and religious culture. The innatang has been influenced by
the concept and norm of reciprocity.
Gemeinschaft society, Mechanical

Solidarity theory, Collectivism theory
Innatang wake cultural practice of

Paykek, Kapangan
Factors contributing to the modifications

of innatang
Emerging innatang cultural practices
Psychological and socio-cultural

significance of innatang
Figure1. Schematic diagram of the study
This is one of the strong reasons why innatang is still a tradition in Paykek
and that everyone is convinced that goodness begets goodness.
Furthermore, social change played a huge role in the shaping of new
practices and traditions in Paykek. Changes may occur due to
modernization, migration, changing landscapes, new ideas, and religion.
Social change has and is continuously happening in Paykek, Kapangan.
The changes can be explained by the theories of Rationalization and

15
Modernity. The social changes include the cultural indigenous practices and
one of which, is the innatang. The practice of innatang has significantly
changed over time. As explained by the theory of rationalization, societal
change happens to fit the demands of the present. Most changes are
beneficial and few others are not.
Along with the theory of rationalization is the Modernity theory.
Modernity affected innatang in a way that it had a progressive transition
from how it was practiced before to how it is done today. It is possible that
in a few years, the cultural practices of the indigenous peoples of Paykek,
will diminish and this would likely to happen easily when a loose culture is
coupled with the spread of liberalism. Some aspects of the innatang show
characteristics of loose culture. The challenge of preserving the indigenous
practice of innatang is the dilemma amidst the alluring comfort of
modernization and the conveniences of liberalism.
As a matter of fact, Roosh (2014) on the theory of Cultural Collapse,
stated that even the western world is being colonized in reverse and in a
matter of 200 years, there will be a complete cultural collapse among these
nations. No nation, regardless of economic and political power, is spared
from external cultural influences.
The indigenous people of Paykek, view death as going home to the
Creator. It is a second and eternal life and a physical separation of a loved

16
one for quite some time from those he/she left behind. They believe that
one day, they will be reunited with their loved ones who had gone ahead of
them. In spite of these, death brings grief and sorrow. Thus, during death in
the neighborhood, everyone is ready to be of help. It is also a way of
showing their final respects to the dead person. For many Paykek folks, it
gives them a feeling of relief and satisfaction if they are able to offer help
during deaths.
The need to re-evaluate the practice of innatang of the indigenous
peoples in Paykek will help preserve it. The way it was practiced in the past
and at present will give light to which is better to emulate. Emphasizing the
psychological and socio-cultural significances of innatang to the people of
Paykek will help the next generation in keeping the tradition.
The people who are most knowledgeable of the practice of innatang,
the bereaved families, play an important role in preserving the practice from
vanishing slowly. Through experience, they shared the benefits in the
psychological and socio-cultural significance of innatang. Being the
immediate benefactors of the practice, they are most adept to influence
people in preserving it and take initiative to find ways for the tradition to be
transferred to the next generations.
In addition, the people who have appreciated the psychological and
socio-cultural significance of the innatang will continue to participate in it.

17
They may serve as channels for the continuity of the innatang founded in
the strong bond in the community.
Statement of the Problem
Generally, the study aimed to document the surviving innatang wake
cultural practice of the indigenous peoples of Paykek, Kapangan, Benguet.
Specifically, this research sought answers to the following questions:
1. What are the emerging innatang wake cultural practices by the
indigenous peoples of Paykek, Kapangan, Benguet?
2. What are the psychological and socio-cultural significance of
innatang to the people of Paykek?

18
METHODOLOGY
Research Design
The descriptive qualitative research design was used in the study to
document the surviving innatang cultural practices of the indigenous
peoples of Paykek, Kapangan, Benguet. Specifically, the case study was
utilized to capture the emerging innatang and its psychological and socio-
cultural significance to the people of Paykek. The narratives of the bereaved
families on the innatang cultural practice served as the data for this study.
Population and Locale of the Study
The key informants of the study were limited to the adult members of
the bereaved families. To give clearer understanding of innatang, bereaved
families refer to family members who have lost a member by death and who
have had the wake of their dead loved one in Paykek. There are 11 deaths
involved in this study with 15 members of the bereaved families as key
informants. All of the key informants were chosen based on their willingness
and availability to be part of the study. Three community elders were added
as the key informants. The elders were the key informants when it comes
to the changes in the practice of innatang. They also provided information
on the established practice of the innatang during their childhood as

19
compared today. For Paykek folks, it refers to the inhabitants and off springs
of Paykek, Kapangan who are residents including those who are temporarily
not residing in the said barangay.
The locale of the study is in Paykek, Kapangan, Benguet. It is located
at the center of fifteen barangays of Kapangan. It has a population of about
1500 families dominated by Kankanaeys and a few Ibaloys. It is the seat of
the municipal government. It has a total land area of 1, 135 hectares and
consists of fourteen sitios namely, Dontog, Ayosep, Upper Lomon, Lower
Lomon, Paykek Proper, Pakawan, Gawa, Upper Cadtay, Lower Cadtay,
Bolinsak, Tacadang, Talangew, Deckan, and Masacoco. Sitio Lomon is the
center of Kapangan, where restaurants, the municipal hall, other offices,
shops, and other establishments are found. Having the municipal hall
located in the barangay led to the growth of small time business firms.
Figure 2 shows the municipal map of Kapangan and the provincial
map of Benguet. Through the official website of the Municipality of
Kapangan (2019), Paykek is located in the southern part of Kapangan.
Paykek is a quiet community with mountainous area. The elevated areas
are cultivated for farming and agricultural purposes. It is accessible by land
travels as roads were constructed to reach its premises. It has two
pronounced seasons, the dry which is from November to April and wet
which is during the remaining months of the year. The seasons paved way

20
Figure 2. The maps of Kapangan and Benguet from google images
to the majority of Paykek folks to engage in small scale and in a very few to
medium scale farming. Among the crops grown are rice, fruit trees,
vegetables, root crops, and the most famous, bamboos.
The landscape of old Paykek may have contributed to the embedded
practice of innatang. With its earlier forested mountains, there were no
enough ground for planting. The smaller valleys where few households
occupied were not enough to produce abundant harvest of rice and
vegetables. The few rice paddies were scattered along the foot of the
mountains and provide single cropping yearly. There was a rough and

21
rugged barangay road going to the school; any point after the school is
reachable by foot. There was just one bus traversing to Baguio City on a
daily basis except during repairs, which often happened because of the road
condition. It had a predictable climate so the community then knew when
and what to plant. What they harvested from their backyard farms would be
stretched to supply the family’s needs until the next harvest season. It was
not a suitable community to those who wanted to earn income.
Most of the residents of Paykek are farmers and only a few work in
establishments or government and private firms. Rice harvested from their
rice paddies are kept mostly for family consumption.
Paykek is a community where the residents know every family as
they maintain close community ties. Socially, everybody knows everyone.
The joy and sadness in a family concern the whole community, including
wakes and burials. Paykek has improved a lot since then and it is good to
note that the practice of innatang is still surviving. Only the younger
generations who moved to the nearby cities and municipalities are not
familiar to many of the families residing in the village. The people in the
community help each other in any way they can voluntarily. The community
works for the good of all and its members commit themselves towards
communal effort to achieving the common good. This implies that the
Physical and Cultural geography of Paykek played a significant role in the

22
continuity of the Innatang cultural practice amidst modernization and other
external factors.
Data Collection Instruments
An interview guide was used as the primary data gathering
instrument to assure that all aspects of the innatang practice were asked
from the key informants. Follow-up questions were asked to prior answers
as needed in bringing out important points of the innatang cultural practice.
To saturate the data, some of the key informants were interviewed 2 to 3
times in different settings.
A cellular phone camera, with the permission of the key informants,
was utilized to take documentations of events that supplemented the
narratives of the study. With the permission of the owners and as suggested
by the key informants, a few old available pictures were used. Since there
are many people using Facebook as their albums for pictures instead of the
usual book style, pictures were downloaded from it, with the permission of
the owners and the key informants. The messenger was also used for
easier communication and for the key informants to send the pictures
needed that were not posted in Facebook. Also, the cellular phones were
used when additional information were needed, especially during the writing
of the results and discussions. Secondary sources were also used to

23
corroborate the findings of the study.
Data Collection Procedures
The initial step for data gathering was the conduct of community
consultation to explain the objectives of the study. This was done in one of
the regular meetings of the barangay officials held on September 14, 2018.
Few verifications were asked by some of the barangay officials to make
sure that the study is not a strategy from among the leftist to penetrate and
brainwash the locals. Plate 1 shows the community consultation where I
explained to the barangay officials and some community members the
rationale of my study.
Plate 1. The community consultation

24
The barangay officials were delighted to have a study of the locals.
One of the barangay officials was cautious and later clarified that the
research is not at all affiliated with extremists. Upon approval, the written
informed consent was signed by the Barangay Captain, Hansel K. Manis.
The written informed consent for the key informants was signed prior to the
interview schedules.
The key informants were randomly chosen through referral by the
community members of the elders. The key informants and some of their
family members received text messages to confirm their willingness to be
part of the study. Schedules of interviews were made nevertheless, there
were a few walk in interview. Their willingness and availability to be part of
the study were considered as primary inclusion criteria. The setting of
schedules for the interview of the willing key informants was based on their
availability and most convenient time. This were done through exchange of
text messages, personal visitations, and phone calls. A non-structured
questionnaire served as a guide during the key informant interviews.
Kankanaey, the local language of the Paykek folks, was used for the
interview to facilitate smooth gathering of data. On personal account, I had
a firsthand experience on the practice of innatang during the death of my
aunt and my father, both had their wakes, and buried in Paykek.
The validation was conducted after the needed data were gathered

25
from the key informants. The barangay officials, key informants and other
research participants were present since the validation of data was done
during the barangay assembly. I was given a few minutes to share my
research findings to the community before the assembly formally started. I
took the opportunity to inform the community members on the suggestions
of the key informants as to preserving the culture of the innatang. Plate 2
shows the validation of data during the general assembly, where I presented
the gathered data during the barangay general assembly. Many of the key
informants were present during the general assembly. The community
agreed to the suggestions as to how the community can preserve innatang.
It was emphasized that those who have relatives residing in other places
and wish to bury a dead family member at Paykek cemetery, should not pay
for the construction of the tomb or the grave. They are instead encouraged
to follow the way of the innatang where the labor for tomb construction is
volunteered by the babalu (physically abled men of the village). It was also
mentioned that each family should expose their children to attending wakes
and burials to immerse to the innatang practice. The additional information
given during the validation were noted and questions from the community
were answered. It was suggested that it would be better to conduct other
traditional practices of Paykek in occasions like weddings, baptisms, and
other social events. One community member asked as to what would be

26
the best way to preserve the remarkable practices of Paykek. Another one
asked if it is also possible to include other respondents and not to limit it to
the bereaved families alone.
Plate 2. Validation of data during the general assembly
Treatment of Data
The data gathered during the key informants’ interviews, small
focused group discussions and onsite observations were analyzed
qualitatively. Specifically, thematic analysis was utilized to interpret the raw
data. The disclosure of the real names of the key informants of the study
were given permission. Everyone wanted to use real identity. Many were
actually excited that this kind of study is being conducted. The confidential

27
issues that were mentioned during the interviews which are not part of the
study, were not included as data.
Along with the organized, comprehensive, and clear perspective
presented on the innatang cultural practice of the indigenous peoples of
Paykek were the photo documentations as permitted by the key informants.
Photos during the wake and the burial were limited because they were not
personally taken by the grieving families but by the families’ friends,
relatives and acquaintances. Photos were further shared through social
media. The key informants referred to me some of their relatives and friends
who have possibly taken pictures which I searched in Face Book.
Permission was further granted by both the key informants and the owners
of the photos downloaded. All the people who were instrumental to the
realization of the research were acknowledged and were given due credit.

28
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
This chapter presents the analysis and interpretations of the data on
the emerging innatang cultural practices as well as the Psychological and
Socio-Cultural significance to the people of Paykek, Kapangan.
Emerging Innatang Cultural Practices
Data show that there are several emerging cultural practices of
innatang by the people of Paykek. These practices were modified over time.
Conveniences Afforded by Modernity
Data show that some of the innatang cultural practices during wakes
were modified considering conveniences afforded by modernity. For
example, at present, when someone dies in Paykek, it is easily known by
people near and far through cellphones and social media. Immediately upon
confirmation of the death, the information is passed through text brigades
and Facebook. As stated by Lichauco (2017), “This is the Philippines, the
text messaging capital of the world, where SMS (Short Message Service)
has given rise to a subculture with its own lingo, folklore and etiquette. “
Figure 3 shows the notice of death posted on social media through
my Face Book account during the death of my father. This shows that social
media is a great help to disseminate information to everyone. This process

29
Figure 3. Notice of death posted on social media from Face Book
has outgrown the old practice where a mangibaag (to inform), has to roam
around the community to inform about the death to every household. For
relatives and friends from far places, they would know the news at a later
time when the death is announced in the radio as intended by the bereaved
family or a mangibaag is sent to inform the news. For some, the information
is communicated personally. On the other hand, it takes a longer time for
news to be spread in the old practice which also means that the family takes
time to receive help from their relatives. Since there are no mangibaag
these days, anybody may inform about the death. Once the news is seen in
social media or is received through text messages, people in Paykek
automatically display the spirit of volunteerism as the members of the
community assume embedded roles of extending help and condoling the
bereaved family. Once the news is received, the nearest neighbors gather

30
around the house of the bereaved family whether or not the body has been
carried home. This practice is done to extend condolences to the family
members of the person who died and to prepare the house for the wake.
Communication is easier and makes events done quicker because
of cellphones and social media. Supplementary to this, Meawasige (2018)
presented in his website the Funeral Home Technology to Watch in 2018.
He said that getting every member of the family into one room for a paper
work or a group decision simply is not realistic. Everything is about
convenience. Communication tools that will help families to collaborate on
the funeral can be processed online, from the comforts of their own homes
and on any device. The people of Paykek, like any other community,
embrace the conveniences of technology.
In addition, the use of commercialized food is also evident during
wakes. It was observed that the traditional tapey (rice wine), which was a
customary drink during wakes before has been replaced with liquor
(Ginebra San Miguel) and soda drinks. Only a few among the folks know
how to make good tapey these days and if they do, it is reserved for certain
special occasions. Root crops like camote (sweet potatoes), aba (yam), and
camoteng kahoy for snacks brought by neighbors have been replaced with
cookies, candies and bread brought by relatives and friends attending the
wake. The days are gone when women cook root crops during wakes.

