A Lexicon of Greek Personal Names:

Volume V.C: Inland Asia Minor J -S

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 A LE ICO OF

A
AMES
EDITED BY
P. M. FRASER
AND
E. MATTHEWS
WITH THE COLLABORATION OF MANY SCHOLARS

VOLUME V.C
INLAND ASIA MINOR

EDITED BY
J.-S. BALZAT, R. W. V. CATLING,
E. CHIRICAT, AND T. CORSTEN

CLARENDONPRESS • OXFORD
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 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Our first and greatest debt continues to be to the bodies Isauria

that have provided funding for the Lexicon of Greek Personal
Mehmet Alkan granted access to the forthcoming corpus
N anzes. Since 2007, core funding for the project has come from
Haczb~ba Dagz. Isauria Bolgesi'nde Bir Epigrafi ve Eskirag
the Arts and Humanities Research Council, in the form of
Tarzhz Arajtzrmasz edited by him and Mehmet Kurt, contain-
grants under the Research Project scheme (2007-12, 2012-16,
ing_some seventy unpublished inscriptions with photographs,
2016-19). We also acknowledge the continuing assistance of
which greatly ennch the onomastic profile of an otherwise
the British Academy in granting funds for special purposes.
poorly documented region. Its publication is expected in the
The Academy of Athens has maintained its generous support
Akron Series of the Akdeniz University (Antalya).
of LGPN and we thank in particular Vasileios Petrakos its
Secretary General, for his role in securing its patronage. '
We repeat our expression of gratitude to Robert Parker Kappadokia
Director of LGPN, for his advice and support in obtainin~
Timothy Mitford provided the epigraphic chapter of his East
this funding, as well as in many other scholarly, administra-
of Asia Minor: Rome's Hidden Frontier (Oxford, 2017), which
tive, and practical matters that have contributed to the com-
presents the inscriptions from Melitene to Daskousa and
pletion of yet another stage of the project.
beyond along the Euphrates, in the far east of Kappadokia
Once again, in the compilation of this volume, we have
bordering Armenia.
incurred many debts to colleagues in Britain and in other
countries and we take the opportunity to thank warmly all
those who have given generously of their time, expertise, and Kibyratis-Kabalis
advice or have provided us with materials not yet published.
Names have been drawn from a considerable number of
Without their contributions, this volume, like its predeces-
unpublished inscriptions, in particular from the territory
sors, would be greatly impoverished.
of Kibyra and the region to its north and northeast; most of
As will be explained in the Introduction, no systematic
these will be published by T. Corsten in Inschriften aus der
work of compilation for the regions covered in this volume
Kibyratis und Pisidien (IKibPis), while others are drawn from
had been conducted in the early stages of the LGPN project.
the unpublished schedae and notebooks in the collection of
The only exception has been Stephen 1\/Iitchell's work on
the 'Arbeitsgruppe Epigraphik' (formerly the 'Kleinasiatische
northern Phrygia. Much more recently Edouard Chiricat
Kommission') of the Austrian Academy of Sciences in Vienna
compiled the names from Eastern Phrygia, as part of a wider
which generously allowed use to be made of their archives.
study of the region carried out over nine months in 2011/12
The names from recently discovered inscriptions at Kibyra,
with the support of a grant from the John Fell Fund (University
many of Hellenistic date and therefore of great onomastic
of Oxford).
significance, unfortunately could not be made available.
Our debts to individual scholars for contributions of various
kinds relating to the specific regions included in this volume
are recorded below. Milyas
Bi.ilent iplikvioglu made available more than one hundred
Eastern Phrygia copies of inscriptions made by him during field trips in the
Milyas and Western Pisidia during the years 1991-6. Although
In October 2016, Peter Thonemann generously provided the
this important material could not be integrated in this volume,
texts of seventy-six unpublished inscriptions recorded by
it has been of great help in the verification of old and new
W. M. Ramsay during two journeys in this region in 1906 and
names attested in the region.
1911, together with five more from Ikonion and its territory.
Altogether they have added 182 named individuals. These
transcripts are preserved in Ramsay's notebooks, now housed Phrygia
in the Centre for the Study of Ancient Documents, Oxford
An enormous debt of gratitude is owed to Tullia Ritti who
University. Reference to this material cites Ramsay's notebook
besides much other help, provided a full set of corrected read~
by year, followed by Thonemann's draft catalogue numbers
ings for the published funerary inscriptions from Hierapolis.
(e.g. Unp. (Ramsay 1906)) which will also be cited in the
Her corrections are indicated where appropriate as '(reading
eventual publication.
Ritti)'.
The late Peter Frei's unfinished corpus of the inscriptions
Galatia of Dorylaion and Midaion and their respective territories in
northern Phrygia was made available at a late stage through
Stephen Mitchell kindly made available the unpublished draft
the offices of Christian Marek and Thomas Corsten. This
of The Greek and Latin Inscriptions of Ankara ( Ancyra). II,
enormous collection contains many unpublished texts. The
Late Roman, Byzantine and Other Texts edited by him and
names extracted from them have been entered in such a way
D. H. French (to be published in the Vestigia series, Munich).
as to allow their identification when this material is eventu-
Christian Wallner, during a three-month visit to work with
ally published. For many of the inscriptions housed in the
LGPN in 2015, made a detailed study of the material com-
museum at Eski§ehir the inventory numbers recorded by Frei
piled from Galatia, working closely with Chiricat.
have been used, e.g. 'Unp. (Eski§ehir Mus.) A-2-94', but
See below (Phrygia) for the material from western Galatia
sometimes these are lacking. Frei also was able to copy a
recorded by Peter Frei.
VI ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
number of inscriptions in a private collection in Eski~ehir,
to which we refer as 'Unp. (Eski~ehir, Private Coll.)'. For
many others, recorded in modern villages, the village name
has been added as an aid to identification, e.g. 'Unp. (Frei,
Avdan)', 'Unp. (Frei, Karapazar)'. The draft made available
to us also includes a large number of texts from the northern
part of the territory of N akoleia and smaller quantities
described in less detail from some of the administrative
districts of western Galatia, which appear here as e.g. 'Unp.
(Frei, Sivrihisar district)'. In addition Frei made many improve-
ments to the readings of personal names in previously pub-
lished inscriptions, as well as recording the find-spots of
stones which later found their way to the Eski~ehir museum
without any note of their provenance; such instances are
noted respectively as '(reading Frei)' and '(locn., Frei)'.
vVe are indebted to Alan Cadwallader for drawing our atten-
tion to an inscription, so far not fully published, described
and illustrated in his Fragments of Colossae: Sifting through
the Traces (Adelaide, 2015) (non vidimus). He has also pro-
vided an advance copy of a paper publishing two further
inscriptions from Kolossai (now published in Stone, Bones
and the Sacred: Essays on Material Culture and Ancient
Religion in honor of Dennis E. Smith (Atlanta, 2016).
The late 1\/Iaurice Byrne sent photographs and copies of
unpublished inscriptions recorded by him at and around
ancient Thiounta (modern Gozler). These are cited as 'Unp.
(Byrne)' followed by the number of his provisional catalogue.
Michael \,Vorrle kindly provided his revised readings of the
names of the ambassadors of Aizanoi sent to congratulate
Septimius Severns in 195 AD (Oliver, Greek Constitutions 213).
His corrections are indicated as '(reading Worrle)'.
Pisidia
We owe a particular debt of gratitude to Asuman Co~kun
Abuagla. During her visit as LGPN academic visitor in 2013
she worked on the edition of the inscriptions of the Isparta
:Museum, due to be published in the series Erganzungsbande
zu den Tituli Asiae Minoris of the Austrian Academy. She
kindly allowed us to make use of her work on new texts and
enabled the verification of many old texts.
During his visit as LGPN academic visitor to Oxford in
201 S, in addition to being instrumental in facilitating contacts
with Turkish epigraphists, Burak Takmer provided access in
advance of publication to articles in the volume dedicated to
the memory of Sencer ~ahin (Vir Doctus Anatolicus: Studies
in Nlenwry of Sencer $ahin (Istanbul, 2016), in which new
inscriptions from the region are published.
We are grateful to Claude Brixhe for providing the names
from inscriptions published for the first time in Steles et
langues de Pisidie (Nancy, 2016) in advance of publication.
Pontos and Armenia 111.inor
Timothy Mitford provided the sections on Kabeira-
Neokaisareia, Komana-Hierokaisareia, and Sebasteia extracted
from his draft of Studia Pontica III (2), covering the eastern
part of Pontos as far as the Euphrates. When published it will
complete the epigraphic coverage of Pontos and Armenia
Minor begun in 1910 by J. G. C. Anderson, F Cumont, and
H. Gregoire. Mitford also made available the epigraphic
:hapter of his East of Asia Minor: Rome's Hidden Frontier
:Oxford, 2017), in which the inscriptions from Nikopolis and
Satala are presented, following the numeration to be employed
in Studia Pontica III (2).
Thanks to Mustafa Adak we were able to see his and
Christian Marek's Epigraphische Forschungen in Bithynien,
Paphlagonien, Galatien und Pontos (Istanbul, 2016) in advance
of publication.
Numismatics
Richard Ashton has once again acted as a general advisor on
numismatic matters, among other things keeping us informed
of newly attested names on coins for sale in the market. He
also made available his important study of the late Hellenistic
bronze and brass coinage of Apameia, due to be published
in Kelainai-Apameia Kibotos. II, Une metropole achemenide,
hellenistique et romaine (Bordeaux).
Christopher Howgego and Jerome Mairat allowed us to
consult Roman Provincial Coinage. III, Nerva, Trajan and
Hadrian (AD 96-138) prior to its publication in 2015.
Marguerite Spoerri provided a copy of the late Edoardo
Levante's unfinished draft of Roman Provincial Coinage. VIII,
Philip I.
William Metcalf checked and supplemented the short list
of magistrates' names which figure on the coins of the second
half of the third century AD, which will be included in Roman
Provincial Coinage. X, Valerian to Diocletian ( AD 253-297).
Other Acknowledgements
The project is grateful to the Berlin-Brandenburgische
Akademie der Wissenschaften for its continuing generosity in
donating copies of new volumes of Inscriptiones Graecae to the
LG P N library, and to Thomas Corsten for the annual gift of the
latest Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum (SEC). For other
donations we are grateful to Mustafa Adak, Alexandru Avram,
Ferit Baz, Wolfgang Bli.imel, Dan Dana, Laurent Dubois, Jean-
Louis Ferrary, Miltiades Hatzopoulos, Bilge Hi.irmi.izli.i,Pantelis
Nigdelis, Spyros Petrounakos, and Soren Sorensen.
For help and advice of a general or specific nature and for
communicating newly published papers we would like to
thank Mustafa Adak, Alexandru Avram, Frarn;:ois de Callatay,
Domitilla Campanile, Sylvain Destephen, Armin Eich, Nuray
Gi:ikalp, Christina Kokkinia, Guy Labarre, Ergi.in Lafh, Neil
McLynn, Nicholas Milner, Philomen Probert, Eimear Reilly,
Efthymios Rizos, Peter Thonemann, Soren Sorensen, Penny
Wilson, and Michael Zellmann-Rohrer.
We are as ever grateful to Jonathan l\!Ioffett for his patience
and help in resolving technical issues involving the LGPN
database and the typesetting of the book. Sebastian Rahtz,
the other digital architect of previous volumes, sadly died on
15 March 2016. Sebastian had long been an advocate of the
radical transformation, now close to being realized, of LGPN's
system of data storage and its associated working routines.
This will see all its work conducted within the framework of
a single XML database and will be a long-lasting memorial to
his brilliance in the digital humanities.
As previously, it is a pleasure to acknowledge the adminis-
trative support received from the Classics Office in Oxford, as
well as to express our thanks to Neil Leeder and Diggory Gray
for providing day-to-day help and advice on matters relating
to IT. Finally, we are grateful to Maggy Sasanow (Centre for
the Study of Ancient Documents) for her contributions to
the administration of the project and much other assistance.
 INTRODUCTION*
This, the last of the three projected fascicles of Volume V, treats
the regions of inland Asia Minor and this introduction has as
one of its objectives the provision of the essential socio-histor-
ical background against which the onomastics of its constituent
regions should be set. In this geographical space, for the first
time in LGPN's coverage of the personal names of the ancient
Greek world, not a single Greek city-state of the Archaic or
Classical periods is to be found. 1 During the Archaic period,
large parts of the region lay under the control of powerful
indigenous centralized states, to begin with the Phrygians
whose dominant role was briefly taken over by the Lydians
before the Persians came to rule all of Asia Minor in the second
half of the sixth century, a situation that remained essentially
unchanged until the conquests of Alexander the Great. This
was a multi-ethnic and multi-lingual landscape in which there
was no one dominant culture. Some of its inhabitants were
direct descendants of their second-millennium Luwian pre-
decessors, while others such as the Phrygians, the Celts, and
Italians were later newcomers from continental Europe. The
non-Greek component (indigenous, Iranian, Celtic, Italian)
among the names in this fascicle is correspondingly substantial,
something which also characterized those regions treated
in LGPN V.B where native culture remained resilient and/or
hellenization made little impression until comparatively late.
