Politics of Representation Historically Disadvantaged Groups in Indias Democracy 1St Ed 2022 Edition Sudha Pai Editor All Chapter

Politics of Representation: Historically
Disadvantaged Groups in India’s

Democracy 1st ed. 2022 Edition Sudha
Pai (Editor)
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Politics of
Representation
Historically Disadvantaged
Groups in India’s Democracy
Edited by
su dh a pa i
su k h a deo t hor at
Politics of Representation
Sudha Pai · Sukhadeo Thorat
Editors
Politics
of Representation
Historically Disadvantaged Groups in India’s
Democracy
Editors
Sudha Pai Sukhadeo Thorat
Jawaharlal Nehru University School of Social Sciences
New Delhi, Delhi, India Jawaharlal Nehru University
New Delhi, India
ISBN 978-981-19-1543-7 ISBN 978-981-19-1544-4 (eBook)

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-1544-4
© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer
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Preface and Acknowledgments
The essays in this volume were first presented at a conference on Political

Representation organized by the Indian Institute of Dalit Studies at the
Jawaharlal Nehru University New Delhi on August 23–24, 2018, with the
support from Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung. The essays were subsequently
discussed and revised over two workshops held in New Delhi in 2019.
We are grateful to the Contributors for their contributions, revising them
at times, at short notice, and their patience while it was being produced.
We are also grateful to Dr. Vinod K. Mishra, faculty at Indian Institute of
Dalit Studies for his help in putting together this volume. We also thank
the Director, Indian Institute of Dalit Studies, Dr. Gobind C Pal for his
support. We also thank Mr. Stefan Mentschel, Regional Representative
RLS, South Asia and Mr. Tauqueer A Sabri, project manager in RLS,
South Asia for their constant encouragement and support throughout the
preparation of this manuscript.
We acknowledge the permission granted by the following journals
for permission to include the following essays in a slightly revised form
in our Volume. Ambedkar’s Proposal to Safeguards Minorities against
Communal Majority in Democracy by Sukhadeo Thorat in Journal of
Social Inclusion Studies Vol. 5 No. 2 2019 Sage Publication; Formu-
lation of Inclusive Policies in Parliament Vol. 43, Issue no. 29, July
19, 2008, by Narender Kumar in Economic and Political Weekly and
Democratic Institutions, Political Representation and Women’s Empower-
ment: The Reservation Debate in India, by Shirin Rai in Democratization,
v
vi PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Volume 6, 1999, Issue 3, Taylor and Francis subsequently published as

an e-paper on September 26, 2007.
This study is sponsored by the Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung (www.ros
alux.in). The content of the publication is the sole responsibility of the
author/publisher and does not necessarily reflect a position of Rosa
Luxemburg Stiftung. The volume would not have been possible without
the generous financial support of the Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung, New
Delhi, for the book project on Representation of Disadvantaged Groups,
we gratefully acknowledge their help.
New Delhi, India Sudha Pai

Sukhadeo Thorat
Contents
Introduction 1
Sudha Pai and Sukhadeo Thorat
Group Representation and Reservations for Minorities
in Colonial India 35
Vidhu Verma
Paradoxes of Political Inclusion: Political Reservation
for Scheduled Tribes in India 57
Jagannath Ambagudia
Representation in Electoral Systems and Institutions

Ambedkar’s Solution Against Communal Majority 81
Sukhadeo Thorat
Ambedkar’s Alternatives to Electoral Safeguards
and Electoral Representation of Untouchables
and Minorities 101
Raja Sekhar Vundru
Scheduled Caste MPs and Their Role in Influencing
Policy-Making 119
Narender Kumar
vii
viii CONTENTS
Representation of Religious Minorities

Majoritarian Politics and the Representation of India’s
Muslims 143
Zoya Hasan
Representing Indian Muslims: Parliamentary Questions
as Instrument of Evaluating Substantive Representation
in the Lok Sabha, 1999–2016 161
Fakhruz-Zaman and Aisha Imtiyaz
Shifting Terrain of Muslim Representation: New Political
Experiments in Indian States in the 2000s 183
Sajjan Kumar
Representation of Women
Legislative Presence and Substantive Representation: The
Case of Women Legislators in India 211
Shefali Jha
The Reservation Debate in India: Difference, Performance,
Empowerment 231
Shirin M. Rai
Does Political Representation Empower Women? The Case
of Women in India’s Political Parties 253
Papia Sengupta
Index 271
List of Contributors
Ambagudia Jagannath Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies, School

of Social Sciences and Humanities, Tata Institute of Social Sciences,
Guwahati Campus, Assam, India
Fakhruz-Zaman Political Science, Shaheed Bhagat Singh (Eve)
College, University of Delhi, New Delhi, India
Hasan Zoya Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India
Imtiyaz Aisha Political Science, Women’s College, Aligarh Muslim
University, Aligarh, India
Jha Shefali School of Social Sciences, Centre for Political Studies, Jawa-
harlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India
Kumar Narender Centre for Political Studies, School of Social Sciences,
Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India
Kumar Sajjan Independent researcher, New Delhi, India
Pai Sudha Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India
Rai Shirin M. Department of Politics and International Studies, Univer-
sity of Warwick, Coventry, UK
Sengupta Papia Centre for Political Studies, School of Social Sciences,
ix
x LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
Thorat Sukhadeo School of Social Sciences, Jawaharlal Nehru Univer-

sity, New Delhi, India;
Indian Institute of Dalit Studies, New Delhi, India;
Institute of Social and Economic Change, Bangalore, India
Verma Vidhu School of Social Sciences, Centre for Political Studies,
Vundru Raja Sekhar Indian Administrative Service, Government of
India, Chandigarh, India
List of Figures
The Reservation Debate in India: Difference, Performance,

Empowerment
Fig. 1 Women in Lok Sabha elections: 1977–2014 (Source
Performing Representation: Women Members in the Indian
Parliament ) 232
Fig. 2 Projection of women MPs’ presence in Lok Sabha (Source
Performing Representation) 233

of Women in India’s Political Parties
Fig. 1 Women contestants in national elections in India 1957–2019
(Source Election Commission of India) 259
Fig. 2 Number of women who contested and won Lok Sabha
elections 1957–2019 (Source Election Commission of India) 259
xi
List of Tables
Scheduled Caste MPs and Their Role in Influencing

Policy-Making
Table 1 Role analysis of MPs: Questions, concerns and social
background and political position (1985–1995) 131
Representing Indian Muslims: Parliamentary Questions as

Instrument of Evaluating Substantive Representation in
the Lok Sabha, 1999–2016
Table 1 Muslims in the Lok Sabha (1952–2014) 168
Table 2 Number of Parliamentary Questions tabled
by Muslim/Non-Muslim MPs in the Lok Sabharelated
to religious background, social background, type
of constituency, and party status (1999–2016) 171
Table 3 Member of parliament & parliamentary questions:
1999–2016 172
Shifting Terrain of Muslim Representation: New Political

Experiments in Indian States in the 2000s
Table 1 Total number of elected Muslim MPs and MLAs in Uttar
Pradesh: 1952–2019 200
Table 2 Seats and votes won by the PPI and RUC in assembly
and parliamentary elections in Uttar Pradesh 2012 to 2019 201
xiii
xiv LIST OF TABLES
Table 3 The UMFA and the AIUDFin the Assam Assembly

and Lok Sabha: 1990s to the 2000s 202
Table 4 IUML: Representation in the Kerala Assembly and Lok
Sabha 1960–2016 203
Legislative Presence and Substantive Representation: The

Case of Women Legislators in India
Table 1 Women in National Parliaments (Lower Houses)
by Region: 2005 and 2019 215

of Women in India’s Political Parties
Table 1 Women contesting elections 2009–2019 (major political
parties) 261
Table 2 High representation countries and the use of gender
quotas, 2015 265
Table 3 Party-wise women members in the 17th Lok Sabha 2019
India 266
Table 4 State-wise and Union Territory wise women representation
in the 17th Lok Sabha 267
Introduction
Sudha Pai and Sukhadeo Thorat
Political representation is a cardinal feature of democracy, without which

democratic institutions and structures cannot function. The literature on
the subject covers many aspects ranging from electoral systems, institu-
tional design, political parties, position of minorities and electoral politics.
In fact, as a multi-faceted subject, political representation is integral to
legislative governance. In this respect, representation is linked to improve-
ment of legislative processes to ensure that large number of groups play
a part in debating and commenting on the policymaking process. More
specifically, political representation is important for the electorate as it
determines both the manner in which representatives are elected, and the
relationship between the elected members and their constituents.
However, the issue acquires much greater significance in culturally
diverse countries such as India, when we examine political representation
for disadvantaged groups such as the Scheduled castes (SCs ), Scheduled
S. Pai (B)
e-mail: jnu.sudha@gmail.com
S. Thorat
School of Social Sciences, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India
© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature 1

Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022
S. Pai and S. Thorat (eds.), Politics of Representation,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-1544-4_1
2 S. PAI AND S. THORAT
tribes (STs), minorities particularly those based on religion and women.

India has tried since the early part of the eighteenth century to deal with
this diversity in representation to numerous groups. However, the issue
of representation of caste, religious, ethnic, racial and gender still poses
problems, so does the question of electoral methods.
The papers presented in this volume engage first, with theoretical
debates around the concept of representation and how these ideas apply
to representation for selected disadvantaged groups in India. A histor-
ical backdrop of the position of these disadvantaged groups, and debates
around reservations for them since the colonial period, are presented.
The focus is on inclusion of SCs, Muslims and other minorities in the
colonial period, the thoughts of Dr Ambedkar on political representation
of minorities in general and SCs in particular in the 1920s and during
the period of the signing of the Poona Pact. Also, how representation
was debated and conceptualized in the constituent assembly for the STs,
and how the ideas underlying representation and reservation for the tribal
population are different from those framed for the SCs. Representation
of other minorities, such as Sikhs, Christians, Buddhists and Parsis, which
have not been adequately studied, is also taken up.
Against this backdrop, the second part of the volume shifts to empir-
ical concerns and examines political representation of these disadvantaged
groups in post-independence India. The experience of political represen-
tation of SCs, STs: the method of election, role of political parties in
providing representation, role played by these groups in parliamentary
institutions and the extent of their participation. Another significant area
the volume attempts to cover is representation of the Muslim minority in
parliament and state assemblies and understanding the reasons for their
under-representation since independence, and more particularly in recent
years. The question of why Muslims prefer to support mainstream parties
has been explored; in this context, the experience of some newly formed
and existing minority-based political parties are examined.
The issue of levels of participation and under-representation of women
who constitute half the population, both in parliament and the state
assemblies, is also examined. Although representation of women has been
granted in local bodies leading to much greater participation in poli-
cymaking, the question of quotas for women in parliament and state
assemblies is still pending. While it is argued that it is due to conflicting
demands for inclusion of women from the OBC, minorities, Dalits and
tribes, there are other institutional and societal reasons that need to
INTRODUCTION 3
be analysed. An attempt is also made to study the representation of

women in political parties, in their organization and in the distribu-
tion of tickets. Hence, the aim of the volume is to understand whether
existing systems of representation adopted, and the mechanism through
which they operate, have helped disadvantaged groups including impor-
tantly minorities and women, who are still struggling to gain special
representation in parliament.
While the empirical studies do not ignore the immediate post-
independence period, their focus is specifically on representation during
the period of the 1990s and 2000s. These decades constitute a defining
phase in Indian politics as they have witnessed key changes in the larger
body politic in which representation takes place, that have impacted
particularly on representation of disadvantaged groups. Political repre-
sentation was not a controversial issue during the first few decades of
independence when a single dominant party the Congress, which had
promised protection of life, liberty and property to the disadvantaged
sections, was in power. Despite this, the SCs did not gain much polit-
ical clout from the reserved seats as most SC candidates selected by the
Congress were loyal to the party, and not independent and free to repre-
sent the interests of their community. Nor did the Congress give tickets
to many Muslim candidates, resulting in very few members from the
community in parliament and in the state assemblies.
The collapse of the Congress and the rise of a multi-party system
provided room for state parties, which came to represent the disadvan-
taged groups, such as the Socialist Party (SP ), Bahujan Samaj Party
(BSP), Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) and regional parties in western and
southern India. However, the 2000s have witnessed the revival of the
Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), a Hindu, right-wing party that espouses the
ideology of Hindutva, attempts to make the Muslim the alien or ‘other’
and has also managed despite being an upper caste party, to garner the
support of a section of the SCs and the BCs to come to power. The
number of Muslims in the central parliament and in important states, such
as UP, has witnessed a sharp decline. The attempt to introduce reserva-
tion of seats for women in the parliament continues to be debated and is
also opposed by many parties.
A common thread that runs through the empirical studies is that there
is a ‘crisis’ of political representation in India for disadvantaged sections,
particularly where religious minorities are concerned, in the contempo-
rary period. While there is undoubtedly a “shared crisis of representation”
in liberal democracies worldwide, as Vidhu Verma has pointed out in a

recent study (2019), it is essential to outline the specific causes in India.
India has witnessed the emergence of a Hindu majoritarian State, accom-
panied by an authoritarian and centralizing government, at the expense
of representative institutions such as parliament and state assemblies, since
the BJP assumed office in 2014. This has resulted in exclusion of disad-
vantaged groups such as SCs, STs and Muslims, but also rising communal
polarization and divisions between the majority and minority commu-
nity (Pai and Kumar 2018). In this context, a seminal question which
arises is whether the unfolding crisis is due to the methods of represen-
tation adopted under the constitution, which were the end product of
struggles and demands that arose in the colonial period. Have these mech-
anisms failed to deliver the promise that the makers of the constitution
envisaged? Or, is it the fundamental political shifts that have taken place
in post-independence India, necessitating re-thinking of the methods of
representation and reservation granted to disadvantaged groups. Here,
the question of granting reservation to Muslims and women in legisla-
tures, so as to create a more inclusive pattern of representation, becomes
important and is debatable. It is against this backdrop that we examine
theories and debates around the concept of representation and their
relevance in explaining the current crisis.
Representation: Theories and Debates