31
Unlimited brewed coffee still remains as part of the snacks served. These
practices coincide with Gow’s (2019) statement that there is no shame in
buying prepared foods. These foods are generally easy to find as to source,
cook, and serve, making one less task to think about.
Moreover, the shifting of using banana trunk as plates prepared by
the babalu into plastic, enamel, and paper plates during wakes, is evident
at present. The availability and convenience of using the plastic enamel
utensils had gradually changed the banana trunks especially that the
barangay owns kitchen utensils for such needs. In addition to the set of
cooking utensils, which some were donated by the previous politicians, the
barangay also has mono bloc chairs, canvas, and a blue torch available for
rent in minimal amount during big occasions. When rented for wakes, chairs
are at Php2.00 each. The canvases are borrowed and any amount is
donated by the user. The blue torch, rented from the barangay, lessens the
use of fire wood for burning the animals butchered and is easier to use and
works faster than the fire wood. Firewood is still a need in cooking in todays’
wake but the need became lesser because the blue torch is used in burning
the animal furs before having it cooked.
Furthermore, the use of funeral services is evident in the locality at
present. The use of the modernized wooden coffin from the local funeral
service provider is another development. Trees are a few to provide lumber

32
at present. Likewise, the Department of Environment and Natural
Resources (DENR) have strengthened its policy against cutting of trees.
Even if there are still trees that can be used as caskets, the people of
Paykek chose to follow rules. Thus, even if there is an existing customary
law, formal laws dominates because these are legal. However, it is also
interesting to note that the funeral services use wooden caskets to suit the
culture of the people instead of using metal/modern caskets.
Data show that all of the bereaved families in this study availed the
funeral services of Elter Chew-as. This has outgrown the traditional wood
coffin that was constructed by the babalu during the wake. Traditionally, it
took longer time for the cadaver to be placed in a coffin because the coffin
was made according to traditions. Also, logs for lumber such as the coffin,
are only allowed with permit from the DENR prior to the making or use. The
locals choose to avail the wooden caskets since the sole local funeral
service provider adjust his business offers to suit the community’s innatang
practice. The coffin is still made of wood without nails used. As part of
Innatang, no initial payments were asked from the clients and full services
are still offered depending on the family’s preference. Moreover, complete
packages of services were also delivered at the doors of the bereaved
families. Payment for the funeral services were only given during the
sugid/laya, the cleaning day after someone’s death. The bereaved families

33
then did not worry much on the immediate expenses especially for the
coffins, as they were provided by the funeral parlor without initial payment.
Providing the service without initial payment shows how trust and
brotherhood are important for the people of Paykek. The changes on the
bereaved families’ preferences on matters that concern the wake and the
burial such as the modernized coffin include the use of electric lamps,
inclusive in the funeral service package, instead of candles.
As observed today, the funeral service includes the coffin, curtains,
light bulbs, pair of candle stand, donation box, and floor carpet. In fact, other
funeral service providers in La Trinidad and in Baguio City, extend services
in Kapangan. This is an indication that more people, including the
indigenous peoples of Paykek recognize the convenience of funeral service
providers. However, for the majority of the Paykek folks they remain loyal
to the local service provider not only because it is located in the barangay,
but also because the services are designed to fit the funeral practices of the
locals with utmost respect and consideration.
Furthermore, the inclusion of the family tree in wakes has become a

practice at present. Findings show that the bereaved families use family tree
to present all family members of the deceased person. It is displayed on a
wall near the coffin as shown in Plate3. Some family trees are pinned at the
inner cover of the coffin for the community and guests, who do not know the
members of the family of the deceased, to be informed. It is also a way of

34
tracing unknown relatives, unlike before that the people know one another
in the community, hence, considering a family tree during wakes
Photo credit to Cherry Ann Golingab.

Plate 3. The family tree of James Binay-an
reinforces communal relationships. As stated by Alberts (2018) that in
Filipino wakes, the wooden casket, which is open the whole time, is filled
with the names of the siblings, children, grandchildren, great grandchildren,
parents, wife, and/or husband of the deceased. A tarpaulin is preferred but
in the unavailability of it, a manila paper is used as a substitute. When the
material is pinned in the coffin, it is made of ribbons. Having a family tree
on a material was not part of the wakes before, since information on family
members are known verbally if asked. The unique cooperation and
volunteerism are in a way fostered by the people of Paykek who regard one

35
another as relatives. A clan book was used to present the peoples of
Paykek, Pudong, Cayapes, and other members of the neighboring
barangays from one origin which is the Demot-Gayen clan. The people of
Paykek meet three to five times in different clan reunions but it is distinctive
that only in wakes and burials that even the relatives who have not been
long acquainted with, would attend but not in other social occasions and
family affairs. Caparaz (2010) had confirmed that Filipinos consider the
death of relatives as an event that strengthens family ties. It is because the
relatives and friends even who work abroad and who have not been united
with for a long time, would re-unite and pay respect and honor to the
relationship they had with the deceased.
Finally, one of the conveniences afforded by modernity, is the use of
the public cemetery, the concreting of tombs and surfaces of the graves.
Data also show that many of the traditional graves at the family’s backyard
were transferred to the public cemetery and a cemented surface is now
preferred when constructing concrete tombs or graves. The transferring of
tombs and graves from the backyard to the public cemetery was due to
construction of houses to where these tombs were originally stationed. Only
a few choose to bury the dead in their private lots. Plate 4 shows the
concrete tombs at Paykek cemetery where most of the key informants
buried the dead. The public cemetery was donated by the late Bantas

36
Molitas, Delmas Pili, and a certain Ledsey, who were all members of the
Anglican church.
Photo credit to Gayle Jaime

Plate 4. Concrete tombs at Paykek cemetery
Additionally, most caskets are kept in concrete tombs compared to
the graves before when caskets were plainly buried underground. The
concrete tombs with the dates in the old days written on it, were owned only
by the rich who could afford to buy the materials used. On the other hand,
the commoners buried the dead in the gravesite and tombstones or
woods were built or erected. A stone or a piece of wood were used as
markers. Today, if the dead is buried in a grave, the surface is still
concreted. This is to have a sturdy foundation and a marker for the
graveyard as well as protection. Wilbert (2019) on burial vaults, stated that

37
the vaults protect the casket from the weight of the earth and heavy
maintenance equipment that will pass over the grave. It also helps resist
water and preserves the beauty of the cemetery or memorial park by
preventing the ground from settling.
Furthermore, it is the family’s choice to bury the dead in their
backyard or in the donated public cemetery. There were more families who
bury their dead at the cemetery. It is more practical because private lots are
used for building houses and other structural purposes. Seven out of ten of
the bereaved families buried the dead to be buried at the cemetery. Three
of the families buried the dead at their respective backyards. Two among
the families have houses situated far from the public cemetery and since
they have vacant lots near their houses, they chose to have their graveyards
within. Along with this, one bereaved family is near the cemetery but prefers
a graveyard of their own. This implies that the transferring of tombs from the
family’s backyard to the public cemetery was because of limited space for
residential use.
Division of Labor
During deaths, the community members readily assume their
respective tasks. The preparation of the house for the wake include pitching
canvasses, fixing makeshift tables for cooking, bringing chairs and kitchen
utensils to the house of the deceased, butchering and cooking of animals

38
like pigs, cows, and carabaos, and cooking rice. There are established cook
masters in the community where their services are paid when called to cook
in other occasions but render free service during wakes and funerals. Tasks
include carrying the casket, digging the grave or constructing the tomb,
carrying heavy loads and other manly tasks which are done by the babalu
(abled men of the community). Almost all tasks in wakes and funerals are
participated by the babalu. On the other hand, women are aids to the babalu
in food preparation. They help in serving snacks and meals; they do more
hospitality work for the guests, making sure that their needs are attended,
especially those who come from far places. The children also assume the
task of doing errands. The prayer vigils, cleaning during sugid, and watching
over the dead, are participated by everybody, male and female, young and
old. This division of labor during wakes and funerals in Paykek are
characteristics of the mechanical solidarity theory.
Findings show that experiencing death in the family was not so heavy
at all because of the spirit of community relations as shown in the division
of labor. It is somewhat similar with the Chinese custom. Adaci (1999) cited
in his study that in the Chinese peasant village in China, during funerals,
neighbors gather to assist in making the funeral arrangements, cooking
food, cleaning, and the like. These tasks are done because the Chia (family)
members are in such a state of mourning thus, they cannot make the normal

39
responsibilities. In Adaci’s (1999) findings, both the youth and the elder
respondents agreed that death practices were first in their priorities where
bayanihan is practiced.
In addition, part of the preparation is done at the house of the
bereaved family, immediately upon hearing of the death of family member.
Chairs will be made available to cater for those who will be coming for the
wake until the burial. If the neighbors of the bereaved families have enough
chairs to be used, chairs are not necessary to be rented from the barangay.
It is also commonly observed that babalu provide makeshift benches from
what are seen available in the neighborhood and make benches out of
bamboos and slabs. Plate 5 shows a part of the wake preparation done by
the babalu, which is making fire woods available for cooking. During the
preparation, the babalu include securing fire woods. For most cases,
relatives would donate fire woods so the babalu need to go into their
forestland or pastureland. It is then the babalu who would bring the fire
woods to the house of the bereaved. Canvases for shade are pitched. If
the bereaved family does not have, or may not have enough canvas, these
are rented at the barangay with minimal fees. The silyasi, a traditional wide-
mouthed, heavy metal pot for cooking large amount of meat, is also made
available. The silyasi and other cooking utensils such as large pots, enamel
and plastic plates, and cups are available at the barangay hall. For huge

40
Photo credit to Nerissa Langbayan

Plate 5. Part of the wake preparation
basins and the dakillan, a three legged steel stand intended for outdoor
cooking, and can accommodate three huge pots at the same time, are
borrowed from neighbors. Aside from the plates and cups from the
barangay, the community owns a set of cups and plates donated by
previous politicians. These are brought out for use and for free during
deaths in the community.

41
Editha Sipol, was very thankful when two of her neighbors donated
fire woods during the death of her husband, Jose Sipol. The use of blue
torch these days has been noticed as a change thus, minimizing the use of
truckloads of firewood to fewer logs.
The community assume roles in food preparation and in almost
everything that needs attention. People attending wakes are fed with meals
and served with snacks and coffee interminably. Serving of meals to arriving
visitors, especially from far places, has no schedule. They always serve
food since it is assumed that they came from afar and have to be fed. As
shown in plate 6, a meal is served to everyone at the wake. Complete meals
are served with snacks in wakes whenever available and are always with
unlimited coffee.
Photo credits to Cherry Ann Golingab

Plate 6. Meal served at the wake

42
Food preparation is one major task in wakes and funerals, thus, in
Paykek, this is a joint effort done by abled community members but mostly
by the babalu. Plate 7, the butchering and cooking of pigs for meals, still
shows part of the division of labor of the community members, this is
specifically one of the major tasks of the babalu.
Photo credit to Lea Bokilis

Plate 7. Butchering and cooking of pigs for meals
Plate 8, on the other hand, is the serving of meals and shows men
and women alike doing the job. Unlike in some other societies, Paykek does
not cling to the traditional roles exclusive for men and women. It has been
a notable development that men help women in less manual work during
wakes. The works include rice cooking, serving of snacks, washing of the
dishes and hospitality. Today, there is more work done by men as compared
to women during wakes and burials. Preparing the house for the wake,

43
butchering of animals and cooking of meat and rice, digging the grave or
constructing the tomb, transporting the coffin until the burial site, serving
snacks, and employing hospitality are tasks attended to by men. There are
more tasks attended to by men than women merely because these require
physical strength, thus, these are done by the babalu. This does not mean
however, that babalu do not take initiative to help women in doing lighter
tasks.
“The many tasks automatically assumed by neighbors and
community members were a great relief for me” recalled Ernesto Palada, a
Photo credit to Nerissa Langbayan

Plate 8. Serving of meals
retired Principal II and the husband of the late Albina Palada. His wife died
at the of age 75 on April 4, 2018 due to old age and complicated illness.
She was a retired Teacher III in the neighboring barangay. Their house was
located in the barangay where they do not have many neighbors but this

44
did not hinder the community to do their shared responsibility, participating
in the division of labor. He shared that he did not worry at all in taking care
of the guests and visitors since all tasks were done for him by the neighbors
and relatives. He felt that everybody was concerned during the wake until
the burial. He added saying, “kainemnem iman di community sin
namaewedan auntie yu”. (The community thought and took care of
everything that needed to be done when your auntie died). He further said
that the major task he had to do during those times were to make decisions
with his children. They were never worried nor troubled with the multitude
of tasks so they were thankful to the community of Paykek. Plate 9 shows
the coffin being prepared for transport as another major task of the babalu
during the death of Albina Palada. The graveyard was in the family’s private
Plate 9. The coffin being prepared for transport