In the period before the Macedonian conquest, inland Asia
Minor was a world in which large central places with urban
functions were few and far between. Contacts with Greeks
were very limited, mainly confined to exchanges in luxury
goods and the trade in slaves, though the simultaneous adop-
tion by Greeks and Phrygians of an alphabet sharing many
of the same characters, based on the Phoenician script, does
imply rather closer and more intimate relations. So, when
Xenophon with the 10,000 accompanied Kyros the Younger
on his journey to Mesopotamia in 401 BC, they were proba-
bly the first large body of Greeks, many of them from the
Peloponnese and Central Greece, to set foot in the central and
southern parts of inland Asia Minor before the Macedonians
traced some of the same routes in 334-333 BC. No Greek
inscription is known from any part of this vast land mass
before the conquest. 2 Soon after those world-changing events,
pioneering Greco-Macedonian settlements appeared in parts
of Phrygia. Subsequently the Seleucid and Attalid kingdoms
kept a great part of inland Asia Minor integrated into the
wider Greek world, reinforcing the Greek presence in south-
ern Phrygia and northern Pisidia through the foundation of
cities (Laodikeia, Hierapolis, Apameia, Eumeneia, Apollonia,
Antiocheia), some of which rose to great prominence and
prosperity. Elsewhere the impact of cultural and political hel-
lenization was felt to varying degrees in the third and second
centuries BC. Situated on the fringe of the Greek world,
Pisidian communities, though receptive to hellenizing influ-
ences, remained determinedly independent of external control
until the first century BC. Celtic tribes migrating from the
' Vve are grateful to Simon Hornblower, Stephen lVIitchell, Robert
Parker, Peter Thonemann, and Michael Zellmann-Rohrer for their con-
structive comments on earlier drafts of this Introduction. Vvefur-
ther wish to emphasize that the bibliographical references cited here
are intended as a guide to a wider literature and are by no means compre-
hensive.
Balkans occupied the north-eastern part of Greater Phrygia
in the third century, controlling large territories from old
centres of population, and were for a long time a destabilizing
element in the geopolitics of western Asia Minor. In the north-
ern and eastern parts of inland Asia Minor, dynasties of Iranian
origin in Pontos (the Mithradatids, traceable from the end
of the fourth century BC) and in Kappadokia (Ariarathes I,
active at the time of the Macedonian conquest) ruled over
vast territories where Iranian cultural influences were strong.
Paphlagonia was divided among minor chiefdoms, the strong-
est centred on Gangra in the south, and frequently contested
between the Bithynian and Pontic kings. Lykaonia and Isauria
remained much more isolated and barely figure in any way in
the Hellenistic period, in spite of the fact that a route of vital
importance to the Seleucids led by way of the Kilikian Gates
through Lykaonia to their possessions in western Asia Minor.
By promoting large-scale urbanization on the model of the
Greek city with its characteristic institutions, the conquest
and rule of Rome firmly attached inland Asia Minor to the
Greco-Roman Niediterranean world, and this was further
promoted by the later spread of Christianity. It is on this latter
stage in the onomastic history of these regions, and especially
during the climax of the Roman ascendancy from c.100 to
300 AD, that the epigraphic and literary evidence throws the
most intense light.
For the reasons summarized above, the original plan, enunci-
ated in the Introduction to Volume I (pp. vii-viii), consigned
inland Asia Minor to a second phase of the LGPN project
which would concern itself with those parts of the ancient
world which were largely untouched by Greeks and the Greek
language until the conquests of Alexander: Syria, Palestine,
Arabia, Egypt, and the trans-Euphratic regions, as well as what
Fraser termed 'continental Asia Minor'. This policy was
changed only when more detailed plans were being made for
Volume Von Asia Minor between 2000-2. In the Introduction
to LGPN V.A (p. x) it is stated that it was to be the first of
three fascicles on Asia Minor, the third of which would treat
the interior. However, the consequence of the earlier plan
meant that no systematic work had been done on the basic
compilation of the personal names for inland Asia Minor in
the initial stages of the project, other than those found scat-
tered among documents and texts relating to those regions
covered by LGPN I-V.B. So when work on this fascicle began
in earnest in late summer 2013, it involved working ab initio
on a large body of epigraphic material for which there is rela-
tively little coverage in the standard corpora of inscriptions,
much of it being found in journal publications of the later
nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Therefore, within
the constraints of time imposed by the funding for its com-
pletion, the main thrust of our work has had to be directed at
the basic compilation of the personal names.
Previous innovations in LGPN practices and conventions
announced in the Introductions to LGPN V.A and V.B have
1
The cities treated in this volume of course fall outside the chronological
scope of the Copenhagen Palis Centre's Inventory of Archaic and Classical
Poleis (Oxford, 2004).
2
The only possible exception is the inscription on a rock tomb of Lykian type
dated to the fourth cent. (Kokkinia, Boubon 91) in what was later the territory
of Boubon in the Kabalis but less than 15 km from Lykian Symbra.
Vlll INTRODUCTION
been adhered to in this fascicle. Therefore, bearers of the
Roman tria nonzina with an Italian cognomen vvho were per-
manent residents in the region all find a place, all the more
importantly in inland Asia l\!Iinor where a significant number
of Roman colonies and new foundations contribute to an
abundant and highly diverse collection of Italian names. "\i\Then
attested in Latin, Italian names are transliterated into Greek;
only very rarely is there no attested Greek form which allows
a documented rendition of a name written in Latin; as always
the Latin form is given in the final brackets. A very small
number of Greek names has been drawn from inscriptions
of the Hellenistic and Imperial periods written in Greek
script in the Phrygian language, as well as inscriptions of
Imperial date in Pisidian. The principles set out in LGPN
V.B (p. xxviii) for the treatment of other non-Greek names
are also followed. Indigenous Anatolian names and Lallnamen
are neither accented nor aspirated, though manuscript tradi-
tions which supply one or other or both are recorded in the
final brackets. No attempt is made to standardize the ortho-
graphy of variations in the spelling of what is evidently the same
name; each form appears under a separate heading. Where
the nominative form has to be deduced from an oblique case,
the attested form is recorded in the final brackets. Celtic names
are treated in the same way as the indigenous names, while
diacritics are applied to Iranian and Semitic names only when
they are known from literary sources. The inherent difficul-
ties that sometimes arise in determining whether a name
should be treated as Greek or indigenous were elaborated at
some length in LGPN V.B (pp. xxviii-xxix) and are equally
valid here.
In his I<:.leinasiatischePersonennamen, which has remained
for us a fundamental guide for the identification and treat-
ment of Anatolian onomastics (see already LGPN VB p. xxx),
Zgusta paid particular attention to the geographical distribu-
tion of personal names. 3 The main regional divisions (Phrygia,
Lykaonia, Pisidia, etc.) adopted in his work largely coincide
with those used in LGPN V.C. However, since his collection
of names was mainly conceived as a work on Anatolian lin-
guistics, his geographical arrangement of the material some-
times differs considerably from that followed in LGPN.+ The
most significant difference in this respect is his use of transi-
tional and border regions (Ubergangs- and Grenzgebiete). 5
Two cases may serve to illustrate his method. Zgusta placed the
Anatolian names from the Kibyratis within a 'siidphrygisch-
pisidisches Ubergangsgebiet' and those from the Killanion
pedion, the Orondeis, Amblada, and Ouasada in a 'pisidisch-
lykaonisches Ubergangsgebiet'. One of the reasons advocated
for this practice was that it allowed users of his catalogue to
assign names from these transitional areas to one region or
another on linguistic grounds. 6 This kind of arrangement
overlaps with an underlying problem in the study of Anatolian
onomastics, which cannot be fully addressed here, that of the
general difficulty of identifying Anatolian names as exclusively
!saurian, Kappadokian, Phrygian, Pisidian, etc. on the sole
basis of geographical criteria and more generally associating
.1 Zgusta, KP pp. 31-9; see also his distribution maps in Anatolische
Personennamensippen (Prague, 1964 ).
• E.g. I onia is not used as a geographical division, so that Anatolian names
found at Ephesos appear under Lydia (Zgusta, KP p. 34).
5
Border zones also figure in \1/aelkens, Tiirsteine pp. 240, 249, 275.
6
Zgusta, KP pp. 33--4.
a stock of Anatolian names with ethnic designations used by
historians of the Classical world. In this context it is worth
stressing that the percentages given for the category 'indige-
nous names' in each region in Table 1 (p. xxviii) relate to a
broad category of names rather than to names specific to each
region (e.g. the figure of 43% for indigenous names in Isauria
does not relate only to !saurian names).
The Contents of the Volume
The two previous fascicles of Volume V covered the coastal
regions of Asia l\llinor, from Trapezous at the easternmost
limit of Pontos to Kilikian Rhosos on the south side of the
Gulf of Issos. Volume VC presents the personal names of the
interior, from the westernmost parts-Phrygia, the Kibyratis
and Kabalis, the Milyas, and Pisidia-to the central and
eastern regions-Galatia, Eastern Phrygia, Lykaonia, Isauria,
Paphlagonia, inner Pontos, Armenia Minor, and Kappadokia.
This vast area, often referred to as Anatolia, covers approxi-
mately 300,000 km 2 and stretches more than 800 km from
Laodikeia in the west to Melitene on the Euphrates in the
east, and almost 550 km from northern Paphlagonia to the
mountains of Isauria. 7 Geographically, inland Asia Minor
is dominated by a high central plateau, for the most part
between 900-1, 100 m above sea level, which incorporates
most of Phrygia, Galatia, Eastern Phrygia, Lykaonia, and
western Kappadokia. It is bordered to the north by the high
mountain ranges of Paphlagonia and Pontos and to the
south and east by the formidable barriers of the Taurus and
Antitaurus in Isauria and eastern Kappadokia. These sharply
divide the interior from the coast and form a natural obstacle to
easy communications between the two. There are many remark-
able and contrasting aspects to its landscape, from the upland
lakes of northern Pisidia, to the flat steppe plain of Lykaonia,
the great salt lake (Lake Tatta, modern Tuz Golii) in the centre,
the eroded volcanic terrain of western Kappadokia, the lush
river valleys of Pontos, the forests of Paphlagonia, and the inac-
cessible canyons of the Antitaurus, to name but a few. A conti-
nental climate of hot dry summers and harsh winters prevails
on the plateau, but, surprisingly, this did not prevent the cul-
tivation of the olive in certain favoured places, notably in the
environs of Synnada and in upland Pisidia around Sagalassos. 8
Western Phrygia, the Kibyratis and Kabalis, the Milyas and
Pisidia occupy transitional zones between the Anatolian pla-
teau and their coastal neighbours along the Propontis, Aegean,
and l\!Iediterranean, with which they were connected at most
periods. It is, however, in Pisidia and the Kabalis that city
sites are found at the highest altitudes; Sagalassos is situated
above 1,500 m and the acropolis of Balboura is even higher at
over 1,600 m. In the east the area covered in this volume does
not extend beyond the river Euphrates into Armenia nor to
the south of the eastern spur of the Taurus mountains into
Kommagene, which will be treated in Volume VI.
Although this volume is the fruit of the joint work of the
four co-editors, each has had the principal responsibility
7
A magnificent and wide-ranging synthetic study of inland Asia lVIinor,
concerned primarily with the period of the Roman Empire until late antiquity,
is to be found in the two volumes of S. lVIitchell's Anatolia. Land, JI/Jen,and
Gods i11Asia Jl!Iinor (I, The Celts, and the Impact of Roman Rule; II, The Rise
of the Church. Oxford, 1993).
8
See Jllfaeander Valley pp. 53-6. Strabo also mentions olive cultivation in
other parts of Pisidia (xii 7. 1) and around Melitcne in Kappadokia (xii 2. 1).
 INTRODUCTION
for particular regions or parts thereof, as follows: Balzat:
Pisidia, the Milyas, southern Lykaonia, and Isauria; Catling:
Paphlagonia, Pontos with Armenia Minor, Phrygia (except for
Laodikeia), northern Lykaonia, and Kappadokia; Chiricat:
Galatia and Eastern Phrygia; Corsten: Kibyratis/Kabalis and
Laodikeia in Phrygia. No further additions were made to the
contents after the end of January 2017.
Each of the regions treated in this volume is described
in what follows, with particular attention given to defining
their borders. In addition, those aspects of their history and
ethnic composition that influenced their onomastic profiles
are summarized, together with any other background infor-
mation deemed to be relevant. In some instances more detailed
explanations are required to clarify problems specific to a
particular region or city and their treatment here.