There is an extensive literature on the concept of representation, many
different definitions are offered, yet it remains a contested idea. The liter-
ature on representation indicates that political scientists tend to focus on
formal-legal procedures of authorization and responsibility. More atten-
tion has been paid to the design of representative institutions, such as
legislatures, rather than to their actual functioning. Importance accorded
to electoral procedures, often leads to discussions on the concept of
political representation becoming discussions on voting behaviour and
electoral democracy. Rather, political representation needs to be under-
stood as a way of establishing the legitimacy of democratic institutions
and creating incentives for governments to be open to citizens needs.
Much of the theoretical literature on political representation comes
to us from western experience. The western concept of representation
applies to fairly homogenized communities and deals with individual,
rather than group interests and needs, and how representatives can work
INTRODUCTION 5
to represent that of the former. In the Indian context, the extent to which
social divisions are expressed politically has been contested for a long time.
This is because we have a society characterized by multiple social groups
based on caste, tribe, religion and other identities such as gender; class
has not been as controversial as caste, religious and regional identities.
Dr Bhimrao Ambedkar observed in 1945 that in societies characterized
by diverse social groups, representation tends to acquire a ‘communal’
character; it is influenced by a communal majority (even if not fully deter-
mined), rather than by merit or issues. In so far as the identity of an
individual belonging to a disadvantaged or minority community comes
into play in representation, it poses the question of the need for represen-
tation to such social groups, in the context of a communal majority. Such
countries are, therefore, faced with the problem of fair representation to
minority groups. It also presents the problem of using an appropriate
electoral method to ensure real representation of the minorities.
At the same time, a brief perusal of the literature in democratic theory
on representation in the west is useful, as in recent years as there has
been a marked departure from earlier narrower theoretical propositions,
by drawing on how representation actually works in different contexts,
which has greatly improved our understanding. Today, it is recognized
that the concept of political representation has multiple and competing
conceptions of how political representatives should represent constituents
particularly disadvantaged groups, and the manner in which this inclusion
can be made possible and guaranteed.
A recent essay by Stephanie Tawa Lama-Rewal draws attention to this
development in the literature as well as its relevance to India (Lama-
Rewal 2016). She mentions three aspects: “an understanding of the
intrinsic plurality of the meanings and forms of political representation;
the centrality and pervasiveness of representation processes in political
life; and the constructivist dimension of political representation” (Ibid:
1). Arising out of this debate, what is central for our study is the multi-
dimensional relationship between the representative and the electorate,
which traditionally was treated as merely a relationship between the
government and the governed. Some of these theoretical shifts are briefly
discussed below.
The classical position on the subject is that of Hannah Pitkins who
defined representation as “to make present again” (Pitkins, 1967).
According to Pitkins, representation is acting or speaking on behalf of
others thereby including their views in the policymaking process. Her
major contribution was categorizing the existing forms of representation,

thereby promoting debate on their usefulness as, formalistic, symbolic,
descriptive and substantive representation.
The problem for us with the first two is that they focus on the
formal-legal procedures of how representatives gain power, whether they
share common interests and experiences which make them acceptable to
those they represent. It is the concepts of descriptive and particularly
substantive representation that examine the actual functioning of a repre-
sentative, whether their ideas and actions in reality represent and provide
the interests and needs of those who are being represented. Another clas-
sical debate has been whether representatives once elected, should act as
merely delegates or as trustees . The former simply follow the expressed
preferences of the electorate which makes, representative government
a delegation of political power to a small number elected by the rest
(Madison et al. 1987). In contrast, as Edmund Burke argued, trustees are
elected representatives who employ their own ideas of what they think is
in the best interest of their constituents (Burke 1968: 115).
By the 1980s, Iris Marion Young’s study, Inclusion and Democracy
reflected greater awareness among scholars of the difficulties inherent in
the process of one person representing many. Young argued for the need
to recognize the great diversity of opinions in society, and the varied
needs and interests of those being represented. Descriptive representa-
tion, she argued, must be understood as a differentiated relationship, in
which institutions provide both inclusion and exclusion to the designated
group (Young 2000, 125–127). Drawing on her study of the creation
of black districts in the United States, she points out that while it might
create safe zones for elected officials, it could actually lessen the account-
ability of representatives to the electorate. Thus, she held that much
research was needed to examine the ways in which representative insti-
tutions marginalize the interests and opinions of the electorate, even in a
democracy.
Melissa Williams’ research, drawing on the experiences of histori-
cally disadvantaged groups, particularly African-American women in the
United States, attempted to further redefine the idea of representation
for such groups (Williams, 1998: 8). She points to the need to provide
the disadvantaged, corresponding to different dimensions of their polit-
ical life: voice, trust and memory. Voice means that they are represented
by members of their own group whom they trust more than others,
while shared memories of discrimination establish boundaries with other
INTRODUCTION 7
groups. This means every minority citizen is represented by not just one
vote, but by being part of an interest group.
Taking the argument further in the 2000s, Jane Mansbridge held
that representation cannot be viewed as just a transactional relationship
between the elected and the governed (Mansbridge, 2011: 621). She
argues that different systems of representation can be employed simul-
taneously a democratic system; care is needed to select the system of
representation best suited to a society. For example, descriptive represen-
tation works best in situations where, disadvantaged sections of society
distrust the better-off groups and do not accord legitimacy to the system,
in contexts where their political consciousness and ability to select repre-
sentatives is not yet developed, there is lack of communication and
mistrust, or where discrimination has been practised against them in the
past. It is to overcome such problems that constructivist approaches to
representation highlight the representative’s function of determining the
identities and needs of the constituents. Michael Saward’s work empha-
sizes (2010: 4) the necessity of recognizing that instead of taking for
granted the interests of the governed, representation is a “deeply cultural”
project, which must take into consideration the embedded social habits
and characteristics of a society.
Nadi Urbinati’s study further added to the richness of the concept by
bringing in the idea of representation being a form of support or advo-
cacy (2000: 760). It means that representation is not merely a sum total
of the interests in society but, it should also allow space for diversity and
disagreement. This would preserve liberty, as it would both connect the
representative to the electors’ desires, but yet maintain the representative’s
independence of decision-making on behalf of the electors. This Urbinati
feels would shift focus from issues of construction of institutional struc-
tures to deliberative democracy, allowing room for debate, opinions and
formation of consensus.
The essays in this volume employ these contradictory and challenging
definitions help understand representation for disadvantaged groups such
as scheduled castes, tribes, minorities and women.
Representation in the Indian Context

The theories and debates discussed above have relevance for our study
as they expand the notion of representation from the narrow conceptu-
alization of this concept earlier, to include various marginalized sections.
However, in India, the idea of special representation for disadvantaged

and marginalized groups such as SCs and STs is old, beginning in
the colonial period. Various methods of representation and movements
in support of them were put forward by leaders such as Dr Bhimrao
Ambedkar. During the national movement, values of secularism, equality,
social inclusion and religious freedom provided the underlying support
structure to the demand for special representation, leading to the estab-
lishment of reservation, together with universal adult franchise, in the
Indian Constitution. At the same time, special representation to minori-
ties and women were not instituted. They remain the unfinished tasks that
many scholars feel need to be taken up today. The challenges to repre-
sentation in post-independence India also come from the changes in the
age, composition, legislative experience, educational level and the occu-
pational background of members of Lok Sabha. Other themes include
representatives as bound by dictates of the party, versus representing
their constituents’ interests. Thus, the usefulness and value of special
representation have been largely accepted and a rich literature has devel-
oped around it; the question which is often raised and debated is how
these have worked for the disadvantaged and marginalized groups in
post-independence India. These aspects are discussed below.
The Indian Constitution provided for adult franchise based on the
First Past the Post System, to all citizens, and reserved seats to SCs and
STs in parliament and in state legislatures. It is noteworthy that these
measures were granted long before the concept of recognition of disad-
vantaged categories came to be recognized in the west in the 1960s with
the rise of the civil rights movement by African Americans under the
leadership of Martin Luther, leading to Affirmative Action. Hence, the
debate on special representation for SCs in India pre-dates that of the
west, but has become important today due to questioning at times of
both the continued need for such representation and the effectiveness of
the method by which they are provided. A central question is of real versus
nominal representation , and whether the method of election in reserved
constituencies allows election of independent candidates, or do they tend
to be nominal representatives of SCs and tribal communities.
Electoral or political reservations were provided, as the SCs based on
their low caste identity and their status as a minority in the population,
suffered discrimination in the electoral process. Therefore, the instru-
ment of reservation was used for providing SCs a fair share in political
INTRODUCTION 9
power. The importance attached by the founding fathers of the consti-

tution to reserved seats can be seen from the fact that among the wide
array of preferential schemes for disadvantaged groups such as SCs, this is
the only scheme that is provided for specifically within the constitution.
All other constitutional provisions for preferences are merely authoriza-
tions empowering the State to make provision for disadvantaged groups
(Galanter, 1984: 45). The founding fathers hoped that the provision of
reserved seats would provide SCs an opportunity not only to enter polit-
ical institutions, but throw up leaders who would devote themselves to
the specific interests of the community.
SC Representation: Real or Nominal

It has been debated whether a system of reserved constituencies for
SCs—which are few in number compared to the large number of general
constituencies, and which in most cases have no more than about 20% of
SCs in the electorate—has served this purpose. In one of the first assess-
ments of the system, Mark Galanter’s calculations showed that among the
76 constituencies reserved for SC in the 1962 elections, there were none
in which they were a majority of the population and only 13 in which
they were as much as 30% (Galanter 1984). The bulk of the constituen-
cies contain between 10 and 30% SC population. Thus, the vast majority
of SCs live outside the reserved constituencies . Of the 111 constituen-
cies in which SC constituted more than 20% of the population in 1961,
only 46 were reserved, whereas 29 constituencies with less than 20%
were reserved. There are also problems about the manner in which the
system works. In assessing the quality of representation afforded by these
representatives, it is necessary to remember the “structural constraints”
imposed by the arrangements for reserved seats. The reservations are
designed in a manner, which both “filters and muffles” the represen-
tation of the interests of the SC insofar as they diverge from those of
other groups. On the one hand, the reserved seat legislator is responsible
to a population overwhelmingly made up of non-SC persons, and yet,
on the other hand, he is expected to represent the interests of his own
community, which is a difficult task (Ibid.)
This raises the question whether the policy of granting reserved seats
has achieved limited success and whether it was mainly a symbolic gesture
which legitimized the newly formed Indian state which enabled the
national leadership to co-opt and gain support of the SCs. But Galanter’s
study pointed out that SCs would not have gained entry into legislatures,
particularly in the early years of independence in the absence of reserved
seats. In the first six Lok Sabhas, only a handful of candidates from the
SC or ST community could win on unreserved seats—five were elected in
1971 and three in 1977 (Ibid. 49). In the lower houses of the state legis-
latures, the situation was no better, although the smaller constituencies
mean that local concentrations of population and resources should offer
greater chances of success. For example, in 1970–1971, there were only
three SC and two ST Representatives sitting in the 2,853 non-reserved
seats in the Vidhan Sabhas (Ibid.).
Thus, the presence of SC members in the state legislatures, until the
emergence of SC parties such as the BSP in the 1980s, was almost entirely
due to the provision of reserved seats. There is no constitutional require-
ment for reservation of political appointments within the legislatures or
the government, such as cabinet ministerships. But, it early became the
convention to have at least one SC cabinet minister at the Centre and
in each of the states, and these were chosen largely from the reserved
seats. Thus, reservations have provided a substantial quantitative presence
that would otherwise be lacking. Galanter points out that the importance
of reserved seats is seen in the fact that the press, public and political
parties have supported the extension of reserved seats every ten years, as
if the end to these reservations would be end to all reservations, though
there is little constitutional ground to justify such an idea. He argues that
this symbolic function may tell us something important “about the way
in which political reservations function to lock into place all the other
programmes for SCs and STs” (Ibid: 55). Finally, in his study, Galanter
has observed that although the SC representative may have influenced
the decisions made in the legislature in small measure, they have helped
to shaped policies through committees attached to the various Ministries,
in a significant manner. Adoption of Special Component Plan for SC,
renaming of Untouchability Offence Act 1955 in Protection of Civil
Right Act, are few instances. This has been relatively quiet action, but
meaningfully effective. Similarly, the SC/ST forum has come together on
very crucial issues and not allowed decisions to go against their interest
(Ibid.).
A more recent study by Francesca R. Jensenius analyses the longer
term consequences of electoral reservations since 1951, the longest lasting
quota system in the world (Jensenius 2017). She argues that reserved
quotas have played an important role, primarily by weakening the status
INTRODUCTION 11
hierarchy associated with the caste system. The study examines three
dimensions in the working of the system of reservation: political partic-
ipation, redistribution and recognition, at the level of the elite and the
general population. Her findings are that electoral quotas for SCs have
opened the political arena and provided participation to many who would
have been excluded, allowed them to gain experience and confidence
in mobilizing voters and seemed to have contributed to making it less
socially acceptable to discriminate against SCs in public, and helped
alter stereotypes. For example, SC politicians are not treated badly by
constituents, as they need them to promote development in their region.
But, quotas have had no detectable effect on overall development or redis-
tribution to SCs, the electoral turnout is lower in reserved constituencies
and critics of the system hold, it brings the “wrong” SC politician to
power.
Finally, as reserved seats are designed, they incentivise mainstream
political parties to recruit and support SC politicians and to increase their
number. So, in many ways, the quota policy has a moderating or “cen-
tripetal” effect, creating incentives for the gradual integration into and
recognition of SC politicians, by the mainstream political elite. SC politi-
cians have to work for all the people in their constituency, not just the
SC members. Therefore, the political inclusion of SCs through the quota
system has resulted over time in “group integration but not group repre-
sentation”. In sum, the importance of quotas has been, not in bringing
material benefits, but making a dent politically in one of the world’s most
rigid hierarchies. But, she does agree, that this process has been slow and
partial and the number of SC politicians who have entered the mainstream
has not been many.
Another study, which analysed the longer term impact of the policy
of reserved seats on bringing SCs into the political mainstream, argues
that the impact has been limited (Pai 2005). Examining the impact
of electoral reservation on SC politics from 1952 to 2002 in reserved
constituencies in UP, vis-à-vis voting trends in general constituencies.
It found that despite the fact that reserved seats were granted based
upon the principle of identity, they have not impacted significantly upon
electoral outcomes, or created independent voting patterns in the post-
independence period. Rather, voting behaviour on reserved seats have
paralleled those on the general seats and reflected the larger changes
taking place within the polity, particularly shifts in the party system and
re-alignments among parties. The reserved seats have been tied for a large
part of the post-independence period with the fortunes of the Congress