45
lot in a nearby hill where they have to cross a river through a hanging bridge
to get there. The transport was done smoothly by the babalu and the
community. Ernesto also compared a wake they attended somewhere in
Central Luzon where he saw the great difference of how barangay Paykek
work as a family in times of death. He concluded that the unique cooperation
of the community is very remarkable in Paykek, thus, the young generation
should continue to practice it.
Furthermore, Primitiva Binay-an, a retired teacher and the wife of
the late James Binay-an, who died of cardiovascular attack on July 1, 2018
at the age of 75, gratefully said that the innatang made the bereavement
easier for them to deal with because they never worried about all the things
that needed to be done during the wake and the burial. Everything was done
without asking. It was a group effort of nearest the kin, neighbors, and the
community who caused them to bear their grief and sorrow lighter during
the death of their loved one. Primitiva said that innatang should be
preserved because it is a beautiful practice and a noble heritage. She
added that this kind of practice should be documented for future use of the
younger generations. She has observed that due to several reasons, we
are losing our beautiful cultural heritage and our identity.
During burials there are additional tasks from beginning to end.
The six key informants, had their dead buried at the cemetery while four

46
had been buried at their private properties. When everything is settled and
the ceremonies are done, the coffin is carried by the babalu together with
the male family members to where it is to be transported to the grave when
a ride is available then a funeral procession begins. If there is no road
through which the grave is travelled, the coffin is carried by the babalu with
male family members and brought to on foot to the grave/tomb. One of the
assumed tasks of the babalu during the wake is preparing the grave or the
tomb. Together with them are the family members and the community who
chose to join. They carry with them flowers, candles and some of the clothes
of the dead to be buried with the coffin.
The funeral procession is a tradition not only in the Philippines but
also in other countries. In the United States, Matthiesen, Wickert & Lehrer,
SC (2018), a law office, defined a funeral procession as a convoy of friends,
relatives, and family members following the hearse from the funeral home
to the burial site. Most states have enacted statutes governing the
procedures and traffic laws for a funeral procession as well as the legal
requirements for yielding to one. The procession is often accompanied by
law enforcement vehicles to ensure safety when running into a red light.
Cars travelling in the opposite direction of a funeral procession may yield
out of respect. This is a similar practice in the Philippines. In Paykek where
the roads are not crowded with vehicles, the funeral procession is also given

47
a priority. At the gravesite, the grave/tomb is blessed and a prayer is said
before the coffin is laid down the grave/tomb. This is accompanied by the
community’s songs for the dead. Plate 10 shows another role of the babalu
which is from the preparation of the grave or tomb until the laying of the
coffin to its eternal rest. This preparation was applied during the burial of
Albina Palada who was buried in a private graveyard. The local service
provider, in respect to the local traditions and is different to what common
urban funeral service do, does not provide the service of burying which
includes the carrying of the coffin from the house to the grave site. These
are still done by the babalu in the spirit of innatang.
Plate 10. Family graveyard

48
The babalu do the job of carefully laying the coffin down the
grave/tomb. When the coffin is laid in a grave, the family members grab a
handful of soil and throw it to the coffin; followed by the community this
would mean that the family members would let go of their dead to his/her
final resting place, the soil. The burying of the grave then is finished by the
the babalu with their shovels, spades and other digging materials as the rest
of the community awaits while singing. Kirk (2019), a writer, stated in her
article that it is common in many cultures for mourners to toss a handful of
dirt on the casket before leaving the cemetery. This symbolizes that the man
was born of this earth and has returned to this earth. A spouse or a family
member will be the first to toss a handful of dirt to the casket, and followed
by the rest of the family and friends to do the same.
After the ceremony at the cemetery or the graveyard, the community
get back to the bereaved family’s house. Outside the house is a basin of
water where everyone who came from the cemetery or the graveyard to
wash their hands upon arrival. The tradition is done as a reminder to all who
attended the burial that the living should go about their lives after the death
in the community. Shurpin (2019) discussed the reasons of the Jews
washing hands after a burial or a visit from the cemetery. She explained
that the basic reason for washing hands after a funeral is that whenever
holiness departs (in this case, the soul from the body), negative forces try

49
to fill the void. The negative spirits that surround the dead person attach
themselves specifically to a person’s hands since the hands are the part of
the body that extends the most to the outside. After the burial, though there
will be no more singing of worship songs, prayers/novenas may continue.
There will still be people who will stay with the bereaved family during this
time. Normally, the nearest kin will stay a longer to accompany the
immediate family members. The babalu and the neighbors will stay as well
but may not sleep at the house of the bereaved family. This is done because
it will be unlikely to leave the bereaved family on their own while they are
still adjusting on the loss of their loved one. This is very much appreciated
by bereaved families especially those whose family members do not
actually with them in the barangay. The rituals being done today have bases
on the Christian teachings.
The mere presence of the community members gathered around the
house of the bereaved is a role too. It is not okay if a family is left alone
during the wake. The larger the crowd in a wake is, the better since the
bereaved family feels the support of the community in such case. Attending
the wake is not just a social obligation but it has become a community norm.
In this practice, the characteristic of Collectivism theory and the
Homogeneous society are seen in Paykek. Should there be a person who
does not attend wakes, he/she is considered indifferent. At daytime, the

50
wake revolves around storytelling, singing of worship songs and songs for
the dead, offering prayers for the dead and the bereaved family, or even
simply sitting down with the crowd. Plate 11 shows the crowd in one of the
wakes. The storytelling during wakes would simply be a sharing from friends
and visitors related to the dead person when he/she was alive. Stories
shared late at night speaks about anything so to keep the people awake
and alive. This is the time where jokes from elders would be told and
followed by everybody interested to join. On the sidelines are smaller group
into pairs sharing stories about acquaintances, events, and day to day life.
Photo credit to Leah Bokilis

Plate 11. The crowd in one of the wakes
The neighbors and the members of the community encourage their
families to join the wake. During wakes and burials, it is better to attend

51
doing nothing than staying at home being productive since attending wakes
is a social norm. The manifestation of a similar practice of innatang can be
observed in different societies. Albayrack and Arci (2007) as cited in Bahar
et al. (2012), in a research in traditional and religious death practices in
Western Turkey, stated that people offer their condolences to the spouse,
children, relatives, and friends of the deceased. It is a wide-spread tradition
and a way of commiserating with the relatives of the recently deceased on
their grief, deep mental anguish, and misfortune. Neighbors, relatives, and
other people who come to express their condolences usually bring food.
Also, watching over the dead is a role during wakes and funerals.
Although there are more people attending the wake at daytime, the family
is never left until dawn. During the day, neighbors attending wakes would
come and go because they have suspended their normal routine to attend
the wake. However, there are some works that cannot wait and need to be
attended to thus, people take turns to watch over the dead for 24 hours
every day until burial. Plate 12 shows the family members with the
community watching over the dead.
By culture, the people should watch over their dead because during
the pre-Christian era, spirits were ill-mannered that they stole the cadavers
when no one was on guard. As for today, people watching their dead for 24
hours is a demonstration of the profound love and respect that the people

52
Plate 12. Watching over the dead
want to provide to the beloved dead on his/her last days. Alberts (2018)
contributed that family members, relatives, and friends take their turn not
sleeping and be near the casket since the casket should not be left alone.
Similar to this practice of watching over the dead is the Jewish tradition that
the body is never left alone for the duration of the wake, as presented by
Memory Tree (2017).
People begin to diminish at past midnight as the children and some
of the old folks would go home and rest by this time. Some key informants
observed that during those nights where almost everyone was exhausted
and needed to go home and sleep, the babalu, gambling outside the house,
took turns in accompanying those watching over the dead. The men
drinking liquor also stayed longer in the night. The babalu claim that they

53
gamble and drink liquor while on wake to fight sleep. Gambling at night
during wakes is a part of the activities of middle- aged men including some
of the babalu. However, the key informants have a split opinion regarding
this. Some said that gambling should stop because it is not appropriate
during the time of mourning. Other key informants agree to this practice. It
has also been observed that the men who participate in gambling are the
ones left at the venue and stay with the bereaved family during the late
hours of the night until dawn. They take turns in watching over the dead.
This implies that gambling is an activity to make the men awake throughout
the night. The tong, amount of money from gambling donated to the
deceased, varies in amount from Php3000.00 to Php7,000.00, and that
were collected from the winnings of the gambler, was added to defray
expenses for electricity during the wake. The giving of tong is still part of the
innatang as a help to the bereaved family.
The burial is the busiest day during deaths. It is also the day that has
the most number of people attending, compared to those during the wake.
This starts at early dawn where the babalu is busy butchering animals for
that day. The women in the neighbors help in the preparation and cooking
of food. The bereaved family get ready for the funeral service and the
community gather in flocks to attend the burial. Plate 13 shows all ages
attending a burial. Although the burial is dominated by adults, children

54
including toddlers and babies are not prohibited to attend wakes and burials.
As seen in the photo, the senior citizens are very active in attending wakes
and funerals.
After the burial is the rite of the sugid/laya. The sugid/laya marks the
last day of rituals at the house of the bereaved family. This is considered
the day of cleaning then the bereaved family may continue with their regular
activities. The sugid/laya is set by the bereaved family a day or even few
days after the burial but some can have it just after the burial. During the
sugid/laya, everyone helps in the cleaning of the house and in returning and
Photo credit to Cherry Ann Golingab
Plate 13. Burial rites of James Binay-an

55
fixing the things used during the wake and the burial. A prayer service is
also offered for the repose of the soul of the dead and for blessings to the
bereaved families. In the service the entire house and surroundings are
sprinkled with holy water. This activity is a shortened version of the
Catholic’s practice of the nine-day novena and the 40th day after death.
Guballa (2019) wrote that in the Catholic tradition, a nine-day novena
(prayer) is held every evening after the holy mass and a celebration is held
on the deceased’s 40th day as this is believed to be the day he/she ascends
to heaven. Among the Born Again Christians, the nine-day and 40-day
celebrations are disregarded. They believe that upon death, the soul goes
directly to heaven and there is no need for intercessions.
For practicality, the prayer for the dead in Paykek are all done during
the sugid. The family may still opt to follow the novenas including the 40th
day, especially those who can afford. The community also partake in the
laya, sliced pork meat seasoned with ginger and beled (half-fermented rice).
The beled is the rice that fermented the rice wine. A pinch or two is
distributed to the community gathered. This is blessed by the religious
leader and partaking from it would mean sharing the blessings that would
come as the bereaved family will start a new life after their mourning. After
the sugid/laya, the next event that the community will gather at the house
of the deceased may be on the 40th day or the 1st death anniversary. This

56
practice still depends on the bereaved families’ decision. Some families
would commemorate it earlier or later. For financially prepared families, they
may have thanksgiving prayers offered apart from the 40th day and the
death anniversary of a family member.
During the sugid, it is also the day set to pay all expenses incurred
during the wake and burial, the people who had been working, refuse to
accept any amount of payment even when offered. It is also interesting to
note that even after the sugid, some neighbors and relatives are still
gathered at the house of the deceased to accompany them until they are
fully recovered from the loss of their loved ones.
Moreover, the division of labor during wakes is similar with the
study conducted by Baloyi (2014) who emphasizes that many people
need to slaughter animals, to do the cooking, and to dig and prepare the
grave. Whenever a collective decision on butchering an animal is reached,
people are delegated to accomplish it.
In the same way, Omengan (1995) as a result of her study on the
death and burial rituals and other practices and beliefs of the Igorots of
Sagada, Mountain Province stated that the practices and beliefs bring fort
development and enhancement of a deep sense of responsibility. This
observation is evident among the villagers when they assume important
tasks in food preparation wherein visitors are expected to eat ahead of all

57
others and/or in doing any task to help the bereaved family during the wake.
The neighbors invite visitors from distant towns for meals and night
accommodations to lighten the bereaved family’s responsibility of lodging
the visitors. This initiative lessens the family’s expenses. The tulong or
tambo portion helps the bereaved family to cope with financial problems
since the proceeds may be used to defray wake expenses. Desirable traits
are developed as all the prescribed activities assigned to the volunteers are
duly performed, such as the construction of the coffin and the tomb and/or
digging the grave for the dead.
All of the tasks described are certainly assumed by the community
members. There is no need for the bereaved families to request for tasks
to be done. The labor extended by the community members during wakes
and burials are free. During the sugid, it is also the day set to pay all
expenses incurred during the wake and burial, the people who had been
working, refuse to accept any amount of payment even when offered.
At present, innatang is encouraged by the barangay officials. They
stated that innatang is a simple way of showing an orderly and people-
responsive community. Thus, if possible, anytime they attend wakes, which
they consider as part of their social obligation as barangay officials. Some
barangay officials emphasized that it is good to be always present during
wakes to condole the grieving families, and may not be around in other

58
joyous occasions.
Rationalization of Innatang
The theories of Rationalization and Modernization and the concepts
of loose culture and liberalism help us fully understand the rationalization of
innatang. For Weber (1920), rationalization means that instead of customs
and traditions that motivate human behavior, it became reason and
practicality that guided these, which is seen in practices of innatang
discussed in this chapter. In the Modernization theory by Winston (2019),
he explains that there is a progressive transition from an old or pre-modern
to new or modern society. This transition is necessary to provide efficiency,
comfort, and convenience to the present society as it will depend on the
amenities of the modern times as compared to how things were done in the
old days. The transition of the innatang is seen in the utensils and amenities
used during wakes and funerals. It is also evident on how the community
accepted the modifications of the old practices compared to how it is done
at present.
Furthermore, one aspect favorable to bereaved families in Paykek at
present, is the financially manageable (budget-friendly) way of holding
wakes. Financial manageability means that after death, the bereaved family
is not left indebted from the expenses during the wakes and burials. In
traditional wakes and burials which were so expensive, the bereaved family