Phrygia
Phrygia is the westernmost of the regions of inland Asia lVIinor
and as defined here describes a much more limited area than
it had at its greatest extent in the early first millennium BC. 9
Until the arrival of the Celtic tribes in the third century it
extended east as far as lake Tatta, over all the area later desig-
nated as Galatia where its old royal capital Gordion was
located. 10 It also naturally included Eastern Phrygia, treated
separately here for reasons set out below, and reached as far as
lkonion, referred to by Xenophon (An. i 2. 19) as the further-
most city of Phrygia. The vast fortified city on Mt Kerkenes,
perhaps to be identified as Herodotos' city of Pteria (i 76-9),
situated on the frontier with Kappadokia, may have been a
Phrygian foundation. To the north-west Phrygia also encom-
passed the southern shores of the Propontis (so-called Hel-
lespontine Phrygia), but in spite of their encounters with the
Greek colonial cities the inhabitants showed themselves sur-
prisingly unreceptive to Greek culture. Hellespontine Phrygia
has been treated in LGPN V.A as part of Mysia and Bithynia.
At its greatest extent during the Early Iron Age and Archaic
periods, Phrygia was a significant regional power in western
Asia Minor, with a centralized system of administration,
stratified society, and craft specialization (most visible in the
monumental architecture and tumuli at Gordion and the rock-
tombs in the Phrygian Highlands), features which underlie
Greek traditions about King Midas and the wealth of Phrygia.
Although Phrygian supremacy eventually gave way to the
Lydians in the late seventh century, it was only after the
Persians had established control over western Asia lVIinor
that there was a marked decline in social and economic com-
plexity.
Phrygia in its reduced state was bordered to the west by
Mysia, Lydia, and Karia, to the north by Bithynia, to the east
by Galatia, and to the south by Pisidia. Conspicuous mountain
barriers separate southern Phrygia from Karia and Pisidia,
and again in the north divide the Tembris valley from the
9
For an excellent summary account of the critical phases in the history
of settlement and the hellenization of Phrygia, see P. Thonemann, 'Phrygia:
an anarchist history, 950 BC-AD 100' in Roman Phrygia pp. 1-40.
10
This has the rather unfortunate result that all the names recorded from
Hellenistic Gordion appear under the heading of Galatia, rather than Phrygia.
11
Strabo (xiii 4. 12) remarks on the difficulties of defining these borders.
12
For these eponymous city foundations of the Hellenistic period,
see P. lVI. Fraser's detailed appendix in Greek Ethnic Terminology (Oxford,
2009) pp. 325-76 and, more generally, G. Cohen, The Hellenistic Settlements
IX
Sangarios valley in Bithynia. But there is no such natural bar-
rier between Phrygia and Galatia, nor with Eastern Phrygia.
In the Tembris valley the division with Galatia may be placed
around modern Beylikova to the east of Alpu, and further
south by the upper reaches of the Sangarios; the territory of
Amorion runs seamlessly into Eastern Phrygia, but further
south there is a perceptible change of terrain from rolling
hills to open steppe. In the south-west the Maeander and its
northern tributaries separate Phrygia from Lydia, while fur-
ther north its limits are marked by the transition from the
upland plains and basins around Temenothyrai, Aizanoi, and
modern Tav~anh to the more rugged and fragmented land-
scape of north-eastern Lydia and Mysia, where lie the head-
waters of the river systems that flow towards the Aegean. 11
Within these boundaries, Phrygia comprises a patchwork of
fertile upland basins and river valleys of varying extent, sepa-
rated from one another by broken terrain and several high
mountain ranges with peaks in excess of 2,200 m. The cen-
tres of human settlement all lie above 750 m, the majority
between 900 and 1,100 m, the only exception being the Lykos
valley in the south-west around Hierapolis, Laodikeia, and
Kolossai.
Nucleated settlements are well attested in Phrygia from an
early date. Herodotos (vii 30) in his account of Xerxes' march
from Kappadokia to Sardis mentions Kelainai, the small city
of Anaua (probably identical with Sanaos), and the much
larger Kolossai, all of which had a long history of ancient
occupation. Some eighty years later Xenophon (An. i 2. 6-7)
also passed through the large, populous, and prosperous
cities of Kolossai and Kelainai before taking a circuitous
route via Peltai, the otherwise unknown Keramon Agora and
Thymbrion, before reaching Tyriaion; an equally early his-
tory is possible for many other places attested later as cities.
However, urbanization on the model of the Greek polis is not
recognizable until after the lVIacedonian conquest, when a
number of small cities populated at least in part by Greco-
Macedonian settlers first emerges, sometimes bearing the
name of their founders (e.g. Dokimeion, Dorylaion, Lysias,
Philomelion, Themisonion); several other cities later boasted
of their Macedonian origins (Eukarpia, Peltai; perhaps also
Synnada). These were substantially reinforced by Seleucid
city foundations in the third century, the most important
being Laodikeia and Hierapolis in the Lykos valley, as well as
the refoundation of Kelainai as Apameia. 12 Further Attalid
foundations occurred in the second century (Dionysopolis,
Eumeneia) and there is other evidence for the presence of
military settlers at Amorion, Aizanoi, and Tyriaion in the late
third and second centuries; an inscription dated to the years
after 188 BC details the grant of polis status by the Attalid
king Eumenes II to the inhabitants of Tyriaion, a mixture of
Greeks, Galatians, and indigenous people. 13
In spite of their geographic isolation, there are some signs of
interaction with Greek cities of the eastern Aegean; citizens
in Europe, the Islands, and Asia 1Vli11or(Berkeley & Oxford, 1995) pp. 275-
326.
13
L. Jonnes and M. Riel, 'A New Royal Inscription from Phrygia Paroreios:
Eumenes II Grants Tyriaion the Status of a po/is', Epigr. Anal. 29 (1997)
pp. 1-30 = I Sultan Dag1 393. The spelling of the place-name found in the
texts of Xenophon and Strabo has been adopted, even though the inscription
cited indicates that its proper form, in the Hellenistic period at least, was
Toriaion: see P.Thonemann, 'Cistophoric Geography: Toriaion and Kormasa',
NC 2008, p. 48 and Zgusta, KO 1387-2.
X INTRODUCTION
of Laodikeia and Synnada appear in a list of proxenoi of
Chios perhaps as early as the late third century, and the city
of Peltai invites a judge from Antandros in the Troad to adju-
dicate a local dispute in the second century. 14 But it is only
in the late second and first centuries that evidence builds for
an emerging civic life conducted along Greek lines, the mint-
ing of coinage expressing city identity, and, most importantly
for the recording of personal names, the development of the
epigraphic habit. This relatively sudden and widespread
development coincided with Phrygia's incorporation into
the Roman province of Asia between 122 and 116 BC. From
the mid-first century BC Italian negotiatores and their agents
are widely attested, many of whom settled permanently in
the region, thereby introducing an influential new strain of
personal names. Apameia in particular was a centre for their
activities, as a slave-market among other things. 15 Within this
partially urbanized landscape, with a stable population and
free from insecurity, the Romans had no pressing need to
reinforce it with colonies or new foundations; the city of
Sebaste was founded under Augustus through the synoikism
of a number of villages, 16 and the city of Hadrianopolis in
Phrygia Paroreios may also have replaced an earlier settle-
ment (perhaps Xenophon's Thymbrion). At a much later
date, some formerly dependent villages acquired city status. 17
Although most cities were physically small, Laodikeia and
Hierapolis developed large urban centres and have much
more in common with the cities of the coastal regions. The
city elites, many of Italian origin, participated in the public
life of the province, with members of the most prominent
families becoming high priests of the provincial imperial cult,
even from insignificant cities such as Alioi, Diokleia, Otrous,
Stektorion, and the otherwise unknown Okokleia. However,
it was extremely rare for these to reach the higher offices of
the imperial administration and senatorial rank. Although
Phrygia was primarily an agrarian society and economy, it was
most famous for the marbles from the quarries at Dokimeion
and in the Upper Tembris valley, under imperial control
and procuratorial management, and the textiles produced at
Hierapolis and Laodikeia. 18
Several cities often treated as part of Phrygia have previ-
ously found a place in some of its neighbouring regions. Thus,
along the poorly defined western limits, Kadoi, Synaos, and
Ankyra Sidera have been placed in Mysia while Blaundos was
attached to Lydia, all covered in LGPN VA. However, follow-
ing convention, the three cities of the modern Ac1payam val-
ley (Eriza, Keretapa, and Themisonion) in the far south-west
are included in Phrygia in spite of their closer geographical
and cultural affinities with the Kibyratis and western Pisidia.
Although the political geography of Phrygia has been well
established in its essentials since the pioneering work of
1+ Chios: RPh 1937, pp. 327-811. 16-17; Antandros: Michel 542.
15 See JVIaeander Valley pp. 88-129.
16 In the list of cities attached to the conventus of Apameia, Sebaste appears
as <P1t<µ,<<s
o[ vvv lt<yoµ,<vo, I:</3aar17voi:C. Habicht, 'New Evidence on the
Province of Asia', JRS 65 (1975) pp. 85-6; other villages perhaps included
Babdalai, Dioskome, and Eibeos.
17 Soa, in the Upper Tembris valley, evidently acquired independence
from Appia (J\IIAMA IX p. xvi with n. 15), while Orkistos in north-eastern
Phrygia, formerly a dependency of Nakoleia, was granted po/is status by
Constantine in 331 AD (MAMA VII 305).
18 lVIarble from the Dokimeion quarries was transported overland to
Ephesos and exported to many parts of the Mediterranean: Robert, OJVIS VII
pp. 71-121; BE 1984, no. 457; Fant, Cavum Antrum pp. 6-41; P. Pensabene,
Ramsay, Anderson and others, many small Phrygian cities
which minted coinage cannot be firmly identified with sites
on the ground (e.g. Akkilaion, Eriza, Hydrela, Keretapa,
Lysias, Okokleia, Otrous, Palaiobeudos, Peltai, Siblia,
Siocharax, Themisonion, Tiberiopolis), even if their approx-
imate location can be determined. It is revealing that nine of
the 21 cities and political communities listed in an Ephesian
inscription of the Flavian period under the conventus of
Apameia cannot be located and that three of the nine are only
known from this text (Kainai Komai, the Ammoniatai and
the Assaiorhenoi) . 19 Part of the reason for this must lie in
their small physical size and their lack of the monumental
characteristics typical of a Greco-Roman city. Of the very
much larger number of village names / ethnics attested epi-
graphically (well in excess of 150), only a small number can
be identified with an archaeological site.
As a consequence, attributing inscriptions to a particular
city, let alone a village, is fraught with uncertainties, espe-
cially when so many are found far from any central place. The
situation in the Ac1payam valley is particularly acute; none of
its three cities can be located with certainty. In this volume
cautious identifications are made for Keretapa with remains
at modern Ye~ilyuva at the north end of the valley, for Eriza
with the prominent mound site at Karahiiyuk in the middle,
and for Themisonion with a cluster of epigraphic finds in
villages at its southern end (Dodurga, Kumaf~ar, Yumruta~
and i~kenpazar), in the knowledge that future discoveries
may prove them wrong. 20 There is a similar difficulty con-
cerning the exact location of Tyriaion in south-east Phrygia.
It is often identified with modern Ilgm which probably pre-
serves the name of ancient Lageina, a village possibly on the
territory of Tyriaion. In spite of the uncertainties and for
the sake of convenience, all the names from the inscriptions
found at Ilgm and in its environs have been entered under the
heading of Tyriaion. In north-west Phrygia, an impressive
number of inscriptions comes from the Tav~anh basin, where
no ancient city is known; prosopographical links and the style
of the funerary monuments suggest that this formed part of
the territory of Aizanoi and it is treated so in this volume. 21
Still further north, some inscriptions have been found in the
area of modern Domani<; on the Rhyndakos, where Phrygia
meets Mysia and Bithynia; in the absence of any ancient
toponym, the few names involved appear under the heading
'Domani<; (mod.) (area)'.
Within Phrygia there were two cities called Hierapolis and
two called Metropolis, to be differentiated as follows. The much
smaller Hierapolis of the Pentapolis is designated 'Hierapolis
(N.)' (i.e. Hierapolis (North)) to distinguish it from the great
mercantile city of the Lykos valley, which appears without any
further identifying markers. The Metropolis between Apameia
I manni nella Roma antica (Rome, 2013) pp. 360-87. Other quarries, such as
those around Thiounta, supplied local demands (ibid. p. 390). Textiles:
lVIaeander Valley pp. 185-90
19 C. Habicht (n. 16) pp. 64-91, esp. 80-7.
20
It should be noted that the personal names found in two inscriptions
from modern Hisarkoy (BCH 24 [1900) p. 51), in an isolated location on the
south-east slopes of lVIt Sal bake in the upper reaches of the modern Dalaman
(:ay (the ancient Indos, marked on the Barrington Atlas [p. 65) as the
Kazanes), which drains the Ac1payam valley, have been listed under the
heading of Phrygia. One of the names, Arr17s, is common in the Kibyratis
and suggests that the named persons should be associated with regions
upstream rather than with Karia or Lykia.
21
JVIA1VIA IX pp. xix-xx.
 INTRODUCTION
and Synnada in southern Phrygia, is designated 'Metropolis
(S. )', while its more northerly homonym, located in the so-
called Highlands of Phrygia, is referred to as 'Metropolis (N. )'.