party, often described as appendages of the party. A persistent feature has
been that SCs have through reserved seats supported the dominant polit-
ical party at any point of time in UP. They have not hesitated to shift
their support to other parties whenever the dominance of the Congress
has been challenged or during periods of weakness (Ibid).
More importantly, the study found that the role played by the policy
of electoral reservations in the construction of dalit identity and a dalit-
based party, devoted exclusively to the protection of the interests of SCs,
has been very limited. The rise of an educated, vocal, middle class within
the SC community, leading to emergence of dalit identity is the result of
changes within society: namely the impact of reservations in the field of
education and employment and increasing democratization of the society
and polity since independence. The success of the BSP in the 1990s in
capturing power is not due to use of reserved seats, but mobilization
based upon a clear-cut identity by a strong and confident leadership,
which can no longer be co-opted by mainstream parties as in the past.
It has relied on political strategies such as opportunistic coalitions, ticket
distribution to non-dalit s and electoral competition, rather than reserved
seats to enter the legislature or widen its support base (Ibid).
ST Representation: Isolation and Marginalization

The large majority of the ST population constitutes the poorest and
most marginalized sections of Indian society, though this is more true
of those residing in central India, than the northeast. While the constitu-
tion provided political representation through reserved seats to STs, the
underlying reasons are different from those in the case of the SCs. STs
experienced marginalization from mainstream society during the colo-
nial period. In the northeast, the Inner Line regulation which kept
out non-tribals led to isolationism. In central India, there was massive
exploitation of the forest areas where many lived, that affected their liveli-
hoods, allowed the entry of ‘outsiders’ who posed a threat to their culture
and values, leading to autonomy movements against the British colonial
authorities (Pai 2021: 357). A second major difference is that while the
SC population is dispersed over large areas, the ST population is concen-
trated in three zones: (i) the north and north-eastern zone, (ii) the central
or the middle zone and (iii) the south zone (Ibid). While the northeast
has the largest proportion of the tribal population, in the central zone
INTRODUCTION 13
over half the tribal population is concentrated in five states, with (undi-
vided) MP, the state with the largest tribal population. Consequently, the
tribal population is concentrated within the reserved constituencies and
political parties have to keep this in mind in the selection of candidates.
Third, the question of tribal representation has many dimensions: terri-
tory, cultural identity and material ones such as jal jungle aur jameen
(water, forests and land) (Pai 2010: 179).
An important debate in the colonial and immediate post-colonial
period was whether tribes constitute a ‘special category’ and the policy
of representation to be adopted towards tribal communities. This debate
was part of the controversy over the issue of ‘protection versus assimila-
tion’ with Verrier Elwin holding that there was need for special policies
to safeguard the rights of tribals as they constituted a distinct community
with their own socio-economic system and past history of disempower-
ment (Guha 1996). Ghurye (1963), on the other hand, believed that the
existing cultural differences between the tribes and the Hindu population
were not enough to give them special status. While the position of the
Indian State has been one of integration of tribals into the larger society,
scholars have argued that this ‘integration’ has impacted negatively, earlier
‘invasions’ of outsiders into tribal territory, and identity definition for
the tribals after independence has been largely ‘a process from outside’
(Xaxa 2008). Considering these differences, it was realized that unless
special arrangements are made, the tribal communities would not be able
to represent themselves in the state assemblies and the Parliament. As a
consequence, the constitution of independent India through Articles 330
and 332 provided political reservation for tribes in the Lok Sabha and
state assemblies, respectively.
However, as in the case of SCs, reserved seats have not helped STs
to acquire political consciousness, leadership in legislatures or influence
making of public policy. Studies show that while the presence of tribal
representatives in legislative bodies has helped attract attention to their
problems, it has not translated into policies (Pai 2010). Tribals have
suffered lack of arable land and felling of forests, large-scale displace-
ment due to building of big dams, accompanied by lack of adequate
compensation and rehabilitation by the state. Despite all the welfare
and development projects by the government in the tribal regions, tribal
groups have not benefited, rather have lost their livelihood sources. Often
the members on reserved seats are controlled by a non-tribal leadership
(Ibid). But, Galanter has argued that reservation has enabled STs to enter
into legislatures and led to emergence of small political elite that might
have been lacking otherwise (Galanter 1984). Some tribal leaders, such as
P. A. Sangma, Shibu Soren, Babulal Marandi, Ajit Yogi, are the product
of political reservation, and they have formed their own political parties,
which eventually countered the potential discrimination and marginaliza-
tion that usually occurs in national political parties, and freed them from
being merely followers of non-tribal leadership.
In the northeast, Sajal Nag points out that the seven sisters or states
of the Northeast constitute a region overwhelmingly tribal, who are in
some parts largely Christian (Nag 2015: 297). But, a recent study shows,
that while the tribal people are politically dominant due to the large
number of reserved seats over the plains people in the hill states, the
plains people control large parts of the economy, notably secondary and
tertiary economic occupations (Kumar 2005). Pointing to Bengali domi-
nance in Tripura as an example, the tribal leaders of the other hill states
have demanded restrictions on activities of non-tribal people, as allowed
under the Sixth Schedule. There are also tensions between the different
tribal groups within each state, where the more developed tribes view the
less developed as a handicap, and both see further separation as a solu-
tion. In 1995–2005 there were violent clashes between Nagas and Kukis,
between Kukis and Tamils in Moreh, and between Pangals and Meteis.
The Hmar continued to agitate to join Mizoram during this period (Ibid).
Thus, political representation in the northeast has different dimensions:
ethnic movements and clashes between tribal and non-tribal people.
In central India, it is rising political consciousness since the 1990s,
leading to greater participation in voting, revival of demands for a tribal
state in central India and formation of small, but independent political
parties that have provided greater political representation in the legisla-
ture, than presence in reserved seats (Shukla 2018). The idea of a separate
tribal state combining the Chota Nagpur and Santhal Parganas regions
from erstwhile Bihar with tribal-dominated districts in neighbouring
Orissa, Madhya Pradesh and West Bengal, much as was proposed to the
States Reorganization Commission (SRC) in the 1950s has re-emerged
in the 1990s and 2000. Movements are also visible for a Gondwana tribal
state in central India in the 1990s (Mollick and Mukherjee 1999: 279),
and in 2008 Bheelistan by the Bhils, greater Jharkhand by the JMIM
comprising of parts of adjoining West Bengal and Odisha, and the unity
of all tribal regions by the JAYs in MP whose slogan has been ‘ek teer ek
kaman, saare adivasi ek saman’ (one bow, one arrow, all tribals are equal)
INTRODUCTION 15
under which they want to unite and fulfil the basic needs of all the tribal
population (Pai 2021: 356). The demand is not just for territory but the
integrity of the cultural ethnic identities divided among various states.
Stuart Corbridge has pointed out that the formation of Jharkhand and
Chhattisgarh in 2000, both portrayed as tribal states, has not provided
greater representation, or share in political power or policymaking. Tribal
leaders feel that the narrow political interests of the Congress and the BJP
drove the formation of these states. In the case of Jharkhand, particularly,
it was viewed as “detribalizing territory” as the state came into the hands
of dikus (rapacious outsiders) or sadans (long settled mainly agricultural
communities) (Corbridge 2015: 74). The formation of Chhattisgarh out
of MP has once again divided the tribal population between two states in
central India.
In MP, political consciousness among the bigger tribes and height-
ened competition in the 2000s between the Congress and the BJP for
the tribal votes led to the formation of parties by the tiny elite that has
emerged among the major tribes: the Gondwana Gantantra party of the
Gonds (GGP) in the 1990s (Mollick and Mukherjee 1999: 279) and
the Jai Adivasi Yuva Shakti (JAYS) by the Bhils and the JAD by the
Barela tribals in 2018 following division of the state (Pai forthcoming).
However, these developments have not provided an independent space to
these tribal groups to negotiate their demands, rather they have become
enmeshed in the highly competitive politics between the Congress and
the BJP. They remain small players limited to their own regions, unable
to gain substantial number of seats. Parties formed by tribal leaders in
Jharkhand such as the JMM and JVM have been more successful in their
attempts to preserve tribal culture; in the recent assembly elections in
December 2019, the JMM has emerged as the single largest party, formed
the government with the Congress and pushed back the BJP which it
accused of encouraging a non-tribal leadership.
Minority Representation: Under-Representation and Decline

For historical reasons, most importantly partition, the issue of political
representation of Muslims has remained a troubled issue in the post-
independence period. Muslims constitute the largest and most important
religious minority in India making up as much as 172.2 million or 14.2%
of the population in India (Census 2011). While the constituent assembly
granted reserved seats to the SCs and STs based on historical disad-
vantage, it was decided that separate representation for minorities based
on religion, should not be a feature of the new Republic. At the same
time, following a lengthy discussion, the constituent assembly decided
that there should be freedom to practise as well as propagate religion.
A major problem underlying the issue of representation to Muslims
in post-independent India is that it is closely bound up with the rela-
tionship between the majority and minority community. The granting
of special representation to Muslims in the central legislature in 1905
has been described by scholars as a strategy of ‘divide and rule’ by the
British, which created differences between Hindus and Muslims that were
to have an impact on their participation and representation in politics in
post-independence India.
Much scholarship suggests that until the late eighteenth century, the
categories described as Hindu and Muslim in India were malleable, not
clearly defined and marked by immense internal differentiation. The
emergence of religious differences was a gradual and progressive devel-
opment reaching a peak only in the late colonial period, an end product
of the experience of colonialism and the fundamental socio-economic
changes that it unleashed in Indian society. While Francis Robinson
has argued that there were ‘fundamental’ religious differences between
Hindus and Muslims in the nineteenth century before community-based
mobilization began, based on issues such as idol worship, cow protec-
tion and monotheism, which created a ‘basic antipathy’ between them
(Robinson 1975). More recent literature has held that religious commu-
nities began to be defined more sharply during the colonial period,
false totalities of ready-made religious communities of ‘Hindu’, ‘Muslim’
and ‘Sikh’, which ignored existing internal differentiation within these
communities (Pandey 1990: 3). Brass has argued that while there were
differences between the Hindu and the Muslim communities that cannot
be ignored, the role played by elite groups, the balance between the
rates of social mobilization and assimilation between different communi-
ties, organizations that promoted group identities, and impact of colonial
policies, played an important role (Brass 1991). Thus, by the early twen-
tieth century, being Hindu or Muslim became politically significant in
ways quite different from earlier times and was exacerbated later due to
partition.
INTRODUCTION 17
As in the case of the SCs, studies have shown that in post-independent