59
have to produce the required 10-30 animals (pigs and carabaos) that could
lead to indebtedness. When the bereaved family cannot pay for the animals
butchered during the wake and funeral, they are forced to give up their piece
of land as payment even when the land is more expensive than the animals.
One modification that made today’s wakes and burials is the practice of alus
(rice contributions whether commercial or locally produced). Each family
contributes two salmons (measuring can for rice) of rice which are
immediately provided and cooked especially on the onset of the wake when
the bereaved family has not yet bought commercial rice. Narrative account
show that the alus started during the time of the late Councilor Danny
Segundo who was a resident of the barangay. He suggested that every
family should help during times of death. Following the suggestion of the
Councilor is an indication of how the community people gave high regard to
their leaders. It was a mere suggestion but has been sustained until today.
The rice is prioritized during wakes since it is the most important to be
prepared. It was voluntary at first until it became part of a social obligation.
There is no written law towards the imposition of alus but everytime there is
death in the barangay, community volunteers roam around the
neighborhood to collect rice contributions. During the death of Gregorio
Bantas, there were about three sacks of rice donated. Eventually, there was
only one sack of rice bought and used throughout the duration of the wake

60
until the burial. Each family contributes two salmons of rice but many would
give more. Monetary contribution, which is about the amount of two
salmons, is given by some donors instead. The monetary contribution
ranges from Php30-100. Alus is common among few places in Cordillera
and as it continues to be a good practice, it spreads slowly within the region.
The traditional way of innatang was for the neighbors who are women to go
to the bereaved and pound rice so that the people attending the wake will
have something to eat. If the bereaved family does not have enough rice for
the wake, neighbors would volunteer theirs and later be paid or changed in
kind depending on the agreement of families concerned.
In addition, to augment the financial needs of the family, the upo

(cash money) is donated from the community members, friends, and
relatives. However, there is a change on the way it is practiced. Before,
money was difficult to earn for a family to give upo to the dead and 0.12
centavos was already a big amount. The data from the key informants show
that the upo collected ranges from Php86,000.00 to Php280,000.00. Plate
14 shows the tall, wooden donation box positioned right next to the coffin
where the upo is kept. On top of it is the notebook where donors would write
their names and donations whether in cash or in kind. The donation box is
part of the offers of the funeral service provider in the locality. For those who
would not avail of the funeral service, an improvised cookie can or a secured
box is a substitute. Having flag laid atop the coffin, means that the deceased

61
Plate 14. The tall, wooden donation box
has served in the government. The photo shared on this part was taken
during the wake of Gregorio Bantas who died on December 23, 2017.
Moreover, wakes and burials are expensive. Money is probably the
first concern when it comes to issues of death but in Paykek, the bereaved
family is not burdened by the cost of it. Data proved that most of the total
expenses during funerals were paid through the upo. The economic aspect
is probably aided the greatest when innatang is practiced. Through the upo,
the bereaved family is not left financially drained after a death in the family.
Generally during deaths, animals are butchered, funeral services are
availed, sacks of rice are purchased, coffee and snacks are prepared for
the duration of the wake until the sugid/laya. For how much money is
prepared, is dependent on the length of the wake. It should be sufficient to
feed at least a hundred individuals or more everyday in the wake.

62
The estimated upo during the death of Albina Palada was
Php200,000.00 and more. During the funeral, aside from the community
were the husband of the deceased and her relatives, the daughters who are
both married, former workmates, students and the DepEd family as she was
a retired teacher. The wake was held for four days and the burial was on
the 5th day. During the wake, the pigs butchered were donations; one from
a nephew and the rest were from siblings and her daughter is raising pigs.
The carabao, included in the animals butchered during the burial, was
owned by the deceased. It was only the funeral services that were needed
to be paid in cash. The funeral service cost ranges from 13,000.00 and up.
The rest of the upo was untouched, kept and was later spent for the death
anniversary but leaving portion of it.
The upo donated during the death of James Binay-an, a retired
DepEd supervisor in the division of Benguet, was estimated at 280,000.00
Php. He was married and they have eight children and six of them are
married. The wake was held for seven days wherein, two pigs were
butchered daily and during the burial, the carabao and the cow of the
deceased were butchered in addition to the pigs. Added to these were two
pigs donated by his brothers, nephews and nieces. The upo substantially
lessened the financial responsibility of their children.
Also, Lilia Bantas, who died an old maid, had no child but had 12

63
siblings and only seven were alive at the time of her death. She was into
backyard farming as her means of living. The upo was estimated at
Php87,000.00. There were four pigs butchered and two of which were
donated by her nieces during the wake that went for four days. The upo was
enough to cover the expenses such as the funeral service, two pigs and all
other expenses incurred during the wake and the burial.
In addition, Gregorio Bantas was a small time farmer, married, with

four children of which two are married. The upo donated was estimated at
Php140,000.00. The wake was held for four days and the burial was on the
5th day. The expenses covered by the upo was the funeral service at
Php13,000, three pigs, groceries, rental fees for the chairs and canvas,
funeral clothes and blanket for the deceased. There was no expense for
rice because of the alus through which three sacks of rice were acquired.
The 5th pig was a donation from nieces. His carabao was added to the
butchered animals during the burial. After the expenses were all paid during
the sugid/laya, Php30,000.00 remained untouched and was added to the
expenses during the 40th day service. The payment for the electric bill during
the duration the wake was taken from the tong of Php5,000.00. The only
expense handled by the family was the materials for the concrete tomb. The
tomb was constructed a year after the death because the soil atop the grave
needed to be plowed well with the ground where the concrete tomb was to
be built. The community’s innatang is truly a blessing especially in times of

64
difficulties. “There were just too many people who contributed financially
through the upo. Money is not easy in our community as not all are formally
employed in our community but the sharing by everyone ended more than
enough to cover all the expenses during the wake, burial and even the 40th
day,” says Rocklyn Bantas, the wife of the late Gregorio Bantas. Some
donations were also from the children and relatives, hence there was no
financial burden left to the widow.
Data revealed that the upo was greater than the death expenses of
the bereaved families. This data is different with the practice of the
Westerners on crowdfunding (Williams, 2019). She stated that
crowdfunding is one of the fastest way to raise money for funerals. In
crowdfunding, the bereaved family has to do the initiative to ask for
voluntary contributions for the funeral. In Paykek, the bereaved family need
not to ask for the monetary donation; it is an embedded tradition. This
confirms that Collectivism and Homogeneous society prevail in Paykek. The
upo was a great relief to a bereaved family whose deceased member had
experienced terminal disease and had undergone lengthy medications that
caused them financially drained. Thus, the family had some cash to use for
the wake and the funeral service through the upo. To the bereaved families,
it has become an unwritten law that when someone dies in the community,
they have to give upo as a form of paying back the goodness they received

65
when they were the ones grieving. The norm of reciprocity is evident in
Paykek. The innatang is a window of progress not just for the bereaved
family but the community as well. Through this, death is not seen as
expensive and burdensome. In fact, the financial aspect of innatang does
not only exist during death but also when a person is sick with terminal
illness. The family is offered with financial help through concerts for a cause,
voluntary donations, and solicitations.
The practice of Alus and Upo is part of the reciprocity and the
collectivism culture of the locals. It is a give and take relationship to help
others in times of need regardless of social status in the community.
Abuloy or financial donations are placed near the casket. Similarly,
in his Filipino Burial Practices and Customs journal, Alberts (2017) stated
that the traditional Filipino wake is held usually for three days to a week
while others may take longer, in the house of the deceased person.
Everyone can see the dead and pay tribute to the deceased. In the place,
there is a stand with a guest book and a pot for "abuloy".
On special account, financial burden is augmented not only during
wakes and burial but also during onset of serious illness. Another emerging
practice of the community is to hold activities for a cause such as concert,
darts, basketball, and the like, to raise funds for people with serious
illnesses.

66
Like the case of Alan Awisan, who died at 42 on May 23, 2018 due
to chronic kidney failure and other complications. Melody was left with a
young baby boy. Most of the last months of her husband were spent at the
hospital. Her husband was also a beneficiary of a concert for a cause. The
wake at their house in Paykek was for a day and a night and on the next
day, the coffin was brought home to Bakun, Benguet, Alan Awisan’s
hometown. Mila Matis, their mother, said that she appreciated the innatang
practice of the community when there is death in the neighborhood. It is
good to belong to a community where there is order, unity and initiative.
She further mentioned that the practice should be preserved.
Another key informant, Lerma Dilla, the wife of the late Libreto Dilla
who was a farmer, was still on tears when she said, “nalag-a lag-anan di
rikna” (I felt so relived, my worries were all gone), pertaining to how she felt
the community volunteerism and cooperation when her husband died.
Libreto died at 67 on August 23, 2016 due to heart failure. Her husband had
also been a beneficiary of a concert for a cause when he was under
medication. She added that despite of their family being very poor, the
community made them feel that they belong to Paykek because of the
support extended to them. The feeling of belongingness boosted her well-
being. This gave her inspiration to be more active in community
engagement, a way of paying it forward. She said that in Paykek, one need

67
not to ask for help in times of death because the community already gives
it before the bereaved family asks. According to her, she came from a far
place, Bicol, and got married to Libreto. She further emphasized that she
cannot payback all the help that the people extended to her family not just
during the wake and the burial but also from the time her husband was
diagnosed with heart failure and other complications so she just pray that
God keeps them safe and blessed at all time.
Today, the increased amount of upo given today shows the change
of the livelihood of the people. Many of the people in the community work
not just to produce their food but also to earn income. The quiet community
that Paykek was before, is now slowly stepping into the commercial realms.
Progress is seen gradually in terms of financial and industrial aspects.
In addition, before, there were more donations in kind such as root
crops, coffee, vegetables than cash. In comparison, at present wakes, there
are lesser donations in kind as observed because people have shifted their
livelihood to income generating ones as compared to the olden days when
there were many donations in kind but lesser upo because it was harder to
earn money than to produce local crops. At present, donors who gave in
kind, will still give upo. Since the upo has been part of the death practices
even before, the simple emptied can of cookies that serves as the pot for
the upo, has now been upgraded to become a part of the funeral service of

68
the local service provider. Alberts (2017) stated that during Filipino wakes
and vigils, there is a stand with a guest’s book on it and a pot for “abuloy”
or financial donations near the casket. This procedure is intended for the
wake and funeral expenses.
Moreover, all of the key informants are grateful that the expenses
during wakes and burials were mostly covered by the upo. The upo is similar
to the Singaporean baji as presented by Singapore Infopedia (2019), that
baji which is the monetary contribution during deaths is called as bajin or
“white gold” because the money is enclosed in a white envelope. The
money then is used by the bereaved family to cover funeral expenses.
Apart from the upo, there are too many works done voluntarily or no
payment accepted even if the bereaved family would offer such. These
works include construction of tombs, the transporting service for the
cadaver to the cemetery or private burial yard, cooking and serving of food,
organizing the funeral service, and the like. However, it has been observed
that a few families residing in the cities who were originally from Paykek
choose to bury their deceased member at the barangay cemetery and paid
for the construction of the tomb. According to the elders this manner
preferred by a few families, might be a threat to the culture since it would
lead to the decay of the innatang practice. In such cases, both the upo and
all the manual labor during wakes and funerals that are supposed to be

69
voluntarily done by the community have the possibility to vanish because of
the influence of the cash economy. For example, the construction of the
tombs was contracted to those who are not residents of the barangay.
However, the key informants gave a reason to the changes, this is done
because the family residing in the city cannot supervise and provide the
food for the workers, hence it is more convenient for them to pay the
workers, instead of the usual practice that the babalu takes care of it and
only the food for the volunteers is provided in return. Another reason to this
new system is the influence of the practice in the cities or in communities
where they belong.
In addition, the watwat (slices of boiled and raw meat of pig, cow, or
carabao, as share of everyone in a cañao, an Igorot feast) is no longer
necessary during wakes at present. Watwat was mandatory before because
the bereaved family had to follow what the elders and mambunong say,
which included the number of animals to be butchered. Today, it is the
bereaved family’s decision if they would agree to buy animals for the wake
until the burial. Instead of watwat, chicken meat, per kilo pork meat, and
vegetables are served at present. In dealing with decisions in wakes,
Funeral Wise (2019) stated that modern wakes are decided by the next-of-
kin. However, a close friend or a relative can help the next-of-kin make
decisions and be in charge of most of the details of the wake. Decisions

70
during this events must be considered carefully. This is an indication of the
rationalization of the innatang where bereaved families are not forced to
provide the animals to be butchered during wakes and funerals.
Correspondingly, during wakes in Paykek, chicken and vegetables
may be served, but it has been a practice that animals are butchered during
the burial. At present, there is no specific number of animals set to be
butchered during burials; it all depends upon the generosity and financial
capability of the bereaved family. Watwat during the old times in Paykek is
based on the status of the person. The rich and those with authority in the
community, like the mambunong or an elder member of the community
received the best cuts of meat. They also receive more watwat compared
to the ordinary community members. If the person is poor, his watwat would
be a single kupkup (hard animal skin). The food distributed in Paykek during
wakes at present are equal. Whatever food is prepared, normally the meat
(not necessarily the watwat) added with ingredients, will be distributed to
everyone attending the wake. This practice is an indication of the
development of a trait which is human equality. The quantity of food and
meat served is enough for one meal unlike before that watwat came in huge
chunks so the people will bring home plenty leftovers. Today, the only thing
that varied is the quantity of food served to children compared to adults.
Lesser food is served to children and more to adults. It is because children,