In most of the cities of Phrygia the Sullan era, starting in
85 BC, was used for dating purposes. This era was also in
force at Aizanoi where the Actian era, starting in 31 BC, had
previously been thought to apply. 22 An adjustment of fifty-
four years has therefore had to be made for the dated inscrip-
tions of Aizanoi. This mainly involves the earliest group of
pediment doorstones from Aizanoi (Waelkens Typ M, MAMA
IX Type IV), many of which are dated. An upward adjust-
ment of half a century has been applied to the undated inscrip-
tions on the same type of doorstone, so that all are now
ascribed to the second half of the first century AD rather than
to the first half of the second century. No further revisions to
the chronology of the later doorstones are required once the
chronological overlap between the pediment stones and the
earlier series of complete doorstones has been removed.
The Phrygians spoke an lndo-European language unre-
lated to the Anatolian family to which most of the other lan-
guages of Asia Minor belonged. Instead it is related to Greek
and from the eighth to the third century BC was written in an
alphabetic script which shares many letters with Greek,
though it is only partially understood. It is likely that the
Phrygians, like the Bithynians and, much later, the Galatians,
were an intrusive population in Asia lVlinor from the south-
ern Balkans, but it is far from clear when and under what
circumstances they arrived. 23 Inscriptions in Old Phrygian
are most numerous from the eighth to sixth centuries and
their wide distribution, from Daskyleion in the north-west,
to Kerkenes in the north-east and Tyana in the south-east, is
an indicator of the extent of Phrygian influence across cen-
tral Asia Minor. 24 The decline in social complexity of the
later sixth century was accompanied by a decline in literacy
and the rapid demise of the Old Phrygian script. 25 However,
as a spoken language it survived among the Phrygian popula-
tion in order to be revived in written form on a limited scale
in Neo-Phrygian inscriptions of the second and third centu-
ries AD, almost exclusively in the form of formulaic curses
against the disturbance of a tomb appended to a standard
funerary epitaph in Greek. 26 The distribution of these inscrip-
tions seems to imply that the language did not survive in the
whole of Phrygia. Most numerous in the east and south-east,
22
lVI. Worrle, 'Neue Inschriftenfunde aus Aizanoi II: Das Problem der
Ara von Aizanoi', Chiron 25 (1995) pp. 72-5 revising M. Waelkens in
Tiirsteine pp. 48-9 and MAIVIA IX pp. liv-lvi, and also W. Leschhorn,
Antike Aren (Stuttgart, 1993) pp. 234-44.
23
Herodotos (vii 73) records a Macedonian tradition that the Phrygians
had once inhabited a part of Europe adjoining lVIacedonian territory.
24
The Old Phrygian inscriptions have been published as a corpus:
C. Brixhe and lVI.Lejeune, Co,pus des inscriptions paleo-ph rygiennes (Paris, 1984 ),
with supplements in Kadmos 41 (2002) pp. 1-102 and 43 (2004) pp. 1-130.
25
A unique inscription in Phrygian dated c.300 BC is written in Greek,
indicating that the Old Phrygian script was by then defunct: see P. Thonemann
(n. 9) pp. 18-19.
26
There is no comprehensive, modern corpus of these inscriptions, which
are most conveniently collected in 0. Haas, Die ph1ygischen Sprachdenkmiiler
(Sofia, 1966) pp. 113-29 where 110 texts are listed; for some more recent
finds, see C. Brixhe and lVI. Lejeune, 'Decouverte de la plus longue inscrip-
tion neo-phrygienne: !'inscription de Gezler Koyil', Kadmos 24 (1985) pp.
161-84; C. Brixhe and T. Drew-Bear, 'Huit inscriptions neo-phrygiennes',
in Frigi efrigio. Atti de/ 1" Simposio Internazionale, Roma, 16-17 ottobre 1995,
edd. R. Gusmani, M. Salvini, and P. Vannicelli (Rome, 1997) pp. 71-114;
C. Brixhe, 'Prolegomenes au corpus neo-phrygien', Bulletin de la societe de
linguistique de Paris 94 (1999) pp. 285-315.
Xl
as well as throughout Eastern Phrygia and some of the north-
ernmost parts of Pisidia, and to a lesser degree in the north of
Phrygia, Neo-Phrygian texts are completely absent from the
west half of the region where hellenizing tendencies were
always strongest and most deeply rooted.
It is in Phrygia that some of the early Christian commu-
nities are documented in inscriptions for the first time. 27
The funerary monuments of several bishops can be dated to
the latter half of the second century. 28 Most famous of these
is the elaborate funerary epigram of Abercius, bishop of
Hierapolis in the Pentapolis (SEC XXX 1479). 29 The name
Apollinarios inscribed on the tomb of Philip the Apostle
at the other Hierapolis, the city where he was martyred,
has been tentatively identified with the bishop Claudius
Apollinarius, known for his polemics against heretics and
non-believers in the same period. 3° From the early third cen-
tury, the so-called 'Eumeneian formula' (lurni ain0 1rpo,
Tov
fh6v, 'he shall reckon with God'), an addition to the familiar
imprecations against disturbance of the grave, is appended to
funerary inscriptions in southern Phrygia, predominantly by
Christians and occasionally by Jews. 31 At much the same time
in the Upper Tembris valley and adjacent areas of western
Phrygia, Christians unambiguously proclaimed themselves
on their gravestones as 'Xpwnavoi XpwnavoZ,' ('Christians
for Christians'). 32
Kibyratis-Kabalis
The region called Kibyratis-Kabalis, as well as serving as a
geographical term, is a cultural rather than a political entity,
except for a period of about one hundred years from the early
second until the early first century BC, when the territory
of the so-called 'Kibyratan Tetrapolis' grouped together the
cities of Kibyra, Boubon, Balboura, and Oinoanda. 33 The
cultural ties between the four cities go back to the late third
or early second century BC, when they were (re- )founded by
'colonizing' Termessians in the context of Pisidian expan-
sion to the west. 34 It is unknown whether all were previ-
ously existing centres of habitation, but there were certainly
small settlements, whose remains have been identified, at or
close to the later cities. Politically, the Kibyratis-Kabalis is
presumed to have been under nominal Seleucid control in the
third century (perhaps amounting to no more than a Seleucid
27
Mitchell, Anatolia 2 pp. 37-43.
28
Two funerary monuments naming bishops of Temenothyrai are dated
to the 180s: see S. Mitchell 'An Epigraphic Probe into the Origins of
lVIontanism', in Roman Phrygia pp. 173-5 nos. 1 and 3. Slightly earlier are
several dated Christian gravestones from nearby Kadoi, often treated as a
Phrygian city: see MAIVIA X pp. xxxvi-xxxix.
29
See P. Thonemann, 'Abercius of Hierapolis. Christianization and Social
Memory in Late Antique Asia lVIinor', in Historical and Religious Memory
pp. 257-82 on the use of epigraphic material in the composition of the life of
St Abercius.
30
See F. D'Andria, 'II santuario e la tomba dell'Apostolo Filippo a
Hierapolis di Frigia', Rend. Pont. 84 (2011-12) pp. 3-61, esp. 53-4 on
Apollinarios.
31 Robert, Hell. 11-12 pp. 399-413.
32
The texts are collected in Gibson, Christians.
33
Balboura 1 p. 78.
34
A reminiscence of the movement in Str. xiii 4. 17. See Balboura 1
pp. 62-7; T. Corsten, 'Termessos in Pisidien und die Griindung griechischer
Stadte in "Nord-Lykien"', in Euploia. La Lycie et la Carie antiques. Dynamiques
des territoires, echanges et identites. Actes du colloque de Bordeaux, 5, 6 et 7
novembre 2009, edd. P. Brun, L. Cavalier, K. Konuk, and F. Prost (Bordeaux,
2013) pp. 77-83.
Xll
claim), but the power vacuum towards the end of this century
was exploited by the Pisidians, in particular from Termessos,
to expand into the region. The newly founded or re-founded
cities of the Kabalis must have been independent from Seleucid
rule, as they were not incorporated into the Attalid kingdom
after the peace of Apameia. In Imperial times, however, the
southern part of the region, comprising Boubon, Balboura,
and Oinoanda, was attached to the province of Lycia when
this was established in 43 AD, whereas Kibyra remained in the
province of Asia to which it had belonged since about 84 or
35
82/1 BC.
The designations ancient writers employed for this region
are not always entirely transparent. Thus, Strabo distinguishes
first Kibyra and the Kabalis, but later establishes a connec-
tion between the two by reporting that the Kabalis was occu-
pied by the Kibyratans. He names Pisidia, the Milyas, Lykia,
and the Rhodian Peraia as the regions surrounding Kibyra,
unless he is speaking of the Kibyratan Tetrapolis at that
point; for, even if probable, it is not obvious whether Strabo
counts Boubon, Balboura, and Oinoanda as Kabalian cities
or not. 36 Ptolemy, on the other hand, follows the Roman pro-
vincial boundaries and, consequently, separates Kibyra, which
he places in 'Greater Phrygia', from Boubon, Oinoanda, and
Balboura, which constitute the Kabalis. 37
The boundaries of the Kibyratis-Kabalis and those of its
four cities cannot be determined in every detail and anyway
are likely to have changed over time; therefore we adhere to
what is believed to have been the situation in the Imperial
period to which most of the personal names belong. 38 The
western border with Karia is clearly marked by the Indos and
Kazanes valleys and the formidable Salbake mountain range,
while the remaining borders are best defined by the territorial
limits of its four cities. The territory of Kibyra consists mainly
of two large valleys, one in which the city itself is located and
another to its north-east containing a large private estate,
centred on the village of Alassos. 39 Inscriptions from this
latter valley include lengthy lists of the farming population
from the second and third centuries AD, yielding 818 named
individuals. A narrow defile to the north-west of Kibyra
gives access to the plain of modern Ac1payam, here treated as
part of Phrygia, which, at least in its southern section, may
have belonged to Kibyra in the Imperial period. Lagbe, at the
eastern end of the Kibyra valley, was perhaps an independent
city in the Hellenistic period, but since fines for the violation
INTRODUCTION
-
of tombs were payable to Kibyra in the Imperial period, it is
taken here to have been a dependent town. 40 The area with
the rock-sanctuary of the Dioskouroi at Kozagac1 to the south-
east of the city, as 1.vell as the environs of modern Golci.ik and
K1z1lbel, are all assigned to the territory of Kibyra, 41 this last
being the only departure from Coulton's definition of Balbouran
territory. 42 Boubon was the smallest city in the Kabalis and also
had the least extensive territory. 43 In spite of their geographi-
cal location on the fringes of the plain of Elmah, which forms
the core of the l\!Iilyas, the villages of Orpenna and Elbessos
had become dependent on Oinoanda in the Imperial period. 44
As everywhere in inland Asia Minor, the epigraphic evi-
dence dates very largely from the Imperial period and exhibits
a predictable dilution of the indigenous onomastics. However,
the long allotment list from Balboura of the later Hellenistic
period contains some 320 named individuals, the vast major-
ity bearing Anatolian names, many of which reveal a close
connection with Pisidian Termessos. 45 A similar pattern of
naming is likely to have prevailed in the other cities of this
region, where names of Pisidian origin continue to be com-
paratively frequent in the Imperial period. On the other
hand, there are no names that can be attributed with certainty
to the Lydian or the obscure Solymian languages, which,
according to Strabo (xiii 4. 17), were spoken in the Kibyratis
in addition to Greek and Pisidian. 46
Milyas
The Milyas, and the Anatolian people called the Milyai or
l\llilyeis, are mentioned several times in connection with the
Kabalians, Lykians, and Pamphylians by Herodotos (i 173;
iii 90; vii 77). Where exactly these Milyai were settled and the
extent of the land they occupied is uncertain and likely to
have varied over time.47 Following the treaty of Apameia in
188 BC, the Attalid king Eumenes II was granted a large por-
tion of inland Asia Minor, including Greater Phrygia, L ykaonia,
and the Milyas (Plb. xxi 46. 10). At that time the Milyas
might have encompassed a large area directly to the west of
the Pisidian communities (Termessos, Kremna, Sagalassos),
extending from the plain of modern Elmah (ancient Akarassos)
as far north as the lake of Burdur. 48 In this volume the Milyas
describes a much more restricted space, confined to the small
cities and communities of the Elmali plain, leaving the Lysis
valley and the Bozova plain as far as Isinda in Pisidia. 49

5 42
.1The status of Boubon, Oinoanda, and Balboura between 84 BC and 43
AD remains a vexed issue: SEC LV 1452; Xanthos 10 pp. 99-107; Balboura 1
p. 123. For the date of 82/1 BC for the abolition of the Kibyratan Tetrapolis,
see !VI.Vitale, 'Kibyra, die Tetrapolis und IVIurena: eine neue Freiheitsara in
Boubon und Kibyra?', Chiron 42 (2012) pp. 551-66.
.1, Str. xiii 4. 14--17. J. J. Coulton, in Balboura 1 p. 10, assumes that, for
Strabo, 'the territory of these four cities constituted the whole of, or more
probably a large part of, a district called Kabalis'.
7
.1 Ptol. v 2 (Kibyra) and v 4 (Kabalia).