India, Muslims voted heavily in favour of the ruling Congress wher-
ever it enjoyed a dominant position in the immediate post-independence
period (Wright 1989: 247). This was because their electoral behaviour
was largely guided by issues of security and physical protection after the
trauma of partition. In 1952, Muslim candidates contesting elections
on the Congress party ticket constituted the largest proportion among
Muslim candidates and succeeded in getting elected in larger proportions
than the candidates put up by other parties. Despite this, some studies
point to a strong communal consciousness among Muslims while voting
particularly after the formation of the Bharatiya Jan Sangh (Gupta 1962;
Ahmad 1967: 523). But, Paul Brass in his study of Kanpur found that
voting was non-communal in the 1957 and 1962 elections (Brass 1985).
Also, a study argues that Muslims did not vote as a monolithic entity in
politics, rather competitive electoral processes helped to break down their
communal solidarity (Krishna 1967: 187). Due to these trends, there
were indications of integration, Muslim candidates contesting elections
on national party tickets improved their share of the total votes polled
by Muslim candidates from 65.41% to 75.20% in 1962 (Ibid). However,
despite this, the community has remained under-represented in parlia-
ment and in state legislatures receiving few tickets, except for very few
years since independence, compared to its number in the population.
It was the decline of the Congress in the 1980s, the RJBBM movement
led by the BJP, the destruction of the Babri Masjid and the terrible riots
which followed, that created the first major ‘crisis of representation’ since
partition for Muslims who moved away to smaller parties such as the SP,
BSP, RJD and regional parties in southern and western India. Muslim
representation declined in both the parliament and in the state assem-
blies. However, the decline of the BJP in the post-Babri Masjid period in
the 1990s and early 2000s and victory of the Congress-led UPA which
formed the central government provided the community some confi-
dence. The reports of the Rajinder Sachar Committee and particularly the
Ranganath Mishra Commission and their focus on under-representation
of the community, for the first time, brought the issue of separate polit-
ical reservation to the Muslim community to centre stage; a demand
that has since continued. Against this backdrop scholars have argued that
the community has suffered on not being provided special representa-
tion as in the case of the SCs and STs, particularly the poorer sections
(Hasan 2012). The early 2000s also witnessed the rise of small indepen-
dent parties for the first time, as it was felt that mainstream parties had
failed to provide both political representation and economic well-being
to the community.
The revival of the BJP and its electoral victory under Narendra Modi in
2014 witnessed the second and more momentous ‘crisis of representation’
after which the number of Muslim members have fallen very sharply in
parliament and state assemblies. A phase of majoritarian rule and violence
began against the Muslim community in the form of lynching, Love Jihad,
consolidation of a Hindu vote bank and Hindu nation, with attempts to
make them the ‘other’ or alien in the country (Pai and Kumar 2018). This
has continued after the 2019 national elections as seen in the revocation
of article 370, the attempt to change the citizenship rules under the CAA
and the NRC which would affect the minority community to a much
greater extent. Thus, unlike the SCs and STs, the minority community
has experienced a decline in representation and marginalization within the
country vis-à-vis the majority community. Many studies have pointed to
the gradual formation of a Hindu Rashtra in which the Muslim commu-
nity, will have second class citizenship and little representation (Chatterji
2019).
Women Representation: Participation and Quotas Debate

The issue of women’s representation has two interrelated issues, level of
participation in politics and membership of legislative bodies. While in
the colonial period the demand was for participation particularly in voting
and thereby policymaking, in post-independence India, it has been gender
equality and reserved quotas in parliament. The demand for suffrage
began in the early 1900s in response to the movement in Britain, and
women participated in the National Movement, though it was upper caste
and middle-class women. The Indian Constitution did not provide sepa-
rate representation to women, but adoption of universal suffrage granted
voting rights to all women, enshrined in Article 326.
The rate of participation in voting among women in the immediate
post-independence period was low. In the 1962 Lok Sabha elections,
it was 46.63% rising in 1984 to 58.60%. Male turnout during that
same period was 63.31% and 68.18%, respectively. It was only in the
1970s especially after the Report titled Towards Equality produced by
the Committee on the Status of Women, that attention was drawn
INTRODUCTION 19
towards the need for greater involvement. The women’s movement

attempted to empower women but it remained fragmented along ideo-
logical lines, with few movements and most of them on specific issues
such as dowry, alcohol, violence and economic opportunities, rather than
gender equality. It is only in recent years that the gap between men and
women voters has narrowed over time: during the 2014 general elections,
it was 65.63%, compared to 67.09% turnout for men (State-Wise Voter
Turnout in General Elections 2014, Government of India 2014).
In contrast, the number of women elected to parliament and state
assemblies remains low, which reveals a paradox. On the one hand, there
have been a number of powerful women in top political positions; on the
other hand, the number of women members—in national political parties
and in parliament—continues to be woefully few. The average number
of women members in over fifteen Lok Sabhas is a meagre 560 members
or 7.08%. Even in the 2000s, despite considerable rise in literacy and
consciousness among women, the number has remained low: in 2009, 52
women were elected to the Lok Sabha, in 2012 55, in 2014 64 and in
2019 78 women. In the 2004 Lok Sabha elections major national parties
offered a total of 110 out of 543 seats to women: Congress 45, BJP
30, BSP 20, CPI 2, CPI (M) 8 and NCP 5. The winning percentage
was above 25% in all cases, except the BSP and the CPI (Spary 2007).
A reason proffered is that political parties are reluctant to give tickets
to women as their winnability is considered low (Omvedt 2005). But,
equally important, is the intensely competitive nature of politics itself in
India where politics is a lucrative source of income and power which men
would like to control and not give up. A study of the 2004 parliamentary
elections by Rajeshwari Deshpande shows that a major factor in women’s
low winning percentage was at the political party level: the success rate
of women who actually contested was 12.4% compared to 9.8% for men
(Deshpande 2004).
A reason often pointed out for the low presence of women is the failure
of the Lok Sabha to pass the constitutional amendment bill seeking to
provide 33% reservation to women in parliament. The bill was drafted
and introduced in the Lok Sabha as the 81st Constitutional Amendment
bill in September 1996 during the United Front Government but could
not be passed. Subsequently, introduced a number of times as the 84th
Constitutional Amendment bill by the NDA government it could not be
passed. It was only in 2008 that it was introduced in the Rajya Sabha
where it was passed on March 9, 2010, but it still needs to be passed by
the Lok Sabha (The Hindu, New Delhi, March 9 2010 “The 14 years
Journey of Women’s Reservation Bill”). The major source of opposition
have been members of parties representing the backward castes such as the
SP, who argue that a quota should be kept aside for backward, minority
and Dalit women without which, it would allow the entry of more
upper caste /class women, most of whom are wives/sisters/daughters
of members. But women members feel that it is gender bias as over the
years; the debate has been bitter, and they have faced violent abuse and
been caricatured as ‘bal-cutti memsahibs’ (short-haired memsahibs) or
the ‘biwi’ (wives) brigade and their agendas described as divisive for the
country (Rai 1999).
Some alternatives to quotas under the Women’s Bill have been
presented: to make it legally compulsory for all parties to give tickets
to one-third of their candidates; amalgamate several, perhaps three
constituencies into one, and then provide for three representatives to be
elected, one of whom must be a woman. Such suggestions move in the
direction of a system of proportional representation, something that many
have been advocating instead of the present first the past post system, in
which minority group members—women or dalits—could be elected only
with votes of the “majority”. In 2003 a bill was introduced by the then
BJP government, which suggested converting 181 of the lower house
seats into double member constituencies to elect one man and woman,
thus avoiding a situation where a man would have to leave his seat, but
this was not accepted.
At the same time, feminist scholars have questioned the usefulness of
having quotas for women in parliament. Invoking Nancy Fraser, Shirin
Rai articulates the feeling of many that political representation would be
a strategy of ‘recognition’ rather than ‘redistribution’, thus limiting its
transformative potential (Rai 1999). The bill has provoked serious debate
in the country whether quotas are the best way forward to bring women
into politics. Many argue that increased attention to improving female
education, sex ratio, food security, issues of divorce, adoption and share
in family property, gender-sensitive training of police, bureaucracy and
judiciary would create the conditions needed for women to enter politics.
In sum, the obstacles to women’s equal participation in India are
deeply embedded in India’s social and cultural patterns. The patriar-
chal nature of society is seen in the analysis by Amartya Sen of missing
women—35–37 million—due to maltreatment, less access to medical
care, less food and a general arduous and toiling existence (Sen 2001). In
INTRODUCTION 21
India the patriarchal system—linked to caste—maintains caste boundaries

through bans on intermarriage (roti-beti-vyavahar) and a high degree of
control over sexuality of and generally, the independence of women.
The Contributions
The essays in the first part of the volume discuss the ideas underlying the
provision of special representation or reservation and the evolution of the
concept of minorities—a term used by Ambedkar to describe the SCs and
STs and other minority groups—since the colonial period, culminating in
debates in the constituent assembly. The first essay by Vidhu Verma traces
the development of the idea of minority representation since the colo-
nial period, to which little or no attention has been given. Although the
study of the relationship between the Indian National Congress, religious
minorities, their organizations and the colonial state is well established,
some aspects of their representation under colonial rule have thus far been
less focused. Her paper attempts to fill this omission by tracing the devel-
opment of group representation policies up to the 1940, revealing that
they were a practical response to governing problems, and to demands
from various communities for equal opportunities in institutions of the
colonial state.
Verma argues that there existed no clear-cut or systematic British
policy, towards all minorities during most of the colonial period. There
were competing notions of representation, but representation for minori-
ties and depressed classes became primarily descriptive, rather than
delegate or trustee based. By looking at these rules and nature of demands
regarding the relationship between different minorities, the essay demon-
strates that the Indian political system that emerged following inde-
pendence was strongly inspired by the developments of the colonial era.
Yet many differences exist, as the post-colonial state presented different
justifications, while limiting the beneficiaries of the reservation policy.
Today, the meanings attached to reservation policy, through their histor-
ical association with the colonial structure of political representation, are
responsible for disempowering various groups like religious minorities
asking for reservations.
Jagannath Ambagudia’s essay provides an understanding of how polit-
ical reservation for tribal communities in India, based on the practice of
the quota system, was deliberated upon and decided in the constituent
assembly. Members spent much time on the question of representa-

tion of this marginalized group. In debates centring on the relationship
between group representation and the nation-state, the constituent
assembly engaged extensively—with little consensus and strident argu-
ments between tribal and non-tribal members—with the question of
autonomy versus assimilation, of protection and advancement of tribals,
and how these aspects could be built into their system of representation
and governance.
Regarding the impact of these special provisions, the paper argues
that, on the one hand, reservation has ensured ‘adequate’ or ‘minimum’
number of representatives from the tribal community and opportunity to
participate in parliamentary debates. However, in practice, tribal represen-
tatives divided across party lines do not act as a ‘block’ or represent the
views of their constituents. Although tribals consist of 8.6% of the popu-
lation in India and account for over 40% of the total displaced people due
to developmental projects, they have stalled few projects.
Part II of the volume moves on to discussing how far the existing
electoral system and institutions of legislative governance have been
able to fulfil the promise of special representation provided in the
constituent assembly. Sukhadeo Thorat’s essay discusses proposals made
by Dr Ambedkar in the 1940s to safeguard minorities against the possible
danger of political parties assuming a communal character, which would
be a menace to caste and religious minorities . Ambedkar proposed reform
in democratic governance based on three principles: relative representa-
tion of majority and minority in legislatures, unanimous decision in some
importance issues and principle of confidence or faith in the Executive.
The balance between majority and minority representation was to be
implemented by a system of weightage, which necessitated reduction of
Hindu seats while retaining its majority character, and increase in number
of minority seats to exceed their population share, by reasonable margin.
Also, he proposed the nomination of Executive (Prime Minister and
Ministers) by members of all political parties in the house (majority and
minorities) in central/states assemblies, also to appoint Ministers from all
the minorities by their members. Ambedkar also suggested some issues
particularly related to minorities to be decided by unanimous decision.
These reforms in Ambedkar’s view would provide adequate safeguard to
caste, religious and other minorities against the communal majority.
Thorat concludes that Dr Ambedkar’s fears have come true in post-
independence India: caste and religious majorities continue to influence
INTRODUCTION 23
the electoral process. The communal character of the majority party in

recent years has resulted in increasing violence and disenfranchisement of
minorities. The SC face disenfranchisement, as under reserved constituen-
cies their representatives are elected by the upper caste majority, who are
not interested in working for SCs, whom they are supposed to represent.
The thoughts of Ambedkar remain more relevant today, than ever before.
Many countries such as South Africa and Canada have taken bold steps to
work out arrangements to accommodate minorities, India could do the
same.
Raja Shekhar Vundru’s paper discusses, which electoral system can
ensure ‘real representation’ to SC groups and minorities and the impli-
cations of adopting the FTPT with reserved seats for SCs /STs in
legislatures. He discusses five principles that Ambedkar in his writ-
ings, linked to political representation: universal adult franchise, electoral
method which would send true representatives, principle of majority and
minority, representation in the political executive, and mechanisms to alter
the electoral safeguards. Based on these, Vundru examines the useful-
ness of various electoral methods, deployed or proposed, in colonial and
post-colonial India, ranging from separate electorates to various forms
of joint and qualified electorates, double member constituencies, etc.
Further, to prevent the emergence of a communal majority in the legisla-
ture, Ambedkar had proposed that the Prime Minister be elected by the
whole House; representatives of different minorities in the Cabinet by
members of each minority community in the House; and representatives
of the majority community in the Executive by the House, in each case,
by single transferable vote.
In conclusion, rather than proportional representation, which would
create divides, Vundru makes a two-pronged proposal which would
ensure a more inclusive democracy: a formula within the FPTP system
drawing on Ambedkar’s ideas, which would provide better representation
to SCs and minorities, and second, reservation to women and OBCs in
legislatures, as in panchayats.
Narender Kumar’s paper examines how SC parliamentarians have been
able to handle the issue of representation and policymaking, as represen-
tatives of their community in parliament. The significance of this issue
was highlighted by Dr Ambedkar when, analysing the composition of the
joint electorates under the Poona Pact, he had questioned whether the
SCs would be able to elect a candidate who had their confidence and voice
or, a SC candidate who is the tool of the Hindus. Examining the theoret-
ical and conceptual issues involved in the concept of representation, the
paper analyses the manner in which SC members of parliament participate
at different levels of interventions viz. during debates under various rules
including while passing a Bill, in the parliamentary committees, during
the Question Hour, etc. Some of the related questions that the paper
examines are: What are the issues on which SC MPs speak and debate?
How do they view their role as representatives of the larger SC commu-
nity? Does their political affiliation play some role among the MPs? In
addition, the paper attempts a comparison of the role played by SC and
Non-SC members of Parliament from 1985 to 1995.
The three papers in part III discuss representation of minorities in
India including Muslims, the largest minority in the country, both histor-
ically and in the contemporary period. The first two papers underline,
that the quintessential yardstick to assess the resilience of a representative
democracy is the dynamics of institutional representation of minorities.
Zoya Hasan points out, that scholars have been reluctant to engage
with the question of representation of minorities, despite the fact that
this issue has occupied centre stage in political debates in recent years.
The paper provides extensive data on the representation of Muslims
since independence and argues that while the community has remained
under-represented in parliament and all other institutions, slow progress
was taking place. However, 2014 was a watershed year, representation
dropped to an all time low, being less than 4%, the lowest figure since
1952. A new style of majoritarian politics has since the rise of the BJP
introduced new notions of ‘unified representation’ in political life. For
the first time, the ruling party had no Muslim member in the Lok Sabha
and in important state assemblies, such as Gujarat and UP. Two signif-
icant structural reasons that have affected Muslim representation are the
FPTP and their geographical dispersion in a way that they are a minority
in all but a few Lok Sabha constituencies.
Based on the data presented Hasan argues that dwindling repre-
sentation of Muslims in elected assemblies matters, because substantive
representation is linked to description representation, which ensures that
interests are protected. She concludes that diversity in public institu-
tions is essential to promote stability and integration of the state as an
institution of governance. An underlying premise of democracy is power
sharing along multiple axes—religious, linguistic, regional, caste, tribal,
etc., representation in legislatures being an important indicator.
INTRODUCTION 25
Continuing the theme of under-representation of minorities, the paper