71
most of the time, do not consume their food and is wasted. Traditionally,
even the order of eating was structured in preference to the rich, elders, and
mambunong then the rest of the people around will follow. The order of
eating was according to the person’s importance in during the wakes and
the burials. Today, the serving of food is rendered first to the children
followed by adults. Plate 15 shows the food prepared and served to
everyone at the wake. As seen in the picture, there is common food for
everybody.
Another reason why the wakes and burials today are more financially
manageable than before is the lessened number of days that people stay in
the house of the bereaved family after the burial. This is because people
would need to get back to their usual life activities. The demand of work is
the number one reason why people no longer linger in the house of the
bereaved after the funeral. It is not acceptable to absent without leave
credits. Also, the mindset of the people that after an honorable funeral, the
members of the bereaved family have work to attend to, has contributed to
the change. On the other hand, the traditional practice was different
because the people of the community could stay for three weeks in the
house of the bereaved family.
Finally, on the rationalization of innatang, the observance of nine
days of novena, the 40 days, the 1st death anniversary and other rituals may

72
Plate 15. Food (rice, pancit, boiled meat) prepared and served to everyone
or may not be followed at present. When such rituals are performed, they
are announced during the sugid (day of cleaning after a burial, last day to
gather at the house of the bereaved). Holding these will events solely
depend on the bereaved family while people would understand if these are
not celebrated because of the expenses attributed to it. In the olden days,
the rituals following a death, were mandatory. If these rituals were not
followed, the family will be cursed by the spirits of the dead and will result
to illness, bad luck, or any untoward incident. This belief was displaced by
rationalization, modernity, and liberalism. Before, the cañao (traditional
Igorot party) was mandatory after three months from the death of a person
because when it is delayed, it is expected that there will be greater number
of animals to be butchered as initially required by the mambunong. These

73
traditions have vanished as time passes.
Christianization of Wakes and Burials
Data show that some Innatang practices are modified because of the
influence of religious beliefs. As shared by Father Elpidio Silug, the order of
Christian funeral right is observed, eternal life is restored by His rising,
resurrection and forgiveness of sins are expressed in the rites and prayers,
and the ministry of consolation calls for the care for the dying and pray for
the dead. Traditionally, the wakes in Paykek were filled with rituals
administered by the mambunong (native priest) and was full of superstitions
such as sneezing near the casket and glass materials being broken during
wakes are bad omen, which means that another family member will also
die. If superstitions happened, rituals were mandatory to avert bad things to
happen. The wake was a long process that may last from 7 to 20 days
depending on the social status of the deceased and observations of omen
during wakes. In addition, it is very expensive for the bereaved families
because they have to butcher animals like pigs, carabaos and cows during
the duration of the wake, the funeral and after funeral rituals. The decision
for everything that transpired during wakes and burials were the
mambunong, whose words are incontestable.
However, today it has been observed that the mandatory compliance
to the number of animals to be butchered such as cows carabaos, and

74
native pigs, has lessened to what the bereaved family can afford or provide
willingly. If the family can afford, one to two animals, usually pigs are
butchered each day of the wake to feed the people. For a family who cannot
afford, chicken meat and vegetables are served except during the burial
when animals are butchered to feed the numerous attendees of the funeral
service. The community has come to the realization of rationalization since
before, if a bereaved family does not conform to the number of animals
butchered during wakes and burials required by the mambunong, it was
considered a shame to the bereaved family for dishonoring their dead so
they are obliged even to giving up land properties in payment to the animals
needed when the family cannot pay for it in cash.
Before, the mambunong or the elders determined the number of
native (not the commercially grown) animals to be butchered in wakes in
the early practices of the people in Paykek. The words of the mabunong
were indispensable and no one questioned them. Irena Molitas (September
20, 2018), recalled a family who was obligated to produce 30 pigs during
the death of a great grandfather’s burial. The animals butchered during the
wake added to the burden financially. It caused the children including the
grandchildren to share pigs for the burial. It was then a belief that all of the
children must provide animals for their dead relative so that the spirit will not
keep coming back and ask for food. The unsatisfied spirits, accordingly, will

75
ask for something from the family so the elders and mambunong had the
final declarations regarding these matters. When a family member got sick,
meet accidents, and had bad luck, the mambunong was called to determine
the cause. To appease the spirits, the family had to produce the animals
prescribed by the mambunong so that the sick family member gets well and
that the spirit of the dead will not bother them again.
Moreover, the mambunong and the elders had unquestionable
authority before which is not the case today as affirmed in an interview by
Alsiso Luis (September 24, 2018), a mambunog, that “nalinteg di babalu ed
niman, kalamsit das nankanakay” (men follow their own rules today, they
flout the words of elders). This new perspective happened when some of
the people of Paykek converted/entered to various religious sects or
congregations. The teachings of the Church are evident in the people’s
lives, thus, there were several wake and funeral practices before which are
not practiced at present such idolatry and offering chants to the spirits.
Some of the traditions were somewhat contradictory to their Christian
beliefs. They stated that these are not reflected in the basic doctrine of their
religion.
Another change is the vanishing of consultation to a mambunong.
Instead of a mambunong who leads the prayer rituals, the pastors and
priests of the different religious sects such as the Born Again, Anglican,

76
Roman Catholic, and UCCP who lead. During burials, they may perform
ecumenical services and instead of “bal-iw” or cultural chants, they use
Christian songs or hymnals. One factor contributory to the vanishing of bal-
iw is that, there are no more people who know how to do it. Problem on the
transmission of bal-iw to the young generation contributes to the vanishing
of this practice since children or even young adults were not allowed to join
the bal-iw, it was exclusive to the elderly. Along with the changing
landscapes, migration, new ideas like liberalism, rationalization, and
modernity, Christianity has done a great role in modifying the culture of the
people of Paykek during wakes. When asked on the difference of the
practice of innatang today and the old days, most of the key informants
answered that wakes and funerals today are in the Christian way. Prayer
vigils and singing of songs for the dead are customary during wakes. This
replaced the bal-iw (native chant) of the elders before. Wakes in the older
days are rich with rituals. The bal-iw during wakes was all about the life
spent of the deceased on wake. It is also a way of communicating to the
deceased that he/she may proceed to the afterlife without bothering or
harming anyone.
As to the present, a commendable practice of the different religious
groups in the barangay is to visit and offer prayers during wakes. As
observed, apart from the social obligation of everyone to attend wakes

77
religious leaders also have a way to spread God’s words during the sharing
part of the prayer service. It is a better opportunity for the religious leaders
to preach where there are crowds rather than waiting for the people to come
to church, since oftentimes, they do not go to church. The people at the
wake join and respect all of the religious sects visiting during wakes. They
participate to the prayer service even if it is not their respective religious
denomination.
The participation of the community to prayer services during wakes
at present are open minded and rationally flexible. Indeed, the people of
Paykek are open to new ideas and modern perspectives, thus, it is not
difficult to realize changes to traditions and practices especially if it is for the
good of the majority.
It is also an indication that faith is of great importance among the
community. The offering of prayers and singing songs for the dead take the
longest time to conduct including the day for the burial. Plate 16 shows
Christian burial service where a priest officiated during the burial of James
Binay-an. All of the deaths involved in this study had a priest, pastor, and a
religious leader who lead the burial services. Today, there are only two
mambunong left in the barangay and the community do not often request
their services because of the availability of the priests and religious
leader where the bereaved family is affiliated.

78
Different religious denominations volunteer to lead the offertory
prayers for the dead and the bereaved families. It is usually the religious
sect to which the deceased or the bereaved family belong, that officiate the
burial service. The group bring with them their musical instruments,

Plate 16. A Christian burial service
song books, and prayer books. There are also song books for the dead and
hymnals that can be borrowed from the Episcopalian church in the
barangay. The Episcopalian church dominates the other religious sects in
Paykek. Guitars as accompaniment in singing are borrowed from neighbors
if the bereaved family does not have one. Sometimes, the accordionist and
organist attend and play during wakes.
During the death of Albina Palada, Libreto Dilla, James Binay-an,

79
Jackto Manis, and Gregorio Bantas who all belonged to the
Epescopalian/Anglican religious denomination, several religious groups
attended aside from the Anglican priest. Pastors from the Born Again
Christians, Together in Christ, Victory Church, UCCP, and priests from the
Roman Catholic church took turns and offered prayer vigils even if the
deceased did not belong to the respective religious denomination.
Indeed, during death, the different religious denominations unite in
offering prayers and comforting the bereaved families. This is their way to
show their respect to the dead. Often times, the attending religious sects in
wakes are also acquainted to the members of the bereaved family. Rocklyn,
the wife of Gregorio Bantas, and who was an Anglican, was visited by the
Born Again Christian pastors because she is a Born Again Christian. In the
same way, a Roman Catholic priest, who is a friend to one of her daugthers
attended the wake. Innatang is also reflected among the religious groups.
These modifications imply that some Christian beliefs has been
embraced by the community members and had gradually changed some of
their cultural practices. This is in appropriation of Christian beliefs with the
local traditions. This is also called folk Catholicism, the combination of
Christian and traditional beliefs.
In addition, this change has become easier for the community to
accept because of impact of education and new ideas that are readily

80
provided by social media. Education is of great value to the people, which
is seen in every family that prioritizes sending their children to school.
Before, parents would relate to their children that they were ordered by their
parents to work in the fields instead of being encouraged to go to school.
Another practice influenced by Christianity is the duration of the
wake. Before, the range of the wake according to the key informants was
from four to seven days. However, when the people were Christianized they
no longer practice the traditional rituals, this shortened the number of days
for wakes. The only reason why wakes differ in days is having family
members who come from far places to attend the wake and the funeral. The
shorter number of days for wake is due to the case of family members who
need to get back to work. Whether private or public employee, one cannot
afford to have longer leaves.
The traditional wake of Paykek folks was definite as defined by
mambunong and the elders. As stated in the website of the Province of
Benguet (2019), the wake of the rich or influential people in the community
undergoes, stages of rituals. The common individual takes 3-5 days of vigil.
For the rich in the early 1900s, the wake is one year or less like a month
and more as time passes because they have all the resources or wealth,
especially animals to be butchered and eaten during the wake. For an
ordinary adult, it should depend on how long his/her father’s wake was. The

81
shortest for them was seven days. The seven days would mean an
honorable wake, giving due respect to the deceased. Having a wake of less
than seven days in the old days, would mean that the deceased was
unrespectable, unworthy or disgraceful.
The wake of the rich was way longer; they had 7-12 days as an
average or more. If this procedure was not followed, the spirit of the dead
is not satisfied and something bad will come to the bereaved family.
Appeasing the spirit would mean more rituals and more animals to butcher.
Wakes and burials were full of superstitions. A child had a wake of four days
and the burial without much rituals required compared to an adult. This
practice is extremely opposite to the wakes in Cuba. According to Harkonen
(2011), wakes last for 24 hours only.
In addition, the wake is done in the Christian method today. The
cadaver is placed in a closed coffin with a glass inner cover so that people
can view the dead person for the last time. The reason for choosing a
wooden casket over other materials is similar to that of the green funerals
in the United States, as stated by May (2014). Green funeral is
environmentally friendly. It includes nixing traditional concrete vaults and
getting biodegradable woven-willow caskets, which decompose into the
ground. One practice taken from the old is the use of a wooden coffin which
is just customized today through the funeral service provider. Compared

82
before, the wooden coffins were built from fresh huge tree trunks, thus,they
have to be dried and constructed, taking longer time for the cadaver to be
placed in the coffin. All of the key informants ordered wooden casket without
iron nails from the local funeral service provider. This is because if iron nails
are used in caskets, it will not decompose as easy as the wood nails. The
glass cover is removed before the casket is buried.
The traditional practice of sangadil (the cadaver hands, feet, and
forehead are tied to poles so that the dead will appear sitting down in a
makeshift chair with a low fire burning below it) among the Benguet people
is no longer observed. Before, people gathered around the sangadil and
performed many rituals. Sangadil was done in the wakes of earlier folks of
Paykek with good social and economic status. As time passes, the practice
was just for the rich until it vanished. Accordingly, the reason for the practice
of sangadil is to give the highest respect to the dead. The community of
Paykek still display the highest respect and honor to the dead in their own
way, as progressively refined, compared to how it was done before. The
vanished practice of sangadil is due to the fact that there are only a few
mambunong in the barangay and that the community prefer to follow the
refined way of holding wakes. Also, the practice of sangadil is not within the
order of Christian funeral rites. Wakes at present are more presentable and
sanitary which led to the vanishing of the sangadil because it posted

83
health hazard to the community having the cadaver exposed.
Furthermore, for traditional death practices, the elders and
mambunong follow specific time for a traditional burial. It has to be done
when the sun starts to set, thus it was done in the afternoon, near sunset.
As a belief, the spirit of the dead following the setting of the sun was in
consonance with nature. The spirit will not come back to bother the living.
Today, what is considered for the time of burial are reason and
convenience. Burials are usually done in the morning or just after lunch
during rainy season. Burials can be done any time of the day as to the
convenience of the people in the community.
Contrary to traditional wakes in Paykek, the multitude superstitious
beliefs are now absurd. The Christianized method in wakes and burials is
supported by Redmond (2006). He mentioned that the custom is to have
prayer services at the wake and the funeral service which are headed by a
priest or a religious minister. It also includes a brief burial service at the
gravesite. Following the funeral service, is a tradition for the family to host
a reception for those who attended the funeral. Christian wakes and burials
were embraced by the community in exchange of the traditional way
because of education, new ideas, and rationality, modernity, and liberalism.
Also, Christianity offered comfort and convenience especially to the
bereaved families.