.1s See Balboura 1 pp. 1 and 10-11 with fig. 1.9 (p. 13).
.1 For the location
9
of Alassos near the modern towns of Karmanh and
Tefenni, see T. Corsten, T. Drew-Bear, and !VI.Ozsait, 'Forschungen in der
Kibyratis', Epigr. Anat. 30 (1998) pp. 50-7.
40 Balboura 1 p. xxii (modern names) and pp. 28, 30-1, and 98. A. S. Hall
and J. J. Coulton, 'A Hellenistic Allotment List from Balboura in the
Kibyratis', Chiron 20 (1990) p. 128 n. 15, suggest that Lagbe was already
under Kibyra's control in the Hellenistic period.
41 N. P. IVIilner, in Balboura 2 pp. 412-13, seems to count it under Balboura,
whereas Coulton assigns it to the territory of Kibyra (see, e.g., his fig. 1.2 in
Balboura 1 p. 2).
Balboura 1 pp. 26-31 and 80-3; see the map with the putative territory
of Balboura on p. 2 (fig. 1.2) and that delineating the borders between the
four cities of the Tetrapolis on p. 27 (fig. 2.11 ).
43
Kokkinia, Boubon pp. 12-14.
44
Xanthos 10 pp. 114-20 with figs 40 and 41; Balboura 1 pp. 29-30,
cf. p. 27 fig. 2.11.
45
A. S. Hall and J. J. Coulton (n. 40) pp. 130-2; cf. Balboura 1 pp. 65-7.
46
It is not clear what relationship Lydian names such as Kaooas and
Kaows (LGPN V.A svv.) have with Ka8aas, Kaoaos, Kaoaovas, Kaoavas, and
Kaoovas, names which are attested in the Kibyratis-Kabalis and neighbour-
ing parts of Pisidia. Complex names with Kao- as the first root element, as
well as simple names, also occur in Isauria.
47
The evidence is discussed in detail in A. S. Hall, 'R.E.C.A.lVI. Notes
and Studies No. 9: The lVIilyadeis and their Territory', Anat. Stud. 36
(1986) pp. 137-57. Several inscriptions bearing on the geography of the area
have recently come to light and are treated by D. Rousset in Xanthos 10
pp. 6-12 no. 1 and pp. 135-52 nos. 4-6.
.,s Str. xiii 4. 17 and A. S. Hall (n. 47) pp. 142-52.
49
In an inscription from the L ysis valley the 'IVIilyadeis and the Roman
businessmen living among them and the Thracians settled among them' are
 INTRODUCTION
Orientated on a south-west-north-east axis, this narrow upland
plain borders two powerful neighbours, which competed for
control of it.so To the north-west, it adjoined the territory of
Oinoanda, and on its southern side, Lykia. To the north-east
a defile connects to the plain where the Pisidian city of Isinda
lay. 51 The treaty between the Lykian confederation and Rome
in 46 BC reveals that Choma, the main polis of the Milyas, and
smaller communities like Elbessos, Akarassos, Terponella, and
Kodopa, belonged to the Lykian confederation, while in the
time of Claudius Choma, Podalia, Kodopa, Akarassos, and
Soklai are mentioned as stations on the stadiasmus of the
province of Lykia. 52 These small communities are here treated
as independent cities, in spite of the uncertain political status of
many of them. Even though the number of individuals recorded
from the Milyas is small (147 entries), the indigenous compo-
nent in the personal names is instructive as to their affiliation
with their Pisidian rather than their Lykian neighbours.
Pisidia
Pisidia is the highland region that derives its name from the
ancient Pisidians, an Anatolian population of Luwian origin.
It stretched from the edge of the Pamphylian plain to the lakes
of Burdur, Egridir, and Bey 9ehir on the fringes of Phrygia. 53
In the Hellenistic period, the Pisidians were divided among
independent communities in settlements that were usually
fortified and mostly located above 1,000 m (Termessos, Selge,
Kremna, Sagalassos, etc). In this volume, Pisidia also encom-
passes, to the north of the lakes, Apollonia/Sozopolis, Antiocheia
towards Pisidia ( 1rpo,
IIwio{av) and the Killanion pedion, which
all had close cultural links with Phrygia. On its eastern side
the Sultan Dag1 and the Erenler Dag1 form natural mountain
barriers separating Pisidia from Phrygia and the Lykaonian
plain. The Orondeis, including Pappa-Tiberiopolis and Mistia-
Klaudiokaisareia, as well as Ouasada, are therefore placed
within Pisidia. 54 Along the upper reaches of the river Melas,
the Pisidian strongholds of Kotenna and Etenna command
the borders with Kilikia and Pamphylia. Its western limits
extended north from Termessos to Isinda, the Roman colony
found dedicating a monument to Rome and Augustus (text published and
translated by A. S. Hall. [n. 47] p. 139). Note the veteran of Legio VII (do1110
Nfilyada) attested in an epitaph from Dalmatia (CIL III 8487 with observa-
tions by S. Mitchell, 'Legio VII and the garrison of Augustan Galatia', CQ
27 [1976] p. 304). Recorded here under the Milyas this veteran may have
been from the group of lVIilyadeis attested in the Lysis valley under Augustus.
See also a man with the ethnic Mv,\,\d, in the Hellenistic allotment list of
Balboura (SEGXL 1268 C, 33).
5
° For its location, see Stadiasmus map 3 and Xanthos 10 figs 41 and 43.
51
A. S. Hall (n. 47) pp. 148 and 151 makes a distinction between the
Lykian lVIilyas and the Pisidian lVIilyas, which, although useful, is supported
by no textual evidence.
52
SEG LV 1452, 54, 58-9 (treaty) and Stadiasmus p. 39 11. 35-42. As
indicated above, Elbessos and Orpenna were dependent communities in the
territory of Oinoanda during the Imperial period.
53
For a physical description of Pisidia, see X. de Planhol, De la plaine
pa111phylien11eaux lacs pisidiens. Nomadisme et vie paysanne (Paris, 1958)
pp. 23-64.
54
For the Killanion pedion and the Orondeis, see Robert, Hell. 13 pp.
73-94.
55
This ha_sbeen identified, probably incorrectly, with Keretapa/Diokaisarea
by L. Robert, Villes pp. 105-21; 318-38; contra von Aulock, NISPhrygiens 1
pp. 65-70 and J. Nolle, 'Bcitr,ige zur kleinasiatischen Miinzkunde und
Geschichte 6-9', Gephyra 6 (2009) p. 54 n. 289.
Xlll
of Olbasa, and as far as an ancient site near modern Ye 9ilova,
on the eastern shore of the Salda lake. 55
Pisidians first appeared in Greek sources when Kyros the
Younger launched an attack against them after they had rav-
aged the Persian king's territory (X., An. i 1. 11 and HG iii 1.
13). During the Hellenistic period Pisidian cities are evoked
mainly for their military strength in historical accounts of war-
fare, s6 and the warlike reputation of the Pisidians is reflected
in their regular appearance among the mercenaries of the
Hellenistic kings. 57 Thracian names attested in the region in
the Imperial period are likely to originate in the settlement
of Thracian soldiers on its margins (in the Lysis valley, at
Apollonia, and in the Killanionpedion) by the Seleucid kings_ss
Around 200 BC the dynamism of the Pisidian communities
is demonstrated by the involvement of the Termessians in
the (re-)foundation of Kibyra, Oinoanda, and Balboura in the
Kabalis. 59 The first Roman to march through Pisidia was the
consul Manlius Vulso on his way to Galatia in the aftermath
of the battle of Magnesia in 189 BC (Liv. xxxviii 15). During
the second and first centuries BC large-scale public buildings
(paved agoras, temples, bouleuteria, heroons, stoas) appeared
in many Pisidian cities. 60 In the second century BC Greek
inscriptions also show some of these cities to have been well-
organized independent communities with a developed civic
life based on characteristic Greek political and social institu-
tions. 61 The Orondicus Tmctus, an area of land north of the
city of Mistia, was incorporated in the ager publicus during the
campaigns of Servilius Isauricus in the 70s BC. Pisidia became
part of the Roman province of Galatia in 25 BC following the
death of Amyntas who had been installed as king fourteen
years earlier by Marcus Antonius (App., BC v 75). Later,
perhaps as early as 43 AD, most of Pisidia was attached to the
province of Lycia-Pamphylia, though Apollonia and Antiocheia
remained in Galatia. 62 The early Imperial period is marked
by the foundation of Roman colonies at Antiocheia, Komama,
Kremna, Olbasa, and Parlais under Augustus, at Pappa-
Tiberiopolis under Tiberius, and at Mistia-Klaudiokaisareia
under Claudius, some of which were connected by the Via
Sebaste built in 6 BC. 63 These Roman foundations account for
56
S. Mitchell, 'Hellenismus in Pisidien', in Forschungen in Pisidien, ed.
E. Schwertheim (ANIS 6. Bonn, 1992) pp. 4-6.
57
Launey 1 pp. 471-6.
58
Onom. Thrac. p. !iii.
59
T. Corsten (n. 34) pp. 77-83.
60
S. Mitchell (n. 56) pp. 7-20.
61 Robert, Documents p. 53 (Termessos, 281 Be); TANI III (1) 2 (Termessos
and Adada, second cent. Be); IBurdurNius 326 (Olbasa, 159-158 BC).
62
For the administrative organization of the area under Rome, see
G. Arena, Citta di Panfilia e Pisidia sotto il do111inioromano (Catania, 2005)
pp. 35-47; H. Brandt and F. Kolb, Lycia et Pamphylia. Eine romische Provinz
im Siidzuesten Kleinasiens (lVIainz, 2005) pp. 20-6. For Sagalassos, see VI. Eck,
'Die Dedikation des Apollo Klarios unter Proculus, legatus Augusti pro prae-
tore Lyciae-Pamphyliae, unter Antoninus Pius', in Exempli gratia. Saga lassos,
JYiarc TVaelkens and I11terdiscipli11aryArchaeology, ed. J. Poblome (Louvain,
2013) pp. 43-9.
63
B. Levick, Roman Colonies in Southern Asia JYiinor (Oxford, 1967);
A. De Giorgi, 'Colonial Space and the City: Augustus' Geopolitics in
Pisidia', in Roman Colonies in the First Century of their Foundation, ed.
R. J. Sweetman (Oxford, 2011) pp. 135-49. For the milestones of the Via
Sebaste, see D. H. French, Roman Roads and Milestones of Asia JY[inor. 3,
Nfilestones. 3.6, Lycia-Pamphylia (BIAA Electronic Monograph 6. Ankara,
2014) pp. 26-45 (http://biaa.ac. uk/publications/item/name/electronic-
monographs).
XlV INTRODUCTION
the large number of Roman names, including some rare
nomina gentilicia, attested in Pisidia. 64 Under the empire indi-
viduals from local elite families regularly pursued equestrian
and senatorial careers. 65 The troubles of the middle and late
third century AD, marked in Pisidia by the Roman siege of
Kremna in 278 AD and more widespread brigandage, encour-
aged the greater involvement of local men in Roman military
careers. 66
The bulk of the epigraphic evidence dates to the first three
centuries of the Imperial period, coinciding with the most
intense period of public construction in the region. An excep-
tionally large number of names (more than 4,500 out of the
10,658 registered in Pisidia as a whole) has been preserved
from Termessos, the great majority inscribed on sarcophagi
and other funerary monuments of the second and third cen-
turies AD, which often record the names of several genera-
tions of ancestors. 67 Another substantial and coherent body
of material comes from the territory of the Roman colony of
Antiocheia, where the sanctuary of Men Askaenos with its
Ionic temple dating from the second century BC has yielded
abundant epigraphic evidence in the Imperial period, mainly
in the form of dedications in Greek and Latin (c.350 indi-
viduals). At two locations on the territory of Antiocheia, as
many as forty-five inscriptions, many of them fragmentary,
which list the contributions of a cult association, have pro-
duced the names of c.600 of its members entitled the Xenoi
Tekmoreioi. 68 Around 130 different ethnics, mostly of villages,
are attested in these lists. Few of these villages can be located,
though they were presumably not very far from Antiocheia,
either in northern Pisidia or south-eastern Phrygia; the many
unlocated ethnics appear under the heading 'Phrygia (S.E.)-
Pisidia (N.)'. 69 Also noteworthy in the epigraphy of the
Imperial period are the inscriptions in a 'Pisidian' language
written in Greek script, mainly from the area of Tymbriada,
from which those individuals bearing Greek names have been
included in this volume. 70
Galatia
Galatia comprises the northern part of the Anatolian plateau,
which, until the early third century BC, had been part of
Greater Phrygia. 71 To the west it borders with Phrygia, to the
north with the south-eastern tip of Bithynia, Paphlagonia, and
64
See 0. Salomies, 'Roman names in Pisidian Antioch. Some Observations',
Arctos 40 (2006) pp. 91-107.
65
For an illustration of this process of integration, see H. Devijver, 'Local
Elite, Equestrians and Senators: a Social History of Roman Sagalassos',
Anc. Soc. 27 (1996) pp. 105-62.