by Fakhruz Zaman and Aisha Imtiyaz points to the renewed interest
and need being felt today, to provide descriptive representation to the
Muslim community. They argue that after seven decades of indepen-
dence, Muslims, the largest religious minority, remain at the margins of
socio-economic and educational development. While many studies point
to neglect of Muslim interests in the making of public policy, the authors
contend that under-representation in legislative bodies is one of the most
serious causes of Muslim marginalization.
This premise is demonstrated by examining the ‘representativeness’
of Muslim/non-Muslim members of legislative bodies in terms of their
ability to represent the interests of the Muslim community. The study
through comparative analysis examines questions related to Muslims,
asked by both Muslim and non-Muslim MPs in the Lok Sabha from 1999
to 2016. Based on the findings, they argue for the need for descriptive
representation, as Muslim representatives across party lines tend to raise
more questions related to their own community, compared to represen-
tatives belonging to the majority community. These results must be read
together with the fact that the Muslim community is under-represented in
proportion to their population since independence. The authors point out
that the Nehruvian assurance in the constituent assembly to minorities,
particularly Muslims that descriptive representation was not required, as
the members of the majority community would be equally able to repre-
sent their cultural uniqueness and their political and economic needs,
has not proved correct. In conclusion, the authors raise the significant
question whether this means that Indian democracy has reached the stage
where descriptive representation has become inevitable in the case of the
Muslim minority.
While representation of Muslims in parliament has attracted some
scholarly interest, little attention has been paid to the question of repre-
sentation in the Indian states where the mass of the Muslim population
resides. Sajjan Kumar’s paper focuses on the shifting terrain of Muslim
representation in three selected states in the 2000s, which witnessed
new political experiments in the form of independent Muslim political
parties, in most cases for the first time after independence. They point
to significant developments in the larger polity and within the commu-
nity that provided Muslim leaders the confidence to chart an independent
political path: a post-Babri Masjid and post-Sachar Committee phase of
autonomous Muslim politics; a period of comparative communal peace and
decline of the BJP; rise of an educated, Muslim middle class following

globalization together with rising consciousness among the Pasmanda
Muslims; and formation of governments at the centre by the Congress-led
UPA, and in a key state like UP by the BSP and SP.
Against the backdrop of these developments, the essay argues that the
quest for an autonomous Muslim politics is linked to the existence of
a secular political context, accompanied by a feeling of disillusionment
with mainstream parties, particularly the Congress, which Muslims felt
had failed to protect their interests, pushed them to form independent
parties. But, on the other, the advent of the BJP and its anti-minority
politics led to ‘pragmatic’ politics with a majority of the Muslim electorate
returning to the umbrella of mainstream parties, fearing that division of
the vote would help the BJP. The essay concludes that these shifts point
to visible signs of Muslim restiveness arising out of how the community
views itself, its relationship with the majority community and its position
in the Indian polity.
The papers in the final part of the volume grapple with the contentious
issue of women’s representation particularly in legislative institutions,
which would give them a share in policymaking. Shefali Jha’s contribution
examines the theory and praxis of the process of the inclusion of women
through the mechanism of political representation, including debates
among feminists about descriptive, substantive and symbolic representa-
tion. The paper also traces the use of, since around the 1990s, primarily
three procedures to increase women’s political representation in different
countries: through voluntary quotas for women at the level of political
parties; through legislated quotas for political parties; or through reserved
seats in national legislatures for women.
Against this backdrop, Jha addresses the question of why in India none
of the routes described above to increase women’s legislative presence
have been successful. Describing the travails of the Women’s Reservation
Bill in India, the paper offers some analysis of the discrepancy between the
rising female turnout rate and the still low percentage of female legisla-
tors. In conclusion, the paper discusses the general crisis of representation
in contemporary democracies—minority governments, the role of money
in winning elections, undemocratically run political parties—and argues
that the question of increasing women’s legislative presence as a means of
strengthening the representation of their interests has to be addressed in
the context of the larger crisis of representation.
INTRODUCTION 27
Shirin Rai’s essay, while critically discussing the concept of empower-

ment, poses the significant question whether current debates about quotas
for women are relevant to debates on women’s empowerment. Rai points
out that while some scholars worry about the normative issues of group
over individual interests and issues of equal opportunities, most feminist
scholarship has focused on the “virtuous circle of representation” wherein
higher numbers of women in parliaments are viewed as a better conver-
gence of descriptive and substantive representation. At the same time,
while there has been concern about the elite nature of women’s represen-
tation in parliament and scepticism about the need for a quota, generally
the literature reflects the support for quotas for women.
Against this backdrop the essay analyses the bases upon which the
arguments for and against quotas have been presented within the Indian
political system, taking into account the historical debates on caste, the
emergence of coalition politics, the strength of the women’s movement
and the engagement of women’s groups with the politics of difference.
The central argument of the essay is that unless the issues of class-
based and caste-based differences are taken seriously by women’s groups
in India, the wider question of empowerment cannot be satisfactorily
answered. Rai points out that the above argument is being put forth at a
time when the condition of women with the least access to resources and
the fewest privileges are steadily deteriorating. The conclusion assesses
whether the Indian example is of relevance to wider debates on quotas
as strategies of empowerment. Here, Rai reminds us that in order to
challenge structural impediments to greater participation of women in
political institutions, we need to have regard to the multi-faceted power
relations, which contextualize that challenge.
Papia Sengupta’s paper takes forward the debate on women’s empow-
erment, by moving away from the issue of descriptive analysis of women’s
representation in Indian legislatures, and questioning the hypothesis
whether representation necessarily translates into recognition and better
distribution of resources such as education, employment and economic
development programmes, leading to enhanced and equal status in
society. The question is seemingly significant, as the women reservation
bill seeking to guarantee 33% reservation for women, has evaporated from
the manifestos of most important political parties and even the women
members have accepted its fate. Women, such as Indira Gandhi (prime
minister, India), Benazir Bhutto (prime minister, Pakistan ), Chandrika
Kumaratunga (prime minister, Sri Lanka) and Khalida Zia (prime minister,
Bangladesh), occupied topmost political positions in South Asia even

before their counterparts in the developed world, and still the number
of women in Parliaments and political parties of South Asia, especially
India, is diminishing rapidly. Utilizing the methodological framework of
power sharing in representative democracies and its limitations, the study
analyses reasons for low women representatives in the Indian Parliament
and whether proportional representation would have been a better viable
method for higher representation of women in the patriarchal society of
India.
Concluding Observations
The essays in this volume have addressed a seminal issue of our times,
the need for representation of historically disadvantaged groups in India
namely SCs, STs, Muslims and women. Each of these groups has had
a distinct history of discrimination both in the colonial and continuing
into the post-colonial period. SCs and STs, due to the persistence of
Dr Ambedkar in the constituent assembly, were able to gain descrip-
tive representation in legislatures and other institutions, though whether
this provides them real representation and entry into the corridors of
power and policymaking, remains questionable. Accordingly, some of the
contributors have argued for a return to some form of separate electorates
advocated by Dr Ambedkar. In the case of minorities and women, even
after seven decades of independence, these two groups are still struggling
to obtain representation; many scholars and activists have argued for some
form of descriptive representation for these groups. At the same time, the
question of whether this will provide them empowerment or improve-
ment in their economic and social condition is important, and is still being
debated. There have also been demands in recent years, for a shift from
FTPT to some form of proportional representation to resolve the issue
of representation, though this has not been discussed in this volume.
Thus, a concern that emerges from the volume is that identities based
on caste and religion are a reality in India, and the issue of how to provide
adequate representation to these groups, which would help enhance the
quality of our democracy, remains a pertinent and significant problem.
The controversy over political representation of disadvantaged groups
and implementation of reservations and quotas is today the most impor-
tant battleground in the politics of social justice . A second concern is that
representation for these groups has become more difficult to achieve in
INTRODUCTION 29
the contemporary period, with the rise of an authoritarian, Hindu majori-

tarian state that is not keen to provide them representation, or a share in
power and policymaking. Concentration of power has affected represen-
tative institutions leaving little room for opposition and disadvantaged
groups. Much struggle will be required in such a situation to provide
adequate representation to marginalized groups. But, until that is possible
the crisis of representation which is affecting the democratic functioning
of our polity will continue.
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Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
ei kohdellut heitä milloinkaan myötämielisesti eikä edes
ystävällisesti. Hänen rahanhimonsa näytti kiihtyvän vuosien
kuluessa, ja jonkunlainen kiintyminen yhteen asiaan oli vallannut
kokonaan hänen mielensä. Hän epäili vaimoaan ja poikaansa,
salaten rahansa ja liikeasiansa heiltä niin tarkasti kuin kaikilta
muiltakin. He tiesivät hänen rikastuvan rikastumistaan, sillä
Andráksesta oli jo kehittynyt niin kokenut maanviljelijä, että hän
ymmärsi noiden hedelmällisten peltojen, rehevien viinitarhojen ja
lukemattomien lampaiden arvon, mutta mitä noilla rikkauksilla olisi
voitu saada, kuten hyvää ruokaa, huveja, tanssia, mustalaisten
soittoa ja hyvää viiniä, niistä eivät he tienneet mitään. Ei äiti eikä
poika milloinkaan ajatellutkaan ruveta vastustamaan häntä, joka oli
aviopuoliso, isäntä ja isä, vaan alistuivat nurkumatta. Tuossa
maassa, missä sivistys on vielä aivan alkuasteillaan, kunnioitetaan ja
pelätään talon isäntää, jonka Jumala itse on asettanut tuohon
asemaan rajoittamattomin oikeuksin perheeseensä nähden. Sen
jäsenet eivät vastusta milloinkaan hänen päätöksiään, olivatpa ne
sitten kuinka hulluja tahansa, eivätkä kiellä häneltä kunnioitustaan,
vaikka hän käyttäytyykin niin, ettei hän sitä ollenkaan ansaitse.
Niin kului muutamia vuosia, ja András oli kahdenkolmattavuotias,

työn karkaisema, voimakas ja kokenut tasankojen peltojen kylväjä ja
elonkorjaaja. Kova harjoitus oli opettanut hänet työskentelemään
nurkumatta, tyytymään vähään, salaamaan aikeensa ja
halveksimaan raitaa, ja omasta sydämestään oli hän oppinut yhden
asian, mutta sen hän olikin oppinut kunnollisesti, nimittäin
rakastamaan äitiään. Kaikki kuvittelutkin rakkaudesta johonkin
toiseen olentoon, joka ei ollut hänen lihaansa eikä vertansa, mutta
joka kumminkin olisi voinut olla paljon rakkaampi, oli häneltä kielletty.
Joskus kohdistuivat kumminkin hänenkin ajatuksensa vaimoon ja
lapsiin, sillä haaveileehan erakkokin joskus paratiisista, mutta hän
tukahdutti tuollaiset mietteet heti. Vanha Kemény oli sanonut hänelle
viime vuonna:
»Menin naimisiin ollessani viisikymmenvuotias. Kun joudut tuohon

ikään, olen jo maan povessa ja silloin saat tehdä mitä haluat. Siihen
asti en suostu ottamaan lisää ruokittavia tämän katon alle».
Ja voiko András tässä paremmin kuin muissakaan asioissa tehdä

muuta kuin totella ja kartoittaa valoisamman tulevaisuuden unelmat
kauas tuleviin aikoihin?
Eräänä muistorikkaana päivänä kaatui vanha Kemény, joka näytti