84
Lastly, on the Christianization of wakes, many locals do not offer food
anymore for the dead during meals. The old practice was to put a plate of
food and drinks on top or near the coffin. This practice was done because
of the belief that the spirit of the dead is still lingering around and will do the
normal activities of a living person, thus will look for food. In this study,
seven out of the 10 deaths did not offer food for their dead during meals.
They believe that the spirit is already in the Creator’s care and he/she will
not need anything such as food. Besides, the food is put to waste because
it will just be thrown after being exposed and displayed. This implies that
the people became rational from being superstitious. They do not want to
waste food. As for the bereaved families that still followed the offering of
food to the dead, there is no harm in doing it. If our folks practiced did it
before, there must be good reasons behind it. This is one good way of
preserving practices. Plate 17 shows the food and beverages displayed at
hand reach near the coffin. The photo was taken during the wake of James
Binay-an.
Moreover, people of Paykek are basically religious; they may not
belong to a common religious sect but surely are members of one of the
many religious denominations in the barangay. Christianity teaches people
to obey God’s way in words, in thoughts and in actions which includes
abstaining or renouncing superstitions and entrusting everything to God.

85

Plate 17. Food and beverages for the dead
“See to it that no one takes you captive through hollow and deceptive
philosophy, which depends on human tradition and the basic principles of
this world rather than on Christ. For in Christ all the fullness of the deity lives
in bodily form, and you have been given fullness I Christ, who is the head
over every power and authority” (Colossians 2:28-10). This is the reason
why old practices before are not practiced at present.
Furthermore, there are rituals done today in adherence to the
Christian faith on the process of wakes and burials. One part that
exemplifies this is that the final words are given just after the burial service.
As scheduled, the burial mass/service is attended by the family and
everyone who is present regardless of religious sect. After the burial
mass/service, the people who would wish to share their last words to the

86
bereaved family and to the deceased are given a chance. The messages to
the deceased are said in public and are usually in tribute to his goodness.
In Plate 18, it shows the last/final words are said to the deceased and the
family before the dead is to be buried.
The bereaved family is also given time to express their gratitude to
all the people who came during their difficult times. The people who would
like to have the last glance to the deceased are encouraged to do it before
the coffin is sent to the final resting place.
The final farewell is supported by Pokop (2019) stating that in Croatia
the farewell can take place in the crematorium or anywhere the people can
have their farewell statement for the deceased before or after cremation,
depending on the wishes of the deceased made before the death or of
his/her family. In eulogy, the distinct personality of the deceased is
mentioned, a message of gratitude for what the deceased has done to
other’s life is also shared, and anything that relates the speaker to the
deceased is also mentioned. In the case of military officers, a special
protocol is followed. Eulogy is the new coined term as influenced by
Christianity however the essence of giving an impression or reflection on
the life of the deceased is also the practice of the elders in the past.
Generally, the emerging practices of the innatang in Paykek suit the
modern times and this was made possible through a very gradual process.

87
Photo credit to Leah Bokilis

Plate 18. Last/final words are said to the deceased and the family
The concept of innatang is not lost while it faces changes or modifications
that made it even more convenient to bereaved families.
Psychological and Socio-cultural Significance

of Innatang to the People of Paykek
Innatang as a Coping Mechanism

of Bereaved Families
Data show that innatang played a significant role for the bereaved
family in coping with the psychological and emotional impact of losing a
loved one. Moreover, one of the grief during death is the stress from
worrying as to the financial, psychological and physical needs for the wake

88
and burial. However, it makes a difference when community effort of the
people of Paykek, who compassionately aid bereaved families, is given
during death. These forms of initiative and other overwhelming support and
compassion of people towards the bereaved family had made grief
bearable.
As shared by Rodolfo Bantas, a retired police officer and a brother of
the late Lillia Bantas and Gregorio Bantas, that because of the innatang, the
burden among the bereaved family is lessened. The innatang brought them
a good feeling when looking at the people fully extending support in any
way they can. Their burden during the death of their loved one was not as
heavy because of the help from the community.
In addition, Francis Manis, a teacher and the son of the late and ex-
Barangay Captain Jackto Manis Sr., appreciated the innatang very much
because he has seen a great community spirit strengthened. The late
Jackto Manis Sr. died on July 25, 2017 due to lung illness and old age.
Francis said that with innatang, there is happiness in grief and sorrow.
Happiness because of the display of support coming from the community to
offer help and condolences to the grieving family. Witnessing the
volunteerism of the community comforted them much from their pain. The
feeling that they were not alone in their difficult times was a great deal.
They were so happy to see people ready to help.

89
Similarly, Alex Gadoy, the son of Tamang Gadoy, who died of old
age and prostate cancer on January 1, 2018, revealed that the innatang
brought happiness to the bereaved family despite of their grief. It made their
sorrow lighter to bear. He said that it is important that the innatang is
preserved and that all of our embedded beautiful cultural heritages should
not be lost with time.
In the same way, Rocklyn Bantas, the wife of Gregorio Bantas who
died of old age and stroke, said that the innatang was a great relief to their
family especially that they have experienced the death of two family
members in just a matter of one week. Lillia Bantas, Gregorio’s sister died
on December 15, 2017, and just a week after, Gregorio died on December
23, 2017, a day before Christmas eve, the death doubled the grief and
sorrow, the financial burden and the physical and emotional drain. These
burden however were made bearable because of the entire community and
all the other people who came and showed support. The innatang was a
great relief to the family. She said she felt the presence of the Creator
through the people during their most difficult time. The family will be forever
grateful. The debt of gratitude cannot be paid to everyone who helped the
family during their time of grief. The feeling of belongingness to the
community gave self-esteem. The innatang made them proud to be called
e-Paykek.

90
In the same manner, Editha Sipol on September 21, 2018, also said
that with the cooperation and volunteerism of the community, there is joy
even in times of mourning and in death. The support that the community
showed and extended to them in terms of manual labor, financial, emotional
and spiritual ways, made them realized that death is not total sadness and
sorrow. The feeling of belongingness to the community gave them a sense
of self-esteem and dignity. Her husband Jose Sipol, a farmer, died on
October 14, 2017 due to kidney failure.
The relieving of grief through relatives, friends, neighbors and even
acquaintances is reinforced by Mental Health America (2019). In their
article, Coping with Loss for Bereavement and Grief, it was stated that when
someone you care about has lost a loved one, you can help them through
the grieving process. Share their sorrow, offer practical help like baby-
sitting, cooking and running errands which may help someone who is in the
midst of grieving. Also, in the norm of reciprocity, Kendra (2018) stated that
we tend to feel obligated to return favors after people do favors for us. This
is one factor driving the people of Paykek to continue the practice of
innatang because they feel obliged to do good to others because they have
experienced goodness from other people from the community.
In addition, innatang relieves the psychological grief of the bereaved

families. Data show that having people come to offer condolences and

91
empathize with the bereaved family have been heartwarming ways so
having to do the innatang, is a blessing which made wakes and burials not
worrisome. The emotional burden is lighter because of the ceaseless
manifestation of condolences, concern, and love from the different people.
Genuine concern and brotherly love vibrate in the innatang through the
people, whether from far or near, who come to be one with the bereaved
family and pay last respect to the dead. During deaths, people will cross
even million miles to pay their last respects which does not happen during
weddings, baptism/dedication, birthdays, anniversaries and the like. One
may feel special when neighbors who do not usually attend social
gatherings visit the wake of a loved one. The grief and sorrow are lifted
when relatives, friends, workmates, acquaintances and even people whom
one does not know and hasn’t seen for a long time, make effort and are
around during wakes and funerals. This practice is done in Cuba as a result
of the study made by Harkonen (2011). The wake is about sharing the grief
of those close to the deceased. Usually, anyone who is close to the
deceased or any member of the bereaved, appears at the wake as a way
of caring and participating family’s loss. The attendance includes kin
members of all types as well as friends, neighbors, and work colleagues of
the deceased. It is likely that man’s children will attend his funeral even if
he has had little or no contact with them for years. It is different from Cuban

92
wakes where, more people attend when the deceased is younger; few
people attend when the deceased is an elderly. In Paykek, the attendees of
wakes are not determined by the age of the deceased.
In fact, Rocklyn Bantas recalls that her grief and sorrow were
overshadowed by the unexpected flow of condolences from the people who
visited the wake of her husband. “We kept thanking the Creator for we felt
His presence during our most difficult time through all the people who came,
showed support and offered condolences to us”, she expressed.
Innatang Reinforces Sense

of Community Relations
Attending wake in Paykek is a social obligation embedded in the
community since time immemorial. The community feel obliged to be
present during wakes and burials and participate in the innatang. It is an
avenue where community relations is reinforced.
Ernesto Palada (September 18, 2018) said that the first to come to
their house when his wife died was their nearest neighbors, followed by their
relatives residing within the barangay. For Lerma Dilla whose husband died
at a hospital in the neighboring town of La Trinidad, Benguet, the nearest
kin near the place accompanied them until all was processed and the
cadaver was ready to be travelled home. The jeep used to transport the
cadaver from the hospital to his home was from Kapangan, Arlon Bolayo.

93
He happened to be in the same place when he heard of the news, and upon
learning about family’s plight, he volunteered for his jeep to be used for free.
The ride is about 25 kilometers from the hospital to home. Lerma added that
she is very grateful to the community of Paykek because even during the
times that they were struggling for her husband’s medication, the barangay
through a concerned neighbor, Warton Comila, extended financial
contributions through concerts for a cause several times. When they
reached home from the hospital, the barangay officials, neighbors and
relatives were waiting at their house, and have prepared their home for the
wake. For Brenda Bartlet and Editha Sipol, whose son and husband
respectively died at home, the first to condole and stayed with them and
prepared their house for the wake were the nearest kin and neighbors. The
death of the husband of Primitiva Binay-an was a shocking news because
he was working at their backyard when he had the heart attack. She was in
emotional turbulence to what has happened and started crying and shouting
for someone to call the police. According to her daughter Grace, the
neighbors were the first to come for help followed by the daughters who
were called from work. During the death of Lilia Bantas, it was the neighbors
who first came to help. Even before her death, neighbors come and go for
visits since she was not married and has no child to stay with her. Her
sisters and sisters-in-law took turns in taking good care of her.

94
Jackto Manis, a former barangay captain, whose son is the present
barangay captain, died at Benguet General Hospital. The first to arrive to
be with the family at the hospital, were his relatives residing at La Trinidad
and Baguio City. The van that was used to transport the cadaver to Paykek
was owned by the local government of Benguet. The family just paid for the
crude oil used and gave certain amount to the driver as the van was used
for free. For Nixon Gomez and Tamang Gadoy who died at their homes, the
neighbors and relatives were the first who came to offer condolences and
prepared the house for the wake. Alan Awisan died at the Benguet General
hospital due to kidney failure. The provincial mobile was used free of
charged to transport the cadaver to Paykek, Kapangan and the family just
gave donation to the driver. On their way near their home were men aligned
waiting for their arrival and carried the coffin down to their house. Other
neighbors too already prepared the house upon hearing the death.
There were nearly death signs of Gregorio Bantas according to his
wife Rocklyn. She knew death was near because the signs were also
experienced when her sister-in-law, Lilia Bantas died, just a week before it.
Thus, with the nearly death experience of her husband seen, she called for
their children residing in Baguio City to come home. Apparently, while some
of the children were traveling home, their father breathed his last. She said
some of the babalu were with her the night when her husband died. They

95
stayed with her along with the neighbors until their children came home.
Indeed, upon the declaration of death of a community member, whether it
happened at home or in another place, help of the community is always
observed with the indigenous people of Paykek.
When there is death in Paykek, all the people are involved.
Community members consider everyone as brothers and sisters, thus,
when help is needed, the neighbors are first to offer. Unlike in Taiwan,
Everplans (2019) posted that having a well-attended funeral is a great
concern. To attract a crowd, some families hire strippers, host dances, and
set out elaborate feasts to entice people to attend. In Paykek, attending a
wake is voluntary but is an unwritten law, thus, wakes are always well-
attended. These practices are also affirmed by Harkonen (2011) in his study
on Funerals in Socialist Cuba. In general, Cubans are fairly united and fairly
solidary as the same with the neighbors, friends, and companions.
Second, innatang fosters closer community ties. All of the key
informants stated that they feel closer to the community after experiencing
innatang during the death of a family member. The innatang is not selective
says Rocklyn Bantas. Her family is poor but did not expect that there were
countless blessings from different people who extended to them during her
husband’s death. This inspired her and her family to foster closer social
relations to those who had been with them during their grief of losing a

96
father, just after a week of the death of her sister-in-law. During family
occasions, her family would tell stories of people who had been with them
during their grief. All family members are not familiar with the people. In the
end, they got to know more people in the community with special regard
because of their act of goodness to the family. As a mother, Rocklyn always
reminds her children about the goodness of the people in the community
and tells them to thank the individuals when given the opportunity. Lerma
Dilla added that she would make a way to give more attention to community
matters and teach her children too because she has experienced the
importance of being a community member. Having the Innatang done to all
bereaved families display the theory of collectivism because it puts priority
to the welfare of the whole community.
The culture of close community ties is stronger in the provinces. For
the people of Paykek, the practice of innatang play a great role to preserving
community ties. This is reflective of the Gemeinschaft society localized in
Paykek. Experiencing the innatang made the bereaved families closer to
the community people. Primitiva Binay-an will forever be grateful and
indebted to those people, a few that she knows and many that she doesn’t,
who came and volunteered to do the tasks during the death of her husband
James. The people who had been their support in labor during the wake
were the people who she only knows by face but not by name and family

97
lineage. She said that her daughters told her so many names of those who
had been performing the works and she does not even know who they are
but still vowed to know them even if she is a senior and they are way
younger. Knowing those who had been helping them during the wake also
brought back stories of their parents and traces of blood relations. This is
similar with the statement of Hays (2015) in his article Funerals in the
Philippines, where it is expected for Filipinos to come together to grieve in
groups rather than do so privately.
Third, innatang boosts ethnic identity and cultural pride. It
strengthened ethnic identity and cultural pride of the bereaved families
including the people of the community who have been part of, and
witnessed it. The innatang strengthens the cultural heritage of the
indigenous peoples of Paykek. Primitiva Binay-an, a senior citizen and a
key informant, suggested that senior citizens should do something to
preserve the innatang practice. She further added that when a documentary
is left to the young generations, they will have something to guide them in
the future that this will also be helpful to contextualized/localized indigenous
education. Data from the key informants show that they are proud to be
called ePaykek (someone who is a native of Paykek) because of the
uniqueness of the innatang.
In addition, innatang preserves a treasured legacy. Since innatang