66
S. l\/Iitchell, 'Native Rebellion in the Pisidian Taurus', in Organised Crime
in Antiquity, ed. K. Hopwood (London, 1999) pp. 155-7 5; K. Hopwood,
'Greek Epigraphy and Social Change. A Study of the Romanization of South-
West Asia Minor in the Third Century AD', in XI Congresso Internazionale di
Epigrafia Greca e Latina. Roma, 18-24 settembre 1997. Atti, II (Rome, 1999)
pp. 428-31; ICentPisid 29 and 105.
67
Among these funerary monuments some belonged to families com-
posed of freed individuals and ol,dra, (e.g. TANI III (1) 338, 421, 429, 485,
772). To avoid splitting family groups, freedmen and olKera, of Termessos
have consistently been entered under the heading 'Termessos". For Termessian
onomastics, see 0. van Nijf, 'Being Termessian: Local Knowledge and
Identity Politics in a Pisidian City', in Local Knowledge and Niicroidentities
in the Imperial. Greek World, ed. T. Whitmarsh (Cambridge, 2010) pp. 163-88.
68
Most of the lists were published by W. M. Ramsay and J.R. S. Sterrett.
For a new fragment, see C. Wallner, 'Xenoi Tekmoreioi. Ein neues Fragment',
Epigr. Anal. 49 (2016) pp. 157-75.
western Pontos, to the east with north-western Kappadokia,
and to the south with Eastern Phrygia. None of these bound-
aries are very securely fixed. 72 The divide with Phrygia is
marked largely by the upper course of the Sangarios, which
runs between the territory of Pessinous on the Galatian side
and those of Nakoleia, Orkistos, and Amorion on the other
(for further detail seep. ix above). Towards the north-west,
the river Hieros/Siberis separated Galatia from luliopolis
and Bithynia, while to the north the modern Terme <;::ayper-
haps divided it from Paphlagonia. Further to the north-east
the boundary with Pontos is placed in this volume along a
line running to the south of modern Sungurlu and Alaca,
assuming a large territory for Pon tic Amaseia. To the east the
border lies between the small Galatian cities of Kinna and
Aspona and the equally small Kappadokian city of Parnassos,
at the top of lake Tatta. However, it is much less clear how far
the territory of Taouion extended to its east and south; a rather
arbitrary line has been drawn between Lake Tatta north-east to
modern Yerkoy and Sorgun. The southern boundary is equally
ill-defined. The region of Haymana very likely formed part of
the territory of Ankyra but further south the central plateau
with its great estates lay outside its jurisdiction. A line, north
of modern Kozanh, Kerpis;, and Emirler, where the first evi-
dence for these estates appears, is used to demarcate Galatia
and Eastern Phrygia (see below p. xvi for further detail).
The region derives its name from the Galatians, a Celtic
people, who, after crossing from Europe into Asia Minor
in 278/7 BC and causing havoc among the cities of western
Asia Minor, settled in north-eastern Phrygia by the end of
the 60s. In the Hellenistic period the main urban centres
were, from west to east, the temple-state of Pessinous (the
centre of an ancient Phrygian cult of Kybele), the old Phrygian
capital of Gordion, destroyed by Manlius Vulso in 189 BC,
and the trading centre of Taouion. 73 It therefore comes as a
surprise to find seventy-seven individuals buried at Athens
bearing the ethnic 'AyKvpav6,/f1 who are dated to the Hellenistic
period, when other evidence suggests that Ankyra was not yet
a polis. Outside the urban centres, the Galatians clung to their
tribal organization, exercising control over their territories
from small fortified strongholds. 74 Following the death of its
last king Amyntas in 25 BC, Augustus annexed his kingdom
and established the province of Galatia. He founded three
urban communities, the Sebasteni Tolistobogii Pessinuntii,
69
Out of the many variant spellings of the same ethnic that occur in these
lists (e.g. To.A,p.<TEVS,TaA<<p.<T'7Vos, a 'standard' form has been
To.A<p.<TT'7Vos),
adopted under which all those from that place are registered (in the above
case 'Talimeteis' was chosen).
70
Brixhe, Steles.
71
For the history of the Galatians in Anatolia, see Mitchell, Anatolia l
pp. 11-58; K. Strobel, Die Galater: Geschichte und Eigenart der keltischen
Staatenbildung auf dem Boden des hellenistischen und romischen Kleinasien. I,
Untersuchungen zur Geschichte und historischen Geographie des hellenistischen
und romischen Kleinasien I (Berlin, 1996); and, for more recent bibliogra-
phy, references in A. Co~kun, 'Histoire par les noms in Ancient Galatia',
in Personal Names in Ancient Anatolia, ed. R. Parker (Oxford, 2013)
pp. 79-82.
72
Cf. K. Strobel, 'Galatien und seine Grenzregionen. Zu Fragen der
historischen Geographie Galatiens', in Forschungen in Galatien, ed.
E. Schwertheim (Bonn, 1994) pp. 30-65.
73
Hellenistic Pessinous: P. Thonemann, 'Pessinous and the Attalids: A
New Royal Letter', ZPE 194 (2015) pp. 125-6; Hellenistic Gordian:
P. Thonemann (n. 9) pp. 20-1; Taouion: Mitchell, Anatolia l pp. 51-4.
7+ For a gazetteer of Galatian fortresses, see INGalatia pp. 25-7.
 INTRODUCTION
the Sebasteni Tectosages Ancyrani, and the Sebasteni Trocmi
Taviani, incorporating the lands of the Galatian tribes into
a civic organization. 75 Not far to the north of Pessinous he also
founded the Roman colony of Germa. However, the largest of
the Augustan foundations was Ankyra, the capital of the new
province. 76 North-west of lake Tatta, the small settlement of
Kinna acquired the status of a polis perhaps during the early
second century AD. 77 A little further east, close to the border
with Kappadokia, was another small city, Aspona. In the
north-west, in a fertile region between the lower Tembris and
Sangarios, a group of seven villages comprised the Konsidiana
choria, a private estate which by the second century AD had
become imperial property; another private estate, belonging
to the family of the Plancii of Perge, was located a little fur-
ther north in the same general area. 78 Since the inscriptions
from these estates contain significant numbers of Celtic
names, they have been treated as parts of Galatia.
The Celtic language of the Galatians apparently remained in
use in spoken form, perhaps until the late sixth century AD. 79
All the epigraphic documentation, as elsewhere, is in Greek or
Latin and almost exclusively of Imperial date or later. However,
a significant number of names in these inscriptions, as well as
in the literary sources relating to the Hellenistic period, can
be identified as Celtic. 80 The names recorded in the literary
sources, which belong to members of the Galatian ruling class
in the Hellenistic period, are almost exclusively of Celtic origin,
suggesting that the nobility did not intermarry other than with
members of other dynastic families of Asia Minor. 81 A different
pattern emerges from the inscriptions of the rural hinterland,
showing Celtic names to have been current in families which
also favoured names of Phrygian, Greek, and Italian origin. 82
Eastern Phrygia
Eastern Phrygia is a term used to refer to the tract of land
comprising the territory of Laodikeia Katakekaumene and
75
The creation of these cities was probably simultaneous, despite slightly
different foundation dates extrapolated from local eras: see IVIitchell, Anatolia 1
p. 87.
76
For the borders of the Galatian cities, see INGalatia, pp. 19-22 and
Mitchell, Anatolia 1 pp. 87-8.
"MAMA XI p. xxvii; TIE 4 pp. 189-90.
78
For these estates, see IVIitchell, Anatolia 1 pp. 152-3. The Konsidiana
choria had become an imperial estate as early as the reign of Hadrian. The
property of the Plancii was acquired during the Julio-Claudian period, per-
haps by the senator !VI.Plancius Varus himself.
79
S. Mitchell, 'Population and the Land in Roman Galatia', in ANRTY II
7.2 (1980) p. 1058. This is attested in Luc., Alex. 51; St Jerome, Comm. in ep.
ad Galatas 2. 3; Cyr. S., V Euthym. SS (after 543 AD).
80
X. Delamarre's Noms de personnes celtiques dans l'epigraphie classique
(Paris, 2007), ,vhich covers the Celtic personal names attested in Europe, has
been a valuable point of reference in identifying some of the less distinc-
tively Celtic names. vVhenever a Galatian name finds a counterpart in the
Celtic West, a reference to Delamarre's book has been added, and where
necessary to the list of roots found at its end. But, given the limitations in
our knowledge of the indigenous languages, Phrygian in particular, these
references should not always be taken as decisive.
81
S. Mitchell (n. 79) p. 1057 with n. 17.
82
See also A. Co~kun (n. 71) pp. 100-1 on the distribution of Celtic
names in the hinterland.
83
It has been employed inter alias by W. M. Calder in l\lIAJ\IIA I and VII
for a rather wider area, by L. Zgusta in his JQeinasiatische Personennanzen
P- 38 (Ostphrygien) and by C. Brixhe in his Essai sur le grec anatolien au debut
de notre ere (2nd edn, Nancy, 1987) (Phrygie Orientale). The treeless steppe
is equivalent to the region referred to under the headings of the Axylon and
Laodikeia Katakekaumene in l\lJAJ\IIA I pp. xv-xvi and XI pp. xxiv-xxvi (see
xv
the treeless steppe to its north, 83 which on various grounds
could equally have been treated as part of either Phrygia or
Galatia. There are, however, sound geographic, historical,
cultural, and practical reasons for treating it separately from
these two regions. It forms the westernmost part of the arid
Anatolian steppe plateau, with a long history of pastoral-
ism, 84 distinct from the patchwork of mountains and plains
characteristic of much of Phrygia. In the late Hellenistic
period a part of it may have been ceded to the Galatians and
included in what Ptolemy called the Proseilemmene, 'the
added land', and under the Roman Empire it was adminis-
tered as part of the province of Galatia, whereas the rest
of Phrygia lay within the province of Asia. 85 The small
town of Ouetissos, close to its northern limit, was included
among the poleis of the Galatian Tolistobogioi by Ptolemy. 86
However, this region presents a number of Phrygian cul-
tural markers during the Imperial period which set it apart
from Galatia. Not only do Neo-Phrygian inscriptions occur
throughout but it preserves a stock of personal names,
including some of its most common, which can plausibly be
identified as Phrygian. 87 Door-stone funerary monuments,
typical of so much of Phrygia, are also found in good num-
bers, but they also occur over a much wider area, includ-
ing Galatia. Not surprisingly, it has been characterized as a
Phrygian-Galatian transitional zone. 88 Unlike neighbouring
regions Eastern Phrygia remained largely non-urbanized
throughout antiquity. Laodikeia, a Seleucid foundation at
its southern edge, and Ouetissos, insignificant enough for
its exact location to remain unknown, are its only cities. 89
In the Imperial period it is essentially a zone of villages
(e.g. Gdanmaa, Pillitokome, Selmea) and large estates whose
owners along with their freedmen and other agents often
figure in the inscriptions. Initially these estates were pri-
vately owned but by the second century some of them had
become imperial properties. 90 The Sergii Paulli of the Roman
colony of Antiocheia in Pisidia owned a large estate near
below n. 88). Other authorities have treated it as part of Lykaonia, e.g. L.
Robert in 1Vo111s indigenes passim.
" Strabo (xii 6.1) reports that king Amyntas had owned three hundred
herds of animals in the plain of Lykaonia: Mitchell, Anatolia 1 p. 148.
85
See Plin., HN v 25 and Ptol. v 4. 8 with Mitchell, Anatolia 1 pp. SS and
148. According to K. Strobel (n. 72) pp. 56-7, the Proseilemmene was
assigned as a regio attributa to the territory of Ankyra in 25/4 BC and then to
the territory of Kinna during the Antonine period: see also Der Neue Pauly
10 col. 437 s.v. Proseilemmenitai.
86
Ptol. v 4. 5. A few Galatian names occur in Eastern Phrygia, mostly in
the area of Ouetissos and at Laodikeia: B<AAa, BpoyopEL,, Bwi3op,,, I'avi3aTO<;,
Erroaaopi,;, Kaµµa, Karµapo,, and Kovf3anaKo<;.
87
See the distribution map of Phrygian inscriptions in MAJ\IIA VII
p. xliv with 0. Masson, 'Review of MAMA VII', RPh 1959, pp. 108-10. For
the Phrygian names Iµav, Guava{;-, IIp(<)m-/IIpELov-, IIp,(3,s, see C. Brixhe,
'The Personal Onomastics of Roman Phrygia' in Roman Phrygia pp. 64-7.
Indigenous names particularly frequent in Eastern Phrygia also include Iw
and Iw/3-/Iwv-, M(<)ipo,, Mouva(,), and .Eovaov(,).
88
K. Strobel (n. 72) pp. 56-7. For a geographical description of the cen-
tral Anatolian plateau, see Mitchell, Anatolia 1 pp. 143-4. This region has
often been considered a southern extension of the so-called Axylon (Livy
xxxviii 18. 4 with J. Briscoe, A Commentary on Livy: Books 38-40 [Oxford,
2008] p. 82). Livy used the expression terra axylos following a lost account of
Polybios. This phrase should be understood as a Latin translation of the
Greek expression a{;v>.o, yij and should be translated as 'treeless land' (i.e.
steppe).