olevan vielä täysissä voimissaan, kuin lahonnut tammi
tuulenpuuskan vaikutuksesta. Työskenneltyään kovasti koko päivän
viininkorjuussa, jonka lopussa András oli livahtanut pois puoleksi
tunniksi auttaakseen äitiään leipomisessa, kantoi pari voimakasta
nuorukaista tuon vanhan saiturin kotiin tilapäisesti kyhätyillä
paareilla. Hän ei näyttänyt tuntevan ketään, vaan puhua soperteli
epäselvästi vääntynein ja vinoon mennein kasvoin. Kylän lääkäri iski
hänestä suonta ja vaikka hänen käsivarrestaan vuosikin paljon
paksua mustaa verta, ei hän kumminkaan tullut ollenkaan tajuihinsa.
Hän eli sitten vielä pari päivää Andráksen ja hänen äitinsä hoitaessa
häntä uskollisesti loppuun asti. Joskus olivat he huomaavinaan
jonkun painavan hänen jo kuoleman kouristamia aivojaan, joskus
näyttivät taasen hänen elottomat silmänsä kirkastuvan ja katselevan
levottomasti kaikille suunnille. Mutta mitä hän sitten olisi halunnut
sanoa, millaisia ohjeita hän olisi antanut pojalleen erotessaan, ei
András saanut milloinkaan tietää. He eivät kummatkaan itkeneet,
kun he vihdoin ummistivat kovan isäntänsä silmät tämän poistuttua
iankaikkiseen lepoonsa. He käskivät tuon vanhan ystävällisen papin
lukea muutamia messuja kuolleen sielun rauhoittamiseksi, ja András
itse valmisti omin käsin tammilaudoista arkun, johon hänen isänsä
maalliset jäännökset sijoitettiin.
Vanha Kemény haudattiin Arokszállasin pieneen kirkkomaahan

muiden kyläläisten joukkoon. Hänen puolisonsa oli sitonut pari
seppelettä ruiskukista ja laski ne hänen haudalleen. Ne kuihtuivat jo
samana iltana, koska aurinko paistoi kuumasti, eikä niitä senjälkeen
milloinkaan uusittu.
VI
KISFALUN VUOKRAAJA.
Kylän ja maakunnan asukkaat eivät saaneet oikein milloinkaan

selville, paljonko rahoja András löysi isänsä kätköistä tämän
kuoleman jälkeen, vaikka kaikki olivat sitä hartaasti toivoneet. Ja
todellakin, vaikka vanha Kemény oli ollutkin omituinen eräässä
suhteessa, voitti hänen poikansa hänet kumminkin, sillä hänen
käyttäytymisensä isänsä kuoleman jälkeen oli mitä kummallisinta.
Vielä kolme vuotta asui hän äitineen Kisfalun luhistuvassa vanhassa
päärakennuksessa. András ei sallinut äidin tehdä mitään
raskaampaa työtä, vaan palkkasi pari kylän tyttöä pesemään ja
valmistamaan ruokaa heille molemmille. Muissa suhteissa oli heidän
elämänsä aivan entisenlaista. András valvoi itse kaikki työt ja käytti
Rosensteiniä välittäjänään, kuten hänen isänsäkin oli tehnyt, mutta
suurimman osan ajastaan vietti hän Arokszállasin hyvän papin
luona, joka, kuten pian saatiin selville, opetti häntä lukemaan ja
kirjoittamaan, ja neuvoi sitäpaitsi hänelle paljon muitakin asioita, joita
ei talonpoikaispoika tavallisesti tiedä. Mitkä sitten Keményn
Andráksen tarkoitukset lienevät olleetkaan, teki hän kumminkin tätä
henkistäkin työtä yhtä tarmokkaasti kuin ennen ruumiillista. Hän sai
pian selville, että hänen isänsä ahneudellaan ja kokoomishalullaan
oli jättänyt hänelle perinnöksi melko paljon rahaa, jopa niin paljon,
etteivät András ja hänen äitinsä alussa, tottuneita kun he olivat aina
tyhjiin taskuihinsa, käsittäneet sen arvoa eivätkä etuja, joita he sen
avulla voisivat hankkia itselleen. Heidän hitaasti toimiva
talonpoikaisjärkensä ei voinut ymmärtää, että kaikki nuo vanhat
viinitynnyrit, jotka tuo kummallinen vanha saituri oli täyttänyt kulta- ja
hopeakolikoilla, olivat heidän yksityistä omaisuuttaan ja soivat niin
paljon mukavuuksia ja ylellisyyksiä heille, jotka eivät tähän asti olleet
tienneet, millaista on nukkua mukavassa vuoteessa ja syödä vatsa
täyteen. Rahalla on niin vähän arvoa tuossa runsauden maassa, että
András ainakin vähän aikaa alussa suhtautui rikkauksiinsa melkein
vihaisesti. Hän ei itsekään oikein tiennyt, mitä hän oli toivonut, kun
hän omin käsin oli lyönyt viimeiset naulat lautoihin, joista oli
valmistettu viimeinen asunto Kisfalun entiselle mielivaltaiselle
isännälle, eikä hän käsittänyt, mitä hän oli ikävöinyt silloin, kun hän
kuumina kesäiltoina, tehtyään koko päivän raskasta työtä ja nuorten
hartioiden vielä kihelmöidessä isällisistä lyönneistä jonkun todellisen
tahi kuvitellun laiminlyönnin vuoksi, käveli kauas autiolle pustalle
katselemaan kaukaisen taivaanrannan äärettömyyttä ja
ihmettelemään epämääräisesti, mitä sana »onni» oikein
tarkoittikaan.
Ja nuo kilisevät ja kimaltelevat kulta- ja hopeakasat näyttivät niin

mitättömiltä ja kirjavilta verrattuina noihin valoisiin iltaunelmiin. Pian
kumminkin alkoi hänenkin ovela järkensä, luonteenomainen muuten
kaikille talonpojille, käsittää, tosin vielä epäselvästi ja hapuillen,
miten arvokas tällainen rikkaus oli monessa suhteessa. Hän muisti
isänsä sattumalta joskus pilkaten sanoneen kuin tahdottomasti,
miten suuria uhrauksia Bideskuty’n herra joskus sai tehdä
saadakseen kahmalollisen tätä kultaa, jolla hän sitten voi tyydyttää
kaikki oikkunsa. Ellei tuollainen uhraus — luovuttaa maata, jonka
esi-isät olivat omistaneet satoja vuosia — ollut liian suuri tällaisten
kultapalasten hankkimiseksi, niin miksi ei hän sitten kuin sellaisia oli
pudonnut hänen syliinsä kuin taivaasta koettaisi saada selville, mihin
tarkoitukseen sellaisia oli paras käyttää. Koska Bideskuty’n herra
luopui maastaan saadakseen kultaa, niin miksi ei hän, Keményn
András, talonpoika, tuon kummallisen vanhan Kisfalun saiturin
perillinen, luopuisi kullastaan saadakseen maata? Ah, kunpa hän
voisi sanoa omistavansa palasenkaan tuosta rakastetusta maasta,
jonka hän lapsuudestaan saakka oli nähnyt myöntyvän ahneen
isänsä tahtoon, kunpa hän voisi nimittää kaikkia sen sisältämiä
aarteita omakseen ja jakaa kaikki sen tuotteet äitinsä ja, kuka sen
tietää, tulevaisuudessa jonkun toisen kanssa, joka sanoo häntä
miehekseen, ja kolmannen pikkuruisen ja hyvin rakkaan, joka pian
oppii nimittämään häntä isäkseen. Ah, millainen ääretön onni se
olisikaan, jos hän saisi sanoa jokaista vehnänjyvää, jokaisen
lampaan villoja ja jokaista maitotippaa omakseen, tarvitsematta
luovuttaa ensimmäistä ja parasta Bideskuty’n herralle, joka ei
milloinkaan käynytkään Kisfalussa ja joka oli yhteistoiminnassa pirun
kanssa muokatakseen saatanan avulla maan, jonka olisi pitänyt olla
pyhä hänelle.
András, jonka parikymmentä vuotta kestänyt pakotettu

itsensähillitseminen oli opettanut salaamaan aikeensa ja kieltänyt
häntä kuiskaamasta sanaakaan suunnitelmistaan, ei neuvotellut
milloinkaan kenenkään kanssa. Kukaan ei tiennyt, millaisia aarteita
oli löytynyt vanhan Keményn arkuista, eikä kukaan saanut selville,
oliko vanhus ollut valehtelija vaiko tyhmeliini. Pelloilla työskenneltiin
jatkuvasti, ja Keményn Andráksen jauhot olivat yhtä hienoja ja
valkoisia kuin hänen isänsäkin eläessä, hänen kasvattamastaan
pellavasta kudotut kankaat olivat maakunnan pehmeimmät ja hänen
viininsä herkullisimmin maustetut. Ei ollut siis mikään ihme, että
Gyöngyösin kauppiaat tulivat aina silloin Kisfaluun, kun siellä oli
jotakin myytävää. Vaikka András ei milloinkaan elämässään ollut
ostanut, myynyt eikä vaihtanut, oppi hän kumminkin hyvin pian
tietämään lihavan maansa tuotteiden täyden arvon.
Kolme vuotta kävi hän koulua vanhan papin luona oppiakseen

lukemaan, kirjoittamaan ja laskemaan. Kärsivällisin tylsyyksin, jolla
hän oli hyväksynyt isänsä päivittäiset ankarat käskyt, teki hän nyt
työtä, jonka hänen ovela järkensä oli määrännyt hänelle. Hän oppi
pian huomaamaan, että juutalaiset luottivat talonpoikien
herkkäuskoisuuteen, ja sai selville, että he esittivät antamansa
mitättömät lainat väärässä valossa saadakseen niistä niin suuren
koron kuin suinkin. Saadakseen selville vaihtaneensa tavaroiden ja
maansa tuotteista saamiensa rahojen täyden arvon toimitti András
kaikki liikeasiansa itse. Unkarilainen talonpoika on iloinen, hän
rakastaa kauniita tyttöjä, iloista tanssia ja sointuvaa soittoa, mutta
hän on sitäpaitsi itsepäinen ja sitkeä, ja tätä sitkeyttä András, joka
tiesi niin vähän rakkaudesta ja huveista, käytti vain tarkoitustansa
saavuttamiseen.
Hän käytti osan rahoistaan vanhan päärakennuksen korjaamiseen

muuttaakseen äitinsä olon siellä mukavammaksi, ja lisäsi siihen,
tietämättä oikein itsekään, miksi, muutamia huoneita, jotka hän sitten
sisusti mukavasti Gyöngyösistä ostamillaan huonekaluilla. Sitten hän
paperoitti rakennuksen ennen valkoiseksi kalkitut seinät, ja kun työ
saatiin tehdyksi, tulivat kaikki läheisyydessä sijaitsevain kylien
asukkaat katsomaan tuota ylellisyyttä, jonka maine oli levinnyt
kauaksi.
Kun hän tottui enemmän muuttuneeseen ympäristöönsä ja
huomasi äitinsä tulevan onnellisemmaksi ja iloisemmaksi, katosi
hänen luonteestaan tuo jurous, jonka hänen haavoitettu ylpeytensä
oli rakentanut kuin suojaksi hänen ympärilleen, ja hän rupesi
seurustelemaan vapaammasti läheisyydessä olevien kylien
asukkaiden kanssa. Pian tuo aurinkoinen luonne joka on
luonteenomainen kaikille unkarilaisille, haihdutti kaiken synkkyyden,
ja vähitellen rupesi hän käyttäytymään samoin kuin muutkin hänen
ikäisensä nuorukaiset. Hän meni jälleen kirkkoon äitinsä kanssa,
mutta nyt he molemmat pysähtyivät portille jumalanpalveluksen
jälkeen ja András uskalsi katsoa kauniisiin sunnuntaipukuisiin
tyttöihin ja pyytää heitä sitten illalla suuressa ladossa
toimeenpantaviin tanssiaisiin. Tytöt eivät karttaneet häntä ollenkaan,
sillä puhuttiin yleisesti, että vanha Kemény oli jättänyt Andráselle niin
paljon rahaa perinnöksi, että hän oli rikkaampi kuin moni seudulla
asuva juutalainen. Sanoivatpa muutamat, että hän oli melkein niin
rikas kuin Bideskuty’n herra itse.
Häntä ympäröi jonkunlainen romanttinen kehä, joka johtui hänen

yksinäisestä lapsuudestaan ja noista hänen salaperäisistä
opinnoistaan, joita hänen naapurinsa luulivat perinpohjaisimmiksi
kuin ne olivatkaan, ja ennen kaikkea hänen miehekkäästä ryhdistään
ja kirkkaista silmistään, joihin oli ilmestynyt jotakin uhmaavaa
tulisuutta, jonka kumminkin hänen alituinen iloinen hymynsä
jäähdytti. Pian olivat kaikki kylän kaunottaret rakastuneet häneen ja
usein sai hän sunnuntain tanssiaisten jälkeen otella mustasukkaisten
nuorukaisten kanssa heistä. Mutta nyt oli katkeruus haihtunut niin
kokonaan hänen luonteestaan, että nuo alussa niin uhkaavilta
näyttävät riidat loppuivat aina Andráksen hyväluontoiseen ja iloiseen
myöntyväisyyteen. Sitäpaitsi osti hän aina pari pulloa parasta Heven
maakunnan viiniä sovinnoksi, hukuttaakseen siihen jokaisen
salaisen mustasukkaisuuden tunteen tuota kaunista nuorukaista
kohtaan, joka oli niin antelias ja hauska toveri.
Mutta huolimatta hänen kiintymyksestään kauniimpaan