98
is customary and/or a is community norm in smaller societies, it is easier
to follow and preserve tradition. Milagros Matis (September 21, 2018) said
that the practice existed even before they were born. It was not actually
taught but it was what they witnessed in the community where they grew
up. It will be wasted if it is not emulated. It is our cultural heritage so no one
can trace as to when this particular practice started. It was what our
ancestors did, it was what we saw, it is part of being an e-Paykek. As
published by Help Guide (2019), the death of a loved one is one of life’s
most difficult experiences. The bereaved struggle with many intense and
painful emotions including depression, anger, guilt, and profound sadness.
Often, they feel isolated and alone in their grief, but having someone to lean
on can help them through the grieving process.
Fourth, innatang builds-up self-confidence and manifests
belongingness. The practice of innatang builds up self-esteem and
manifests belongingness especially to poor families. As a result, family
members felt good and found a stronger sense of self-worth. The bereaved
family found greater self-worth amidst their grief. Lerma Dilla is not a native
of barangay Paykek, but was married to Libreto, who is from the barangay.
Despite not being a native of the place, she felt valued during the death of
her husband. She has her highest regard to the people of Paykek during
her grief because of the innatang. She said that only God can pay the

99
goodness of the people to her family and that she is so grateful that many
people showed her and her family that they are important even if she is not
from the place. The happiness that she felt when the community made her
feel that she belongs elevated her self-worth. She hopes that the same
innatang showed will be spread to the community where she was an origin
especially that there are many poor families there. Additionally,
belongingness is important to every individual according to Hall (2014) in
her article, Create a Sense of Belongingness. A sense of belongingness to
a greater community improves motivation, health, and happiness. When
one sees his/her connection to others, one realizes and learn that all people
struggle and have difficult times and that no one is alone. There is comfort
in this knowledge which could be an after effect for others. For one who has
experienced the joy of belongingness, it is always good for him/her to pay it
forward.
Fifth, innatang radiates initiative and cooperation. The bereaved
families who have experienced the benefits of innatang are motivated and
inspired to employ it to families who will experience death. They are moved
to attend wakes because they want to let others experience the same
goodness that they had. Lerma Dilla hopes to double her effort in helping
through all community activities and will encourage her children to do so as
a way of paying back to the community their debt of gratitude when her

100
husband died. She wanted other members of the community, especially the
less fortunate, to also experience how good it is, when there are many
people ready to offer help and assistance especially during deaths.
Primitiva Binay-an added that during deaths, everybody is
concerned, so everything is taken cared off. The physical burden of doing
tasks by the bereaved family is not felt during deaths because of the
community’s volunteerism and initiative. The babalu, the women, the young
generation, and the elders have exhibited tasks during deaths. The only
physical exertion that the bereaved family is bothered with, is the staying
late at night to watch over the dead as accompanied by the kin and the
neighbors. The bereaved family are restrained from sleep. They cannot
sleep during daytime for they want to personally see everyone attending the
wake and the burial and these are added exhaustion to their emotional
burden.
In addition, innatang is also a way of the community to pay their debt
of gratitude because they too have experienced the benefits of it. How the
bereaved family, or even the dead person is related to community members
is also a factor. It has been observed that if the bereaved family has good
community relations, the flood of support is bigger but this does not
disregard that there is innatang even at the house of bereaved families who
are not closely related to other community members. Similar to this is a

101
published article from Legacy Headstones (2019) on Respecting the Dead
which indicated that what goes around, comes around. Think for a moment
about the loneliness or pain you would feel if you lost someone special and
there is no one to comfort you during such a difficult time. Everyone faces
loss at one point in life and the burden of loss maybe too powerful to face
on your own. Respecting the dead will afford you and your family the same
compassion you showed for friends or other families.
As published by Legacy Headstones (2019), by showing respect to
someone who has died, you demonstrate respect for the entire community
who is affected by this loss. Through appropriate respect, you will
understand that emotion drives productivity and promotes a communal
attitude towards loss or grief in all its form. The psychological and socio-
cultural significance of Innatang reinforces its continuity amidst external
factors.
Summary
The salient findings of the study are as follows:
1. The emerging innatang wake cultural practices of the
indigenous peoples of Paykek are influenced by various factors such as the
conveniences afforded by modernity, division of labor, the rationalization of
innatang, Christianization and other factors. The present wakes in Paykek
employ the use of the conveniences of technology in terms of information

102
and communication, modern amenities on food preparation and funeral
services including manual labor. The family tree is common as an added
component in holding wakes. The community prefers to avail of the service
of the local funeral service provider than the traditional one. Also, the public
cemetery is preferred than the usual backyard as a graveyard. Division of
labor during wakes and funerals has been an embedded practice but some
modifications were observed on how it was done before.
On the rationalization of the innatang, the community practice the
alus and upo to help the bereaved family augment their expenses. For
practical reasons, the traditional watwat has vanished and is replaced by
simple meals. Commercial food as it is most available has outgrown the root
crops served as snacks. The duration of wakes is now shorter and there are
no mandatory traditional rituals in observance of wakes and funerals
because the community does not cling to the many superstitions attributed
to wakes and funerals interpreted by the mambunong.
The bal-iw and sangadil are no longer observed. The traditional way
of holding wakes are too heavy for the bereaved families to handle. The
way wakes and funerals are held are modified compared to the traditional
one; there is a link to folk Catholicism for today’s wakes and funerals.
Wakes are spent with prayer vigils headed by various religious leaders
who replaced the services of the mambunong.

103
2. The psychological and socio-cultural significance of innatang to
the people of Paykek are as a coping mechanism to bereaved families and
a way to reinforce the sense of community relations. The innatang helped
the bereaved families in the process of their mourning. It further lessened
their psychological grief. In addition, it fostered camaraderie, brotherhood,
closer community ties, and radiated initiative and cooperation. Somehow it
boosted ethnic identity and cultural pride. To the bereaved families, it built-
up self-confidence and manifested belongingness. These psychological,
socio-cultural, and economic significance of the practice of Innatang to the
people of Paykek are the very reasons on why it is a surviving tradition.

104
CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
Conclusions
The following conclusions were derived from the findings of the
study.
1. Innatang is a surviving cultural practice of the Indigenous peoples
of Paykek amidst the cultural changes as influenced by Christianity,
modernity, and other external factors. Instead, the changes were in
appropriation of the community’s cultural practice. The essence and the
contextualized meaning of Innatang is still deeply embedded in Paykek
community amidst the modifications.
2. The positive impacts of innatang to the bereaved families and the
entire community are the reasons for the practice to be surviving until today.
Specifically, innatang serves as social support to the bereaved families and
strengthens the community value of camaraderie during wakes.
Recommendations
The following recommendations are made based on the
conclusions of the study.
1. To the people of Paykek, the practice of Innatang is encouraged
amidst modernization and other external factors. It is an exceptional legacy.

105
2. To other researchers to conduct studies related to Innatang like
the diminishing participation of the youth in the Innatang cultural
practices.

106
LITERATURE CITED
ADACI, G.B. 1999. Bayanihan Traditions of the Northern Kankanaey in the

Cordillera, 1997. Master’s thesis, Baguio Central University,
Philippines. 25, 57-59, 270.
ALBAYRAK A. and I. ARICI. 2007. Asian Nursing Research. Traditional

and Religious Death Practices in Western
Turkey.Turkey.http://doi.org/10.1016/j.anr.2012.08.003Get rights
and content. Accessed on May 2, 2018.
ALBERTS, T. 2017. Philipino Burial Practices and Customs. https:

//owlcation.com/social sciences/Filipino-Burial-Dos-and-donts1.
Accessed on June 28, 2018.
ANDREWS, J. 2014. Funeral Traditions and Customs Which are Alive and
Thriving in the UK today. https://funeralcostshelp.co.uk/funeral-
traditions-customs-alive-thriving-uk-today/ Accessed on June 27,
2018.
AQUINO, S. 1991. Traditions, Customs, and Practices in Domestic and

Social Life, Courtship, Marriage, Birth, Baptism, Death, Burial, Visits,
Festivals, Punishments, etc. of the Barrio of Payeo, Municipal District
of Besao, Mountain Province. Philippines. 44-48.
BADONGEN, F. 1997. Ritual of the Ibaloy in Sablan, Benguet, 1995-

1996.Master’s thesis. Baguio Central University, Philippines.8, 12,
169.
BAHAR, Z., N. AYDOGDU, A. BESER, F. ERSIN, and A. KISSAL. 2012.

Traditional and Religious Death Practices in Turkey.
https://.www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1961317120005
15. Accessed on June 7, 2018.
BALOYI, M. 2014. Distance No Impediment for Funerals.

www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci. Accessed on April 10, 2019
BROWN, J. 2017. Five Death Rituals to Give You A New view on Funerals.

107
https://www.newscientist.com/article/2152283-five-death-rituals-to-
give-you-a-new-view-on-funerals/. Accessed on May 28, 2018.
BUTLER, J. 2008. Symbolic and Social Roles of Women in Death Ritual in

Traditional Irish Society. https:// www. academia. edu / 883180.
Accessed on April 11, 2019.
CAPARAZ, S. 2010. Next. upi. com. Accessed on April 10, 2019.
CITY GOVERNMENT OF BAGUIO. 2015. Preservation of Cordillera

Culture. Philippines: Baguio City Local Government. https://www.
baguio.gov.ph/content-preservation-cordillera-culture/. Accessed on
April 10, 2018.
DULATRE, E. 2009. Ambon: Bayanihan in Basca, Aringay. Master’s thesis.

Benguet State University, Philippines. 2-15, 21, 60.
DURKHEIM, E. 1893. From Mechanical to Organic Solidarity, and Back.

European Journal of Social Theory. https://www. researchgate.net/
publication/266087374-From-Mechanical-to-Organic-Solidarity-and-
back. Accessed on May 2017.
ECONDOLENCE.COM. (nd). Loss in the Neighborhood.

http://www.econdolence.com/. Accessed on April 20, 2018.
EMERSON, D. 2016. Lifelong Liberal. https://www.quora.com/What-is-

liberalism-in-simple-terms.
ENCYCLOPEDIA BRITANNICA. Collectivism Sociology.

https://www.britannica.com/topic/collectivism. Accessed on July 19,
2018.
EVERPLANS. 2019. Funeral and Burial Rites from Around the World.
https://www.everplans.com //articles/ funeral-burial-rituals-from-
around-the-world/. Accessed on April 10, 2019.
FAROOQ, U. 2011. Types of Society. http://www.studylecturenotes.com/.


108
FUNERALWISE.COM. 2018. Samoan Funeral Service Rituals.

https://www.funeralwise.com/customs/samoan/. Accessed on June
28, 2018.
GOW, A. 2019. What Food to Serve at a Wake.

https://www.alexgowfunerals.com.au/new- events/food-serve-wake/
GUBALLA, C.B. 2019. Grief in the Filipino Family Context.

www.indiana.edu/̴culture/baba. Accessed on April 14, 2019.
HALL, K. 2014. Psychology Today: Create a Sense of Belonging.

https://www.psychologytoday.com. Accessed on April 11, 2019.
HAYS, J. 2015. Funerals in the Philippines. Factsandetails. Com./

southeast-asia / Philippines sub 5. Accessed April 10, 2019.
HEATH, N. 2016. Funeral customs around the world.

https://www.sbs.com.au /topics /life /culture /explainer /funeral-
customs-around-world. Accessed on June 27, 2018.
HELP GUIDE. 2019. Helping Someone Who is Grieving.

https://www.helpguide.org /articles /grief/. Accessed on April 11,
2019.
HOLMES, A. 2010. Family Matters: Why It’s Important to Recognize

Kin. https://www.newscientist. com/ article /dn19788-family-matters-
why-its-important-to-recognise-kin/. Accessed on January 3, 2019.
HARKONEN, H. 2011. Funerals in Socialist Cuba.

https://www.academia.edu /3077440. Accessed on April 10, 2019.
JACKSON, W. 2019. Funeral Customs - Past and Present.

https://www.burialplanning.com/resources-funeral. Accessed on
April 10, 2019.
KENDRA, C. 2018. The Norm of Reciprocity. https://www.verywellmind.

com /what-is-the-rule-of-reciprocity-2795891. Accessed on April 19,
2019.

109
KIRK, J. 2019. Love to Know. Death Rituals.

https://dyin.lovetoknow.com/death-rituals. Accessed on April 14,
2019.
LANUZA, G. 2003. The Mediatization of the Filipino Youth Culture.

Available at http://www.globalmediajournal.com /open-access/the-
mediatization-of-filipino-youth/35138. Accessed on 20, 2018.
LEGACY HEADSTONES. 2019. Respecting the Dead.

https://legacyheadstones.com /blog-important-to-respect-dead.
LICHAUCO, J. 2017. The Philippines: Texting Capital of the World.

http://www.textengine.info /blog /the-philippines-texting-capital-of-
the-world. Accessed on January 8, 2019.
MADDOX, M. 2019. Homogeneous vs. Heterogeneous.

https://www.dailywritingtips.com/homogeneous-vs-heterogeneous/
MALIONES, S.2017. Sangadil, An Indigenous Death Practice of

Amgaleyguey, Buguias.https://agshanonline17.wordpress.com/201
7/12/01/ sangadil-an-indigenous-death-practice-of-amgaleyguey-
buguias/. Accessed on January 5, 2019.
MATTHIESEN, WICKERT & LEHRER, SC. (MWL) 2018. Funeral

Procession Traffic Laws in All 50 States. https://www.mwl-law.com.
MAY, K. 2014. Fascinating Funeral Traditions from Around the World.

https://www.google.com/amp/s/ideas.ted.com. Accessed on April
10, 2019.
MEAWASIGE, B. 2018. Funeral Home Technology to Watch in 2018.

https://www.google.com/amp/s/blog/frontrunnerpro.com/ -funeral-
home-technology-trends-2018. Accessed on April 10, 2019.
MENTAL HEALTH AMERICA. 2019. Coping with Loss: Bereavement and

110
Grieving. www.mentalhealthamerica.net/conditions/coping-loss-
bereavement-grief/. Accessed on April 11, 2019.
MUNICIPALITY OF KAPANGAN. http://www. kapangan.gov.ph /paykek /.