89
Laodikeia: G. Cohen (n. 12) pp. 346-7.
9
° For a detailed account of the families that owned property in this
region, see S. IVIitchell (n. 79) pp. 1073-9 with the map on p. 1072 and
Mitchell, Anatolia 1 pp. 151-7.
XVI INTRODUCTION

Ouetissos. 91 South of Laodikeia an imperial estate known Lykaonia

as the praedia Quadratiana had apparently belonged origi-
Lykaonia is here broadly defined as the open steppe region in
nally to C. Antius Aulus Iulius Quadratus of Pergamon. 92
the southern part of the Anatolian plateau, bordered to the
A leading member of the Ankyran aristocracy who was also
west by the mountains of north-eastern Pisidia and the
a Roman senator, C. Julius Severus, possessed land in the
Taurus range to the south. 97 In the eastern part of the steppe
region of Ozkent in the second century AD. 93 There is also
its boundary with Kappadokia is less clearly defined, but
a solid practical basis for distinguishing Eastern Phrygia as
starting from lake Tatta it can be drawn in between
a separate region. In the absence of a framework of ancient
Koropassos and Garsaoura-Archelais (Str. xii 6. 1), passing
cities to which the personal names can be attached and
to the east of the Karacadag and reaching the Taurus moun-
where the evidence for ancient village names is lacking, the
tains at lake Akgol between Hyde and Sidamaria on one side
modern names of small Turkish villages have had to be used
and Herakleia and Kybistra on the other. To the north its
to locate a significant proportion of the named individuals.
limits are defined by the low hills separating the plain of
These are difficult enough to locate at the best of times,
Ikonion from the territory of Laodikeia Katakekaumene in
but the task would have become all the harder had they been
Eastern Phrygia. A northerly spur of these hills marks the
buried within the much fuller documentation for the rest
continuation of this boundary between Lykaonia and Eastern
of Phrygia.
Phrygia as far as lake Tatta. At its north-western fringe, the
Bearing all the above in mind, the region has been delim-
territory of Ikonion stretched beyond the plain to include the
ited in the following way. Lake Tatta forms a natural bound-
sanctuary of l\!Ieter at Zizima and must have extended fur-
ary to the east. 9+ To the north it runs up against the territories
ther west into the mountainous terrain separating it from
of Ankyra and Kinna in Galatia, not marked by any natural
Pappa-Tiberiopolis in Pisidia.
barrier but roughly corresponding to the area of transition
Lykaonia and Lykaonians make their first appearance in
between the steppe and the shrub-covered hills. 95 In the west
Greek sources in Xenophon's Anabasis, at a time when it was
its boundaries are defined by the territory of Amorion and
Persian territory and ruled by a satrap who also had charge of
the low hills (the Golcuk Dag1) which mark the eastern limits
Kappadokia (An. vii 8. 25). When in 401 BC Kyros rested his
of the cities of Phrygia Paroreios (from Philomelion to
army at Ikonion en route to the Kilikian Gates, Xenophon
Tyriaion); its southern edge is clearly drawn by the moun-
calls it the last polis in Phrygia (An. i 2. 19), implying that
tainous backdrop to the territory of Laodikeia. For a region
Lykaonia began directly south-east of Ikonion. There is
such as has been described above, with only one city of any
some evidence that the Phrygian language continued in use
lasting consequence, the quantity of epigraphic documenta-
there until the Imperial period. 98 It is only from the time of
tion is remarkable. Inscriptions, scarce before the second cen-
Cicero that Ikonion is regarded as the principal city of
tury AD, greatly increase in quantity during the third to fourth
Lykaonia. Earlier, this role had been taken by Laranda, ·which
centuries and, in contrast to the rest of Phrygia, still occur
in 322 BC figures as a city sacked by the successors of
in considerable numbers in the fifth and sixth. 96 For the sake
Alexander (D.S. xviii 22). In the 80s BC the region was incor-
of imposing some order on material found widely dispersed
porated in the large and amorphous province of Kilikia, with
throughout the region, they have wherever possible been
the possible exception of the cities (Derbe and Laranda)
grouped in clusters around an ancient village name or attrib-
ruled by Antipater the tyrant, at least during Cicero's gover-
uted to modern places where it is assumed that the rural
norship. 99 Following the death in 25 BC of King Amyntas, who
centre of an ancient community existed. In total, about 1,650
had gained control of the entire region along with Isauria, 100
individuals out of 3,037 have been assigned to Laodikeia and
Lykaonia was absorbed into the new province of Galatia.
its territory, while the remainder come from scattered village
Under Augustus Roman colonies were founded at Ikonion and
communities, an extraordinarily high proportion by compar-
Lystra as part of a wider programme of colonization aimed at
ison with other regions. Persons from this region have been
promoting the pacification of the rebellious populations of
entered under the heading 'Phrygia-Eastern' in order to jux-
eastern Pisidia and Isauria. At Ikonion the Augustan colony
tapose them as closely as possible to the entries for Phrygia,
seems to have co-existed with the old hellenized polis as
at the same time as enforcing their separation.

91 97
Mitchell, Anatolia 1 pp. 151-2. For the approximate location of G. Laminger-Pascher (KILyk chs 10-12) attributes to the Roman colony
Ouetissos, see NlAi\lIA XI p. xxvi. of Lystra a vast territory extending south to Aydogmu~ (Dorla), including all
92
MANIA I 24 with discussion in NIAi\lIA XI p. 235. the sites of the <;:ar~amba valley. Here, however, Taspa, Aydogmu~ (Dorla)
93
Mitchell, Anatolia 1 p. 154. and Kodylessos have been treated as independent communities of Lykaonia,
°' Strabo (xii. 5. 4) includes the territory west of Lake Tatta as far as the though their incorporation in Lykaonia remains debatable. Aydogmu~ was
Taurus mountains (i.e. the region around Laodikeia Katakekaumene) in long identified with, or placed in the territory of, Isaura Nea; see discussion
Greater Phrygia. in KILyk p. 124. The conventional identification of Giidelesin with Kodylessos
95
The precise delineation of the territories of these cities is not possible is here preferred to the one with Dalisandos argued in KJLyk pp. 32-3.
with the evidence available. Further criteria for defining the somewhat arbi- Some inscriptions found scattered in the foothills of the Isauro-Lykaonian
trary dividing line between Galatia and Eastern Phrygia are the northern borderland, but not recorded in KILyk, have been here assigned to Lykaonia
limit to the distribution of Neo-Phrygian inscriptions (around modern Saath, and associated with the nearest neighbouring sites. Note that Kodylessos
Kerpic;o, and Kozanh), and the southernmost find-spots (at (:ekirge and and the Takourtheis, the one placed here in Lykaonia, the other in lsauria,
Inlerkatranc1) of the Haymana-type door-stones typical of southern Galatia. formed a civic association, attested by a man honoured as a ycpalO~ 1(wµWv 8Vo
For a map of the area, see vVaelkens, Tiirsteine pl. 109 and lVIitchell, Anatolia Ta1<ovp0<wv 1rni Ko8v>.riuu,wv ,rav8f11sov: SEG XXXVI 1233.
98
1 p. 99 map 6 where most of the plateau is incorporated in the territory of 0. Haas (n. 26) pp. 120-1 nos. 49-50.
99
Laodikeia. Cic. Ad jam. xiii 73 and Str. xii 6. 3.
96 1110
See, for example, the numerous Christian epitaphs from the village of R. Syme, 'Isaura and lsauria: Some Problems', in Societes urbaines,
Gdanmaa: NIAi\lIA XI p. xxv. societes rurales dans l'Asie mineure et la Syrie hellenistiques et romaines, ed.
E. Frezouls (Strasbourg, 1987) pp. 135-6.
 INTRODUCTION
separate political entities until the two communities were
amalgamated as a single colony under Hadrian. 101 Numismatic
evidence shows that a koinon of the Lykaonians united the
south-eastern cities of Barata, Dalisandos, Derbe, Hyde, Ilistra,
and Laranda in the second century AD. The existence of some
of the smaller cities (e.g. Hyde, Ilistra, Kana, Perta, Saouatra,
Sidamaria) is known almost entirely from epigraphic and
numismatic sources. Some of the ancient toponyms employed
to locate individuals within the region ranked no higher than
villages or stations on the imperial highways (e.g. Anzoulada,
Komitanassos, Senzousa) which cannot be attributed to the
territory of a particular city. In spite of its remoteness,
Lykaonia participated in the rich literary life of the Roman
Imperial period, Laranda being noted as the home of L.
Septimius Nestor, the famous poet of the Severan period. 102
The influx of Italians is readily apparent in the personal
names, as well as in the use of Latin in inscriptions, especially
at Lystra. 103 In terms of their onomastics, the north and south
parts of Lykaonia point in differing directions. The north has
much in common with Eastern Phrygia, while in the south
there are close affinities with Isauria where the Luwian ono-
mastic heritage is strong, a further indicator that the ethnic
boundaries were not coterminous with the geographical. A
Lykaonian language was still spoken in the first century AD
in Lystra and apparently survived until late antiquity though
no evidence of it remains in written form. 10+
Isauria
Isauria is narrowly defined as the section of the high Taurus
chain separating the Lykaonian plain from the Kilikian shore,
though a clear divide between Isauria and south-western
Lykaonia cannot easily be fixed (see above). For the present
purposes, it extends south-eastwards from Lake Trogitis to
the headwaters of the Kalykadnos, its easternmost point
being the fortress Papiriou phrourion, named after an I saurian
bandit of the middle of the fifth century AD. Here too it is
claimed in a hagiographic source that the local population
was still using its native speech as late as the sixth century
105
AD. The Homonadeis, against whom King Amyntas lost his
life in battle in 25 BC, may have had their stronghold to the
south or south-west of lake Trogitis, not far west of Isaura
101
Cogently argued by S. lVIitchell, 'Iconium and Ninica: Two Double
Communities in Roman Asia Minor', Historia 28 (1979) pp. 411-25.
102
J. lVIa, 'The vVorlds of Nestor of Laranda', in Severa11 Culture, edd.
S. Swain, J. Elsner, and S. Harrison (Cambridge, 2007) pp. 83-113. His
name was a Homeric reminiscence of the eloquence of Nestor, but its popu-
larity in Lykaonia and Isauria might have originated in its resemblance to the
epichoric indigenous name NYJai,/NYJaw,; cf. P. Thonemann, 'Heroic
Onomastics in Roman Anatolia', Historia 64 (2015) pp. 368-71.
103
Like some other regions treated in this volume, local recruitment in
the Roman army also furthered the diffusion of Roman personal names
among the rural population and ruling elites of its small pole is. M. P. Speidel,
'Legionaries from Asia Minor', in ANRW II 7 .2 (1980) pp. 730-46 notes the
case of an ordinary legionary fron1 Sebaste in Phrygia ,vho ,vas E,c1rpoyOvwv
dpxu,o<;,cat'f3ov,\EVT~S(SEG XXX 1489).
Jo; Act.Ap. xiv 11. K. Holl, 'Das Fortleben der Volkssprachen in Kleinasien
in nachchristlicher Zeit', Hennes 23 (1908) pp. 243-4.
105
La vie ancie1111ede S. Symeo11 stylite le Jeune, 1, ed. P. van den Ven
(Brussels, 1962) pp. 167-8 eh. 189; reference is also made to the use of the
lsaurike dial_ektos in the life of Konon, the martyr of the first cent. AD
(ZSP 11 [1934] p. 317, 22).
106
A. S. Hall, 'The Gorgoromeis', A11at. Stud. 21 (1971) p. 157 and TIE
4 p. 240.
XVll
Palaia (modern Bozkir), but, unlike their relations, the
Gorgoromeis, not one person can be nan1ed from this tribal
community. 106 The I saurians are first recorded in Diodoros'
account (D.S. xviii 22) of their heroic resistance against
Perdikkas, shortly before the death of Alexander the Great.
But it is only from the time of the campaign of P. Servilius
Vatia, who captured Isaura Palaia in 76 or 75 BC, thereafter
taking the cognomen Isauricus, that the evidence increases. 107
Strabo employed the term komai to describe the numerous
settlements of the Isaurians, including Isaura Palaia and
Isaura Nea. 108 However, inscriptions of the second century
AD at Isaura Nea make frequent mention of the boule and the
de.mosof the I saurians, and the city, later renamed as Leontopolis,
continued to thrive in the early Byzantine period. 109 Archaeo-
logical and epigraphic evidence from the Imperial period
bears witness to the general rise of urbanization in the region;
some communities which designated themselves as komai,
nevertheless achieved a degree of monumentality visible in
their physical reniains. 110 A recently surveyed site at Masdat/
Muratdede, perhaps an independent kome, has brought to
light a good number of inscriptions. 111 A rich and distinctive
range of funerary monuments (stelae, larnakes, ostothekai,
lion grave-covers) also evolved in Isauria during the Roman
period, 112 and the masons (TEXVELTat and AaTv1roi)who produced
them regularly find a mention in the accompanying inscriptions.