sukupuoleen ei hän kumminkaan mennyt naimisiin, vaan pysyi
samana jumaloituna varakkaana tilallisena, jollainen hän oli ollut
vaikeinakin aikoina. Hän hakkaili kaikkia ja oli rakastuvinaan useaan,
mutta ei kukaan noista kauniista tytöistä, jotka kävelivät reippaasti
kirkkoon sunnuntai-aamuisin, voinut kehua, että rikas Keményn
András oli ehdottanut avioliittoa hänelle. Kun vanhemmat naiset ja
miehet kujeillen sanoivat jotakin tyttöä Kisfalun tulevaksi emännäksi,
sanoi András nauraen:
»On hyvin surullista, että rakastan heitä kaikkia. En voi viedä heitä
kaikkia Kisfaluun, sillä siellä ei ole tilaa niin monelle eikä äitini
sellaista sitäpaitsi hyväksyisikään. Ja jos valitsen, niin voinko valita
satojen kaunottarien joukosta käyttäytymättä hyvin raa'asti muita
yhdeksääkymmentäyhdeksää kohtaan, joita myöskin rakastan»?
Kun hänen äitinsä joskus ystävällisesti huomautti, että hän joskus

tulevaisuudessa halusi nähdä pojanpoikiansa ympärillään, kietoi
András kätensä hänen kaulaansa ja suudeltuaan hänen ryppyisiä
poskiaan sanoi:
»Äiti, Heven maakunnassa ei ole muita pyhimyksiä kuin sinä. Kun

joku enkeli laskeutuu taivaasta, pyydän häntä vaimokseni, mutta
siihen asti aion vain rakastaa pyhimystäni».
Äiti huokaisi ja tytöt itkivät, ja viidenneljättävuotias András oli vielä

velvollisuutensa täyttävä naimaton poika.
VII
LAINAAJA JA KORKO.
Emäntä oli hakenut haarikallisen vanhinta viiniään ja asettanut sen

pöydälle, joka oli parhaiten piilossa auringolta. Hän pyyhki nopeasti
esiliinallaan pöydän ja penkin puhdistaakseen ne pienimmistäkin
tomuhiukkasista.
»Hei, mutta tehän kaunistutte kaunistumistanne joka päivä,

Zsuszi, te sieluni valo!» sanoi András sydämellisesti hänen
korvaansa samalla kun hän kiersi käsivartensa hänen solakan
vartalonsa ympärille ja suuteli hänen lumivalkoista niskaansa. »Jos
olisin teidän miehenne ja herranne, jona monesta syystä haluaisin
olla, ei minulla olisi hetkenkään rauhaa. Hänellä on kai täysi työ
estäessään vieraita kiertämästä käsivarsiaan tämän solakan vartalon
ympärille?»
Ja András veti kauniin emännän polvelleen istumaan ja katseli

häntä niin ihailevasti juodessaan maukasta viiniä, että emäntä
punastui hirveästi.
»Ah, András, te ette tiedä, että tuo minua juuri surettaakin», sanoi
kaunis emäntä kyyneleen tahi parin kostuttaessa hänen silmiään ja
tehdessä ne vielä entistäkin kirkkaammiksi.
»Mikä teitä vaivaa, Lotti? Kertokaa minulle. Haluatteko uuden

lettinauhan, kyyhkyseni, vaiko uuden silkkipuvun sunnuntaiksi?
Kertokaa minulle vain mitä haluatte, lintuseni, niin saatte sen
varmasti. Älkää taivaan nimessä kumminkaan itkekö, sillä sellaista
en voi katsoa».
»Ei, ei, tässä ei ole kysymyksessä lettinauhat eikä uudet puvut,

András», vastasi emäntä purskahtaen nyt todellakin äänekkääseen
itkuun, »sillä kauneuteni ei ole enää minkään arvoinen, kun mieheni
on lakannut rakastamasta minua».
»Lakannutko rakastamasta teitä, ruususeni? Onko Kálmán tullut

sokeaksi, vai onko hän ruvennut katsomaan kieroon?»
»En tiedä, András, mikä häntä vaivaa, mutta sen tiedän varmasti,
ettei hän rakasta minua enää», vastasi emäntä värisevin äänin.
»Hän ei ole lyönyt minua kolmeen viikkoon».
András vihelsi pitkään.
»No mutta, tuohan kuulostaa vakavalta! Entä te»?
»Voi, hänellä olisi kyllä ollut syytä. Tanssin csárdásta Horty

Rezsön kanssa pari tuntia, kunnes olin vähältä pyörtyä ja todellakin
kaaduin hänen syliinsä, mutta tultuani kotiin, niin Kálmán, joka oli
siellä ja näki kaiken, senkin, että Reszö suuteli minua csárdáksen
jälkeen, meni vain tyynesti nukkumaan lyömättä minua edes
korvalle».
Ja laiminlyöty vaimo itki yhä katkerammin.
»Se tuntuu niin nöyryyttävältä», lisäsi hän kyyneleittensä seasta.

»Panna esimerkiksi ei voinut viime sunnuntaina kumartuakaan eikä
liikuttaa kättään ja Lujzalla oli sininen mustelma olkapäässään.
Sellainen on oikeaa rakkautta, kai sen tiedätte. Heidän miehensä
rakastavat selvästi äärettömästi heitä, koska he ovat niin
mustasukkaiset, että he antavat vaimoilleen noin kovasti selkään.
Koska käsivarsissani ei ollut mustelman merkkiäkään, oli minun
pakko pukea pitkähihainen pusero ylleni kätkeäkseni häpeäni».
»Kas niin, kas niin, kaunokaiseni», sanoi András lohduttavasti,

»heretkää nyt itkemästä ja luvatkaa tulevana sunnuntaina tanssia
kaikki csárdákset kanssani, niin lupaan puristaa solakkaa
vartaloanne niin kovasti ja katsoa niin ihailevasti kirkkaihin silmiinne,
että Kálmán mustasukkaisessa raivossaan hakkaa keppinsä
säpäleiksi teidän selkäänne. Menkää nyt tuomaan hieman viiniä
tuolle vanhalle linnunpelätillekin, sillä hän näyttää olevan hyvin
kuumissaan ja väsynyt. Minun on pakko hieman jutella hänen
kanssaan, mutta en voi sitä tehdä, jos hänen suunsa on kuiva…
Antakaa minulle vielä suukkonen… toinen ja kolmaskin. Kas niin!
Jos Kálmán, vieköön hänet piru, olisi nähnyt minut nyt, ei teidän
lihaviin valkoisiin hartioihin jäisi valkoista paikkaakaan, sillä niistä
tulisi pian niin mustat ja siniset, että Panna, Lujza ja muut
muuttuisivat aivan viheriöiksi kateudesta».
Reipas emäntä juoksi nauraen ja täydellisesti lohdutettuna

ravintolaan, ja toi sieltä hieman vastahakoisesti suuren haarikallisen
viiniä juutalaiselle.
Rosenstein oli istunut hyvin kärsivällisesti nurkassaan välittämättä

laskeutuvan auringon kuumista säteistä, jotka sattuivat suoraan
hänen laihaan selkäänsä. Hän oli hyvin hullunkurisen näköinen
istuessaan siinä kuin mikäkin suuri taivasta vasten kuvastuva
linnunpelätti. Tyynesti oli hän odottanut, kun Keményn András
hakkaili emäntää, mutta hänen linnunnaamansa kirkastui, kun hän
kuuli nuoren talonpojan tilaavan mitallisen viiniä hänelle. Hän ei ollut
tottunut tällaisiin huomaavaisuuksiin kenenkään muun paitsi
Andráksen puolelta, sillä András tiesi aikaisempien kokemuksiensa
perusteella, miltä tuntuu olla kuumissaan ja janoissaan saamatta
virkistyksekseen pullollistakaan viiniä.
»Nyt, kaunis kyyhkyseni, on teidän mentävä sisälle», sanoi András

suudellen nuorta emäntää monta kertaa. »Mitä minulla on
sanottavaa tuolle vanhalle juutalaiselle ei sovi teidän
ruusunpunaisille korvillenne, jotka on luotu kuuntelemaan vain
rakkaudentunnustuksia».
»Lähetättekö minut pois»? sanoi emäntä nyrpeästi. »Aiotte siis

keskustella salaisuuksista ja liikeasioista tuon kauhean Rosensteinin
kanssa. Miksi en saa jäädä kuuntelemaan? Osaan kyllä säilyttää
salaisuudet. Ette suinkaan aio lainata rahaa häneltä?»
»En, kultaseni, siitä saatte olla aivan varma», sanoi András

nauraen, »joten voitte levollisesti poistua. Salaisuuksia, joista
Rosenstein ja minä aiomme keskustella, ei kannata salata eikä niitä
kannata muistellakaan».
Kauniin emännän oli pakko poistua, vaikkakin vastahakoisesti.

András oli elämänsä aikana oppinut tottelemisen taidon niin
täydellisesti, että hän osasi vastustamattomasti opettaa sen kaikille
muillekin, joiden kanssa hän joutui tekemisiin.
Hän viittasi Rosensteinille, ja juutalainen tuli lopetettuaan viininsä
nopeasti lähemmäksi nöyrästi, matelevaisesti ja mielistelevästi
hymyillen, kuten hänen rotunsa jäsenet ovat oppineet vuosisatojen
kuluessa käyttäytymään.
»No, vanha linnunpelätti, pitkästyitkö odotukseen»? kysyi András

ystävällisesti. »Niin, niin, kauniit naiset kuluttavat niin paljon miesten
aikaa ja minä olen tuhlannut niin äärettömän vähän elämästäni
sellaiseen, että minun on rakastettava vielä paljon, ennenkuin olen
saanut tarpeekseni-nauttia maailman jaloimmasta tunteesta. Tule
istumaan tänne varjoon, mutta älä istu aivan viereeni», lisäsi hän
nauraen tehdessään tilaa Rosensteinille vieressään olevalle penkille.
Juutalainen oli melko hyvällä tuulella, sillä Andráksen iloinen nauru

oli tarttuvaa. Rosensteinin ohuitten huulien välistä kuului hiljaista
hörötystä, joka ehkä oli jonkunlaista naurua.
Nuori talonpoika työnsi haarikat ja pullot pöydän toiselle syrjälle.

Viini kiihdyttää ja kun on keskusteltava juutalaisen kanssa, on
ajatukset pidettävä selvinä. Piipullinen tupakkaa on kumminkin aina
hyvä ystävä ja neuvonantaja, ja András työnnettyään
pellavapaitansa leveät hihat ylemmäksi nojasi molemmat
kyynärpäänsä pöytään ja täytettyään pitkän kirsikkapuisen piippunsa
sanoi hän juutalaiselle:
»No, annahan kuulua»!
Rosenstein oli vetänyt taskustaan toisen noista papereista, joiden

alle Bideskuty’n kreivi oli aamulla kirjoittanut nimensä lukematta niitä
edes läpikään. Toinen oli hyvässä turvassa povitaskussa, eikä sitä
nähtävästi oltu tarkoitettukaan muiden katseltavaksi.
»Bideskuty’n jalo kreivi halusi saada
kaksisataaviisikymmentätuhatta floriinia», aloitti hän, »koska hän
panee huomenna uuden höyrymyllynsä käyntiin ja hänen oli
maksettava palkat Budapestista tänne tulleille työmiehille, joihin
hänen oli pakko turvautua senvuoksi, etteivät näiden kylien miehet
uskalla lähestyä tuota rakennusta peninkulmankaan päähän pelosta,
että he tapaavat perkeleen».
»Tarkoitatko todellakin», sanoi András epäillen, »että tuo kirottu

mylly on todellakin valmis pantavaksi käyntiin»?
»Hän panee sen varmasti käyntiin huolimatta kaikista

tyytymättömistä alustalaisistaan ja välittämättä siitäkään, että isä
Ambrosius on lukenut erityisiä messuja tuon saatanan rakennuksen
taivaan tulella tuhoamiseksi. Se aloittaa todellakin työnsä huomenna
tahi ylihuomenna. Kreivin vilja on suovattu valmiiksi kauniisiin
aumoihin noiden yliluonnollisten puimakoneiden puitavaksi, ja kaikki
ennen puitu vilja jauhetaan niin hienoiksi jauhoiksi pirun ja hänen
apulaistensa käskystä, ettei Bámát ole vielä ikinä sellaisia
nähnytkään».
Juutalainen sanoi tämän hyvin ivallisesti, mutta András, joka

huolimatta saamistaan opetuksista ei ollut täydellisesti voinut
tukahduttaa talonpoikaista taikauskoaan, kuunteli hänen puhettaan
peläten ja epäillen.
»Mielestäni kreivi on aivan hullu», sanoi hän vihdoin. »Onko

sellaisesta nyt vähintäkään hyötyä tahi hyvää, että hän käyttää
kolmea miestä siinä, missä oikeastaan tarvitaan parikymmentä,
mutta maksaa kumminkin heille kahdensadan miehen palkan? En
voi ymmärtää sellaista, eivätkä hänen jauhonsa tule siitä sen
hienommiksi. Hän raivostuttaa vain siten kaikki alustalaisensa. Hän
on aivan hullu».
»Hän on saanut varmaankin päähänsä, että hänestä on tuleva