MUNICIPALITY OF KAPANGAN.PhilAtlas.http://www.philatlas.com/luzon
/car/benguet/kpangan/paykek.html. Accessed on April 28, 2018.
NEW TESTAMENT. The Gideons International. Nashville, TN.
OMENGAN, D.P. 1995. Death and Burial Rituals, and Beliefs of the Igorots
of Sagada, Mountain Province. Master’s thesis. University of Baguio,
Philippines. 15-17, 32-33.
ORALLO, M.C. 1999. Benguet Kankanaey Wedding, Death, Sickness,

Prayer Rituals, Socio-cultural Concepts and Poetic Devices.
Master’s thesis. Saint Louis University, Philippines. 66.
PERRY, C. 1986. A Proposal to Recycle Mechanical and Organic

Solidarity in Community Sociology.
http://sociologyindex.com/mechanical_solidarity.htm. Accessed on
July 18, 2018.
POKOP.HR. 2019. A Funeral or a Final Farewell. https://www.pokop.hr/

services/a-funeral-or-a-final-farewell.aspx/. Accessed on April 14,
2019.
PREITI. 2018. Why Our Culture Is Declining, and Why We Are

Following Western Culture Blindly, Is It Good to Follow Or Not?
http://www.cssforum.com.pk/general/discussion/ 8715-why-our-
cuture-declining.html. Accessed on April 20, 2018.
PROVINCE OF BENGUET. 2019. Customs and Traditions Associated

with Death. Https://.gov.ph/index.php/. Accessed on April 10, 2019.
RAMOS, N. 1995. Modernization and the cultural practices of Benguet.

Master’s thesis. Baguio Central University, Philippines. xiii.

111
REACHOUT.COM. 2019. Common Reactions to Death.

https://au.reachout.com / articles / common - reactions - to - death.
Accessed on February 27,2019.
REDFIELD, R. 1947. The folk society.

https://psycnet.apa.org/record/1947-01576-001. Accessed on June
29, 2018.
REDMOND, J. 2006. Christian Burial Practices. https://dying.lovetoknow.

com ,/ Christian - Burials. Accessed on April 10, 2019.
ROOSH. 2014. Cultural Collapse Theory. http://www.rooshv.com/cultural-

collapse-theory. Accessed on April 20, 2018.
ROUSSEAU, J. 1762. The Social Contract. https://www.audible.com/pd/

The-Social-Contract-Audiobook. Accessed on May 21 2017.
SHURPIN, Y. 2019. Why Wash Hands After a Funeral or a Cemetery Visit?

Chabad.org. https://www.chabad.org./library/article_cdo/aid.4064.
SINGAPOREINFOPEDIA. 2019.
Eresources.nlb.gov.sg/infopedia/articles/SIP. Accessed on April 10,
2019.
STUDY.COM. 2016. Collectivism: Definition and Examples.

https://study.com/academy/lesson/collectivism-definition-
examples.html
TACATANI, J. 2017. Bayanihan, House Moving Tradition of the
Philippines.http:// m.vovworld.vn / en-US / cultural- rendezvouz /
bayanihan-housemoving-tradition-of-the-philippines-5594994. vov.
Accessed on February 25, 2019.
THE NEW OXFORD DICTIONARY OF ENGLISH (3rd ed.). 2010. UK.

Oxford University Press.
TONNIES, F. 1887. Ferdinand Tonnies Theory: Overview and Explanation.
https:// study. com / academy / lesson / Ferdinand - tonnies -
theory - quiz. html. Accessed on June 16, 2017.

112
VAUGHAN, H. 2005. Tradition and Change for Christ’s

Sake.http://www.christlifemin.org/ home/blog/articles/tradition-vs.-
change/. Accessed on April 21, 2019.
WEBER, M. 1920. Rationalization of Society.

https://study.com /academy /lesson /rationalization-of-society-
definition-examples-quiz.htm. Accessed on April 19, 2019.
WILBERT COMMEMORATING LIFE. 2019. https: //www. wilbert. com/

burial /. Accessed on April 10, 2019.
WILLIAMS, S. 2019. How to Raise Money for Funeral Expenses.

https://www.freefunder.com /blog /funeral /fundraising/ Accessed on
April 10, 2019.
WINSTON, K. 2019. Modernization Theory: Definition, Development and

Claims. https://study.com/academy/lesson/modernization-theory-
definition-development-claims.html. Accessed on April 19, 2019.

113
APPENDIX A
Interview Guide for the Key Informants
1. During the death of _________, who were the first people who came
and offered help?
2. How was innatang beneficial to you as a bereaved family?
3. How was the practice of innatang different from how it was
traditionally practiced?
4. What do you think motivates people of Paykek to practice the
innatang in wakes and not in other social occasions?
5. What are the negative practices you have observed during the wake
and burial of your_____?
6. What are your suggestions to preserve the practice of innatang?

114
APPENDIX B
Informed Consent
September 14, 2018
Sir/Ma’am:
This is to request your consent for the conduct of a study entitled

Innatang: A Surviving Wake Cultural Practice Of The Indigenous Peoples
In Paykek, Kapangan. Rest assured that the you will provide will solely be
for the purpose of this study.
A community consultation will be conducted on September 21, 2019

at the Paykek barangay hall where people who are present approve the
conduct of the study after its objectives are presented. Data gathered
through an interview will be transcribed.
Rest assured that any information provided will be used solely for the
purpose of this study.
Thank you.
Sincerely yours,
IMELDA P. BANTAS
Researcher
Approved:
HANSEL K. MANIS
(Signature over printed name)
Barangay Captain
Date: ______________

115
APPENDIX C
Written Consent of Key Informants
This certifies my willingness to be interviewed and be part of the study
conducted on the Innatang Cultural Practice of Paykek, Kapangan during
wakes.
1. Alex Gadoy __________________________

2. Estrella Bantas __________________________
3. Primitiva Binay-an __________________________
4. Mila Matis __________________________
5. Rocklyn Bantas __________________________
6. Vincent Rodolfo Bantas __________________________
7. Lerma Dilla __________________________
8. Josephine Gomez __________________________
9. Nerissa Langbayan __________________________
10. Brenda Bartlet __________________________
11. Editha Sipol __________________________
12. Ernesto Palada __________________________
13. Francis Manis __________________________
14. Gayle Jaime __________________________
15. Grace Binay-an __________________________
16. Irena Molitas __________________________
17. Alsiso Luis __________________________
18. Dolores Guzman __________________________

116
APPENDIX D
Profiles of the Key Informants
# OF YRS. IN THE
RELATIONSHIP
CIVIL STATUS
OCCUPATION
COMMUNITY
TO THE DE-
CEASED
NAME
AGE
AGE
SEX
SEX
1. Estrella 60 F M Store Owner Sister-
Bantas in-law 43
2. Rodolfo 76 M M Retired
Bantas Police Brother 76
3. Rocklyn 64 F W
Bantas Farming Wife 45
4. Brenda 70 F M House Wife
Bartlet Mother 70
5. Primitiva 77 F W Retired
Binay-an Teacher Wife 77
6. Lerma Dilla 58 F W Farming Wife 40
7. Alex Gadoy 62 M M Farming Son 45
9. Josephine 65 F M Retired
Gomez Teacher Daughter 65
10. Nerissa 27 F M House Wife
Langbayan Daughter 27
11. Gayle 39 F M Police
Manis Daughter 39
12. Francis 41 M S Teaching
Manis Son 41
13. Milagros 59 F M Former Mother-in-
Matis OFW law 53
14. Ernesto 77 M W Ret. School
Palada Principal Husband 77
15. Editha 64 F W Farming
Sipol Wife 64
1. Dolores 87 F W Church
Guzman Volunteer 87
2. Alsiso Luis 87 M W Mambunong 87
3. Irena Molitas 83 F W Restaurant 78
Crew

117
APPENDIX E
Photo Documentations
One of the barangay officials’ regular meeting, while the researcher is

waiting for the time to present her study for the community consultation
Some of the informants during the barangay general assembly when data
validation was conducted. There are other key informants who attended but
not in photo.

118
Interview with Dolores Guzman
Interview with Luis Alsiso, a mambunong

119
Group Interview with Grace and Primitiva Binay-an (photo above) and
Alex & Josie Gadoy (photo below)

120
People finding their posts outside the house during the wake of Nixon
Gomez

121
From butchering animals to cooking the meat, all done by babalu. They
take the bulk of work during wakes and burials

122
Wakes as characterized by people praying and telling stories or just simply

sitting because their presence as a community matters

123
The coffin is brought out from the house for the funeral mass so that all
the people will join in it

124
The final viewing through the casket which is opened for everyone present
and wants to have a last glance of the dead person before it is laid to its
final resting place
The casket tied in a bamboo ready for transport by foot, another role of the
babalu

125
Albina Palada was buried in their family lot which is located almost a
kilometer away from their house
The babalu finishing the grave of Gregorio Bantas at Paykek cemetery, the
surface of the grave was concreted after a year

126
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
The author is an alumna of Paykek Elementary School, Kapangan,
Benguet. Her secondary schooling was taken at St. Theresita’s High
School, Labueg, Kapangan, Benguet. She obtained the degree of Bachelor
of Secondary Education (BSED) at St. Louis University, Baguio City in 1998.
She passed the Licensure Examination for Teachers at the same
year after her graduation.
She taught in a secondary school at San Isidro School of Abatan
Incorporated for four years and later served as the School Principal of the
same school for a year. She transferred to a sister diocesan school at Don
Bosco School of Baguio City, as the Principal for another year. She left the
private school and ventured into the Business Process Outsourcing (BPO)
for three years. In 2013, she went back to teaching and entered the public
school system. She now works for the government with Baguio City National
High School, Baguio City.

127


Imelda 1

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

You might also like

Imelda 1

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

Imelda 1

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

INNATANG: A SURVIVING WAKE CULTURAL PRACTICE OF THE

INDIGENOUS PEOPLES IN PAYKEK, KAPANGAN

SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL,

Innatang: A Surviving Wake Cultural Practice of the Indigenous Peoples of

Republic of the Philippines

This thesis hereto attached entitled INNATANG: A SURVIVING

WAKE CULTURAL PRACTICE OF THE INDIGENOUS PEOPLES IN

PAYKEK, KAPANGAN, prepared and submitted by IMELDA P. BANTAS,

in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS

(Social Studies), is hereby accepted.

MA. THERESA B. DOLIPAS, PhD ANN HEATHER B. KIWANG, MAT

GIGY G. BANES, PhD

Accepted as partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS (Social Studies).

SAMUEL S. POLIDEN, PhD ROMEO A. GOMEZ JR., PhD

properly acknowledged or duly cited.

This is to certify further that the research is an original undertaking

and has not been submitted for another degree.

Innatang: A Surviving Wake Cultural Practice of the Indigenous Peoples of

This thesis is dedicated to the people of Paykek, Kapangan,

to my family during the successive death of my father and auntie in a matter

My eternal appreciation goes to my parents, Rocklyn P. Bantas and

and they were my first teachers.

To my adviser, Dr. Gigy G. Banes, you had always motivated us to

Professor Heather B. Kiwang, your critiques were of great importance. To

and style) of my manuscript, thank you for your help.

Special thanks to my circle of friends, “pards”, “bff”, and my

“manongs” at work; you are my best support group ever.

Innatang: A Surviving Wake Cultural Practice of the Indigenous Peoples of

constant source of inspiration to all my greater endeavors.

Innatang: A Surviving Wake Cultural Practice of the Indigenous Peoples of

IMELDA P. BANTAS, May 2019. Innatang: A Surviving Wake

Cultural Practice of the Indigenous Peoples of Paykek, Kapangan.

Benguet State University, La Trinidad, Benguet.

Adviser: Gigy G. Banes, PhD

The study aimed to document the surviving innatang wake cultural

practice of the peoples of Paykek, Kapangan, Benguet. Specifically, it

looked into the emerging or changes of how innatang is practiced today

socio-cultural significance of innatang to the people of Paykek.

The descriptive qualitative research design, specifically the case

indigenous peoples of Paykek. Key Informant Interview (KII), Focused

Group Discussion (FGD) and actual observation were employed to obtain

the community elders.

innatang during wakes. It has been redefined by religion and is greatly

affected by rationalization, the conveniences afforded by modernity, and the

Innatang: A Surviving Wake Cultural Practice of the Indigenous Peoples of

innatang during wakes continuously sustain the practice of the indigenous

peoples of Paykek. Innatang has become a coping mechanism for the

bereaved families. It also reinforces sense of community relationship by

keeping closer community ties, fostering cooperation, and boosting ethnic

identity and cultural pride.

Paykek, hence, the community are encouraged to find measures to

other external factors.

Keywords: innatang, babalu, upo, alus

Innatang: A Surviving Wake Cultural Practice of the Indigenous Peoples of

Title Page ……………………………………………………………... i

Approval Sheet ……………………………………………………….. ii

Table of Contents……………………………………………………… viii