tämän maakunnan rikkain mies, ja sitä odottaessaan hävittää hän
ahkerasti omaisuuttaan tullakseen rikkaaksi. Noudatin kumminkin
tahtoanne ja annoin hänelle nuo kaksisataaviisikymmentätuhatta
floriinia seuraavaa panttia ja korkoa vastaan…»
»Ole vaiti, vanhus! Sanoin sinulle, etten halua lainata enää

enempää, vaan ainoastaan ostaa».
Rosenstein pudisti päätään.
»Tein voitavani. Tarjosin niin paljon kuin hän vain olisi halunnut,
mutta hän ei halunnut myydä».
Nuoren talonpojan kasvot muuttuivat hyvin pettyneen näköisiksi ja

käsi, jossa piippu oli, puristautui niin lujasti sen ohuen varren
ympärille, että se oli melkein katketa.
»Hän on aivan hullu», toisti hän hetken kuluttua. »Lainoja ei ole

annettu hyvinkään useiksi vuosiksi ja vaikka korko onkin mitätön, ei
hän kumminkaan voi milloinkaan maksaa takaisin pääomaa, jonka
hän on tuhlannut kokonaan noihin kirottuihin koneihin ja
rakennukseen. Ennemmin tahi myöhemmin on hänen luovuttava
maastaan, mutta haluan saada sen omakseni tänään. Olen niin
rikas, että voin maksaa hänelle niin paljon kuin hän vain haluaa. Hän
on todellakin tyhmä».
»Varmasti! Tuo jalo kreivi sanoo, ettei hän myy jalanleveyttäkään

maastaan kenellekään talonpojalle eikä juutalaiselle».
»Silloin sanon Jumalan nimessä!» huudahti András lyöden suuren
nyrkkinsä jymähtäen pöytään.
Vasama, jonka juutalainen ihmeellisen viekkaasti oli suunnannut

suojattiinsa, oli sattunut. Loukkaus, jonka juutalainen sanoi kreivin
suunnanneen talonpoikaan vertaamalla häntä heidän halveksittuun
rotuunsa, pani Andráksen kasvot kalpenemaan raivosta, mutta
tottunut kun hän oli hillitsemään itsensä, pääsi hänen parempi
minänsä voitolle. Tämän miehen edessä, jota hän käytti
välittäjänään, pakotti hän itsensä pysymään rauhallisena ja toisti
hyvin tyynesti:
»Hän on todellakin tyhmä»!
»Kuulkaahan nyt», sanoi juutalainen innokkaasti, »teidän

asemanne paranee vuosi vuodelta. Bideskuty’n Guyri on kiinnittänyt
koko tilansa nyt-teille lukuunottamatta päärakennusta, puutarhaa ja
muutamia talleja. Muistakaa sanani, että tänään hänelle Zárdaa
vastaan lainaamanne rahat eivät riitä hänelle puoleksi vuodeksikaan,
jos hän aikoo tuhlata jokaisen floriinin yhtä nopeasti kuin tähänkin
asti. Kuuden kuukauden kuluttua haluaa hän jälleen lisää ja sitten
taasen. Teillä on paljon rahaa ja te voisitte antaakin hänelle paljon,
mutta hänellä ei ole enää antaa teille maata vastineeksi. Silloin voitte
kieltäytyä lainaamasta hänelle enempää ja maa on teidän».
»Silloin koettaa hän lainata rahaa maksaakseen velkansa noilta,

joita hän sanoo vertaisikseen», sanoi András synkästi.
»Noilla tasankojamme jaloilla kreiveillä ei ole milloinkaan niin

paljon rahaa, että he voisivat sitä lainata. He tuhlaavat jokaisen
kolikon syömiseen, juomiseen ja voittaakseen naapurinsa
ylellisyydessä ja komeudessa. Sitäpaitsi, jos suostutte lainaamaan
enemmän rahaa maata vastaan kuin sen arvo todellisuudessa on, ei
kukaan osta noita kiinnityksiä».
»Eivät ne osta niitä sen mieluummin, vaikka joku teikäläinen olisi

antanut rahat niin suurta korkoa vastaan, että tilanomistaja tekee
melkein vararikon voidakseen maksaa sen. Vaatimukseni ovat niin
mitättömät, että jokainen voi maksaa ne helposti ja vielä koota suuret
varat itselleen».
»Tiedän, tiedän», vastasi juutalainen nopeasti. »Olen usein

neuvonut teitä vaatimaan enemmän korkoa rahoillenne».
»En voi ruveta koronkiskuriksi. Minun on kyllä pakko sijoittaa

rahani, koska minulla sellaista on, ja haluan ostaa tuon maan, mutta
ei äitini enkä minäkään rupea likastamaan käsiäni
koronkiskomisella.. Kuinka suuren koron maksaa kreivi minulle tästä
viimeisestä kahdestasadastaviidestäkymmenestätuhannesta»?
»Viisituhatta mitallista vehnää, neljäkymmentä nautaa ja

viisikymmentä lammasta», vastasi Rosenstein ojentaen paperin
Andrákselle. Kun tämä luki, mitä paperissa oli, katseli juutalainen
häneen hyvin levottomasti.
»Niin, kyllä tämä näyttää olevan kunnossa», sanoi András, taivutti

paperin kokoon ja pisti sen taskuunsa.
»Arvailen nyt vain», lisäsi hän sitten, »kuinka suuren korvauksen

sinä olet kiristänyt itsellesi».
»Tiedättehän varmasti, etten saa muuta kuin mitä te

hyväntahtoisesti annatte minulle».
»Annoin sinulle jo parisataa floriinia vaivoistasi. Riittävätkö ne»?

»Kyllä täydellisesti. Olen köyhä mies ja —»
»Jos joskus saan selville, että olet pettänyt minua näissä

kaupoissa, murskaan ryppyisen vanhan ruumiisi jokaisen luun».
»Suvaitsette laskea leikkiä. Miten voisin pettää teitä, vaikka

tahtoisinkin, mutta vannon Abrahamin nimessä, etten sellaista toki
ole milloinkaan ajatellutkaan. Olette nähnyt tuon Bideskuty’n
allekirjoittaman paperin. Luuletteko hänen tehneen sen lukematta
paperia ensin läpi»?
»En, en usko häntä kumminkaan sellaiseksi tyhmeliiniksi, mutta

olen varma, että hän on antanut sinulle kumminkin jotakin
vaivoistasi, eikö olekin»?
»Hän, hän lahjoitti minulle sata floriinia tänä aamuna, ja», lisäsi
juutalainen sähähtäen omituisesti hampaittensa välistä, »sitäpaitsi
hyvän päivällisen».
»No sittenhän on kaikki hyvin, sinä vanha linnunpelätti, eikö

olekin? Et kai usein saakaan hyvää päivällistä, sillä olet liian ahne
syödäksesi kyniksesi. Vai antoi hän sinulle hyvän päivällisen. Minua
ilahduttaa sellainen anteliaisuus. Kai kiittelit häntä nöyrästi»?
»Hänellä ei ollut tänään juuri ollenkaan aikaa kiitoksien

vastaanottamiseen», sanoi juutalainen, »mutta ennätän kai sanoa ne
vastakin. Toivon parissa vuodessa voivani korvata hänelle
täydellisesti tuon päivällisen, jonka hän antoi minulle tänään. Ha, ha,
ha,» nauroi hän hieroen laihoja käsiään hilpeästi yhteen. »Olen
syvässä kiitollisuuden velassa tuolle anteliaimmalle kaikista jaloista
kreiveistä, mutta Moses Rosenstein ei unhota milloinkaan. Parissa
vuodessa maksaa hän velkansa kokonaan korkoineen, he hee, niin
juuri — korkoineen.»
András ei kuunnellut hänen puhettaan enää, vaan otti Bideskuty’n

allekirjoittaman paperin jälleen taskustaan ja luki sen vielä kerran
tarkasti läpi. Selvästi oli hän hyvin tyytyväinen sen sisältöön, sillä
hän kääri sen jälleen kokoon ja pisti sen takkinsa povitaskuun.
Välittämättä Rosensteinista ollenkaan jatkoi hän haaveillen

tupakoimistaan katseen liukuessa tasangon poikki kaukaista
auringon laskeutumista kohti, jonka tuolla puolen oli tuo rakastettu
maa, jota hän lapsuudestaan saakka oli viljellyt ja kyntänyt surren ja
katkerin kyynelin tuon tyrannin vuoksi, joka nyt lepäsi mullassa.
Hankkia peruuttamaton omistusoikeus tuohon maahan oli unelma,
joka täytti hänen puolisivistyneen, muodostamattoman mielensä. Tuo
unelma oli syntynyt hänen aivoissaan heti, kun hän oli huomannut
olevansa rikas. Tuon päämäärän saavuttamiseksi työskenteli hän
päivisin ja luki öisin. Mikään työ ei ollut liian kovaa eikä mikään
vaikeus voittamaton. Hän tunsi aatelisten perityn halveksimisen
talonpoikia kohtaan ja tiesi, että olisi hyvin vaikea taivuttaa
Bideskuty’n kreiviä myymään osa maastaan halveksitulle ja
alhaissyntyiselle talonpojalle, sillä niin suuri oli säätyerotus heidän
välillään, mutta aikojen kuluessa toivoi András kumminkin
voittavansa, koska hän jo omisti suuria kiinnityksiä tuohon maahan,
jota hän rakasti niin suuresti. Se olikin jo melkein hänen
omaisuuttaan, ja Rosenstein oli luvannut, että hän saa sen pian
kokonaan omakseen. Ihaillen hän katseli tuota tasaista
taivaanrantaa koettaen nähdä auringonlaskeutumisen ja tuon kuivan
tasangon toiselle puolelle, joka näytti nyt kylmältä ja harmaalta
verrattuna laskeutuvan auringon viimeisten säteitten kirkkaaseen
kultaan. Tuolla oli Kisfalu hedelmällisille peltoineen ja viheriöine

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Politics of Representation: Historically

Disadvantaged Groups in India’s

ISBN 978-981-19-1543-7 ISBN 978-981-19-1544-4 (eBook)

The essays in this volume were first presented at a conference on Political

Volume 6, 1999, Issue 3, Taylor and Francis subsequently published as

New Delhi, India Sudha Pai

Representation in Electoral Systems and Institutions

Representation of Religious Minorities

Ambagudia Jagannath Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies, School

Thorat Sukhadeo School of Social Sciences, Jawaharlal Nehru Univer-

The Reservation Debate in India: Difference, Performance,

Does Political Representation Empower Women? The Case

Scheduled Caste MPs and Their Role in Influencing

Representing Indian Muslims: Parliamentary Questions as

Shifting Terrain of Muslim Representation: New Political

Table 3 The UMFA and the AIUDFin the Assam Assembly

Legislative Presence and Substantive Representation: The

Does Political Representation Empower Women? The Case

Sudha Pai and Sukhadeo Thorat

Political representation is a cardinal feature of democracy, without which

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature 1

tribes (STs), minorities particularly those based on religion and women.

be analysed. An attempt is also made to study the representation of

in liberal democracies worldwide, as Vidhu Verma has pointed out in a

Representation: Theories and Debates

major contribution was categorizing the existing forms of representation,

Representation in the Indian Context

However, in India, the idea of special representation for disadvantaged

power. The importance attached by the founding fathers of the consti-

SC Representation: Real or Nominal

part of the post-independence period with the fortunes of the Congress

ST Representation: Isolation and Marginalization

Minority Representation: Under-Representation and Decline

As in the case of the SCs, studies have shown that in post-independent

Women Representation: Participation and Quotas Debate

towards the need for greater involvement. The women’s movement

India the patriarchal system—linked to caste—maintains caste boundaries

assembly. Members spent much time on the question of representa-

the electoral process. The communal character of the majority party in

Continuing the theme of under-representation of minorities, the paper

decline of the BJP; rise of an educated, Muslim middle class following

Shirin Rai’s essay, while critically discussing the concept of empower-

Bangladesh), occupied topmost political positions in South Asia even

the contemporary period, with the rise of an authoritarian, Hindu majori-

Omvedt, Gail 2005 “Capitalism and Globalisation, Dalits and Adivasis”

Rai, Shirin 1999 “Democratic Institutions, Political Representation and Women’s

Niin kului muutamia vuosia, ja András oli kahdenkolmattavuotias,

»Menin naimisiin ollessani viisikymmenvuotias. Kun joudut tuohon

Ja voiko András tässä paremmin kuin muissakaan asioissa tehdä

Eräänä muistorikkaana päivänä kaatui vanha Kemény, joka näytti

Vanha Kemény haudattiin Arokszállasin pieneen kirkkomaahan

Kylän ja maakunnan asukkaat eivät saaneet oikein milloinkaan

Ja nuo kilisevät ja kimaltelevat kulta- ja hopeakasat näyttivät niin

András, jonka parikymmentä vuotta kestänyt pakotettu

Kolme vuotta kävi hän koulua vanhan papin luona oppiakseen

Hän käytti osan rahoistaan vanhan päärakennuksen korjaamiseen

Häntä ympäröi jonkunlainen romanttinen kehä, joka johtui hänen

Mutta huolimatta hänen kiintymyksestään kauniimpaan

Kun hänen äitinsä joskus ystävällisesti huomautti, että hän joskus

»Äiti, Heven maakunnassa ei ole muita pyhimyksiä kuin sinä. Kun

Äiti huokaisi ja tytöt itkivät, ja viidenneljättävuotias András oli vielä

Emäntä oli hakenut haarikallisen vanhinta viiniään ja asettanut sen

»Hei, mutta tehän kaunistutte kaunistumistanne joka päivä,