The reforms of Diocletian in the early fourth century cre-
ated a province of Isauria which extended south to the coast
and had its administrative seat at Seleukeia, thereby swallow-
ing up Kilikia Tracheia. From this tirne the inhabitants of the
province were called Isaurians, regardless of whether their
origins lay in Isauria, as defined here, or in Kilikia. As a
result, the "Iaavpoi whose exact origins are unknown are listed
under Isauria but are likely to include individuals who came
from Kilikia Tracheia (see LGPN V.B p. xviii). In the late
Roman Empire !saurians figure on a number of occasions in
literary sources, taking a leading role in major outbreaks of
banditry or as high-ranking officers in the Roman army. 113
One of these, Zeno, married the daughter of the emperor Leo
and himself succeeded to the throne from 474-491 AD; his
rival, the general Illous, was also an Isaurian. 11+ In the sixth
century AD several !saurians are named by Procopius arnong
the military staff of Belisarius.
107
On Isauria during the early Imperial period, see R. Syme (n. 100)
pp. 131-47.
w, Str. xii 6. 2. A Latin dedication celebrating the victory of P. Servilius
Vatia Isauricus (AE,p 1977, no. 816) has definitely fixed the location of Isaura
Palaia at modern Bozkir (Siristat). According to Strabo (xii 6. 3), Amyntas
built for himself a royal residence at the same site.
109
Sterrett, WE 180-3 and 187-90; TIE 4 pp. 198-200.
1" 1 Kamai: Gorgoromeis (SEG VI 537); Astranoi (B-M, Rough Cilicia
1964-8 121); Olosadeis (ibid. 135).
111
Alkan-Kurt, Hac1baba Dag1.
112
For illustrations, see A. Royer and H. Bahar, 'Astra en Isaurie', Anatolia
Antiqua 19 (2011) pp. 149-98.
113
Among several recent studies on !saurians of the late Roman Empire
may be mentioned K. Feld, Earbarische Eii1ger. Die lsaurer und das Romisclze
Reich (Berlin, 2005) and H. Elton, 'The Nature of the Sixth-Century !saurians',
in Ethnicity a11dCulture in Late A11tiquity, edd. S. lVIitchell and G. Greatrex
(London & Swansea, 2000) pp. 293-307.
IH On native names in late Ro1nan Isauria, see D. Feissel, 'Inscriptions of
Early Byzantium and the Continuity of Ancient Onomastics', in Epigraphy
and the Historical Scie11ces, edd. J. Davies and J. Wilkes (Oxford, 2012)
pp.9-11.
XVlll INTRODUCTION

Paphlagonia its people, of which only few traces survive in the epigraphic
record. 121
Paphlagonia occupies the northernmost part of Asia Minor,
bordered by Bithynia to the west, Galatia to the south and
Pontos to the east. These boundaries are more closely fixed Pontos
on the west by the middle course of the river Billaios, on the
For the purposes of this volume Pontos refers only to the
east by the river Halys; the southern boundary with Galatia
inland regions of northern Asia Minor bounded to the west
is formed by a range of mountains (the modern Koroglu
by Paphlagonia, to the south by Kappadokia and to the east
Daglan) and further east by a tributary of the Halys (the
by Armenia Minor. The river Halys marks a clear boundary
modern Terme <;ay). Its coastal district fringing the south-
to the west though the region of the Phazemonitis with the
ern shore of the Black Sea, which includes several important
city of Neoklaudiopolis is treated as part of Paphlagonia (see
Greek colonial settlements and their territories (notably Sinope
above); to the east its limits fall in the valley of the Lykos
and Amastris), was treated as part of coastal Pontos in LGPN
where it narrows between Kabeira-Neokaisareia and Nikopolis;
V.A. Paphlagonia has always been sparsely populated on
in the south and south-west there is no such clear demarca-
account of its mountainous terrain, which, unlike much of
tion and the division between Pontos and Kappadokia and
inland Asia 1\/linor, is heavily forested; communications between
north-eastern Galatia depends on how far south the territo-
its northern and southern parts are obstructed by the range
ries of Sebasteia, Sebastopolis, and Amaseia are deemed to
of Mt Olgassys rising to 2,587 m. Apart from the names of a
have extended. The cities of the narrow coastal strip, some
few dynasts and kings, none of whom seem to have controlled
of them Greek foundations of the Archaic period, from
more than parts of the region, as well as a few Paphlagonian
the mouth of the Halys to Trapezous on the south shore of
slaves attested elsewhere, almost nothing is known of its ono-
the Black Sea, were treated in LGPN V.A. Inner Pontos is
mastics before the Roman Imperial period. 115 Until the first separated from the coastal regions by a high mountain chain
century BC and the Pompeian settlement of the territories
(the Paryadres range) which runs parallel to the sea and its
controlled by Mithradates VI, Gangra, in the south of
landscape is dominated by the three east-west river valleys
Paphlagonia and seat of its kings in the Hellenistic period,
(from north to south, the Lykos, the Iris, and the Skylax)
is the only significant central place, though more of a strong-
which converge and find a passage north to empty into the
hold than a city. 116 Pompey founded two cities in 63 BC,
sea east of Amisos. It formed the core of the Hellenistic king-
Pompeiopolis in the fertile valley of the Amnias in central
dom of the Mithradatids, a dynasty of Iranian origin which
Paphlagonia, later assuming the title of metropolis of Paphla-
fostered a connection with past Persian dominance of Asia
gonia, and Neapolis in the Phazemonitis, east of the Halys
Minor, while promoting certain aspects of Hellenism. 122
adjoining the territories of Pontic Amisos and Amaseia.
The old royal centre was at Amaseia, home to Strabo the
Neapolis was refounded under Claudius as Neoklaudiopolis,
geographer of the Augustan period. Under the Mithradatids,
but is also known as Andrapa in later sources. 117 Its incorpo-
the landscape was dominated by royal strongholds serving
ration in Paphlagonia contradicts Strabo's assertion (xii 3. 9)
also as treasuries and the three temple states of Komana
that the Halys formed the boundary between Paphlagonia
(Ma), Kabeira (Men and Selene), and Zela (Anaitis) where
and Pontos. 118 In the far west of the region, close to Bithynian
the priests of these Iranian cults enjoyed high status and
Krateia, a community attested at the end of the first century AD
ruled large populations of sacred slaves. 123 Only two small
and called the Kaisareis Proseilemmeneitai, perhaps having
cities, Laodikeia and Eupatoria (incomplete at the time
been detached from Bithynia, was refounded as Hadrianopolis
of Mithradates VI's final defeat), were founded under the
under Hadrian. 119 The city and part of its territory lay west
patronage of the Mithradatids in the interior. If anecdotal
of the river Billaios, regarded above as the boundary between
sources are to be believed, 1\/Iithradates VI spoke twenty-two
Bithynia and Paphlagonia. Gangra itself was renamed Ger-
languages used by his subjects, some if not most of which
manikopolis at some point in the first half of the first century
must have been spoken in Pontos itself; the lasting resilience
AD. This small number of cities controlled very large territo-
of the indigenous languages is clearly implied in some late
ries; the lands of Pompeiopolis may have extended at least
sources. 124
100 km to its west. The northern part of Paphlagonia was
Pompey's reorganization of Pontos led to the establishment
integrated into the Pompeian province of Pontus et Bithynia
of cities on the Greek model, controlling contiguous territo-
before the entire region became part of the enlarged pro-
ries, for the most part based on the pre-existing centres of
vince of Galatia in 6/5 BC. 120 Strabo (xii 3. 25) refers to a
population ( e.g. Amaseia, Kabeira, Zela, and, somewhat later,
Paphlagonian language and a stock of names distinctive of
Komana), though some of these, such as Gazioura, were

115
For Greek cultural influence in Paphlagonia, see S. Mitchell, 'The am pontischen Konigshof', Anc. Soc. 5 (1974) pp. 153-70; B. C. IVIcGing,
Ionians of Paphlagonia', in T. Whitmarsh (n. 67) pp. 86-110. The Foreign Policy of 1\lhthradates VI Eupato1; King of Pontus (Leiden, 1986);
116
See Robert, ATAJVJ pp. 203-19. C. Marek, 'Hellenisation and Romanisation in Pontos-Bithynia: An Overview',
117
Marek, Stadt pp. 63-73. in Mithradates VI and the Pontic Kingdom, ed. J. !VI. Hojte (Aarhus &
118
See S. L. Sorensen, Between Kingdom and Koinon. Neapolis/Neoklaudi- Lancaster, 2009) pp. 35-46.
123
opolis and the Pontic Cities (Stuttgart, 2016) pp. 139-53, who argues that it For these temple states and their Iranian deities, see S. lVlitchell,
belonged to Pontos. 'Iranian Names and the Presence of Persians in the Religious Sanctuaries in
119
Marek, Stadt pp. 116-25; IHadrianopolis p. 1. Asia l\!linor', in Old and New Worlds in Greek Onomastics, ed. E. lVlatthews
120
Mitchell, Anatolia 2 pp. 152-3. (Oxford, 2007) pp. 163-5; E. Sokmen, 'Characteristics of the Temple States
121
See Robert, Noms indigi!nes p. 535. in Pontos', in J. !VI. Hojte (n. 122) pp. 277-87.
122
See S. Mitchell, 'In Search of the Pon tic Community in Antiquity', in 12
+ T. Reinach, 1\!Iithridate Eupator roi de Pont (Paris, 1890) p. 282 with
Representations of Empire. Rome and the 1\!JediterraneanvVorld, edd. A. Bowman n. 1; Mitchell, Anatolia 1 p. 172.
et al. (Oxford, 2002) pp. 50-9; 'E. Olshausen, 'Zurn Hellenisierungsprozess
 INTRODUCTION
permanently abandoned. 125 Remarkably little of the epigraphic
evidence relates to the Mithradatid period, the vast majority
being associated with the new cities and their territories.
As elsewhere, the lands attached to these cities were very
extensive; Amaseia, situated close to the eastern edge of its
territory, controlled areas far to its west and south in the
regions of Pimolisene, Babanomon, and Ximene. 126 Further
reinforcement of the city structure was added under Augustus
with the foundation of Sebastopolis close to the notional
boundary with Kappadokia; in the same period Pompey's
city of Megalopolis, further to the south and east, was
renamed Sebasteia. It is much less clear when Kabeira and
Komana received their new imperial names N eokaisareia and
Hierokaisareia respectively. Euchaita, originally a village in
the territory of Amaseia, became a famous pilgrimage site as
the burial place of the early fourth-century martyr Theodoros
Teron, and subsequently developed into a small city in its
own right; 127 it is treated as such for all those recorded in the
early Byzantine inscriptions found there and in its environs.
Kappadokia
By far the largest of the regions in this volume, Kappadokia
occupies the south-eastern part of inland Asia l\!Iinor, bounded
to the west by the Lykaonian steppe plain and lake Tatta, to
the south by the high Taurus mountains, to the east by the
Euphrates and to the north by poorly defined borders with
north-eastern Galatia and Pontos (see above). 128 Before the
Pompeian settlement of Pontos in 63 BC, Kappadokia could
be used as a term for the entire land mass between the Halys
and Euphrates and between the Taurus and the shores of
the Black Sea, and it was only after this that a clear distinc-
tion was made between Kappadokia and Pontos; 129 under the
Roman Empire the two were joined for administrative pur-
poses for long periods. Although it is a region of high relief
almost throughout (the volcanic Mt Argaios rises to 3,940 m
and the peaks of the Antitaurus in many places surmount
3,000 m), it divides very roughly between the more open roll-
ing terrain and basins of the smaller western part and a much
larger and more intractable mountainous eastern part, where
the Antitaurus veers north-east towards Armenia.
The Kappadokians, referred to as Syrians or Leukosyroi
('White-Syrians') in Greek sources from Herodotos onwards, 130
were recognized as a distinct people apparently united by a
common non-Greek language of which no written trace sur-
vives, though a number of personal names can be designated
as specific to the region. 131 Earlier than any other part of Asia
Minor, they came under the control first of the Medes in the
125
Mitchell, Anatolia 1 pp. 31-2; E. Olshausen, 'Pontus und Rom (63 v.
Chr.-64 n. Chr.)', in ANRW II 7.2 (1980) pp. 903-12.
126
Mitchell, Anatolia 1 p. 88 n. 90 extends the territory of Galatian
Taouion far into what must have been the territory of Amaseia.
127
ODE s.v. Theodore Teran.
128
As a result it is hard to decide to which region should be attributed
those individuals attested in the areas of modern Yozgat, Sorgun, and
Akdagmedeni.
129
Str. xii 1. 4; see S. Mitchell (n. 122) pp. 48-50; according to Strabo
(xii 1. 1) the Kappadokian language was spoken throughout this much larger
region.
130
Hdt. i. 72 (L'vpw,); Str. xii 3. 5 and 9 (.ilwJ<6avpo,).
131
Robert, Noms indigenes pp. 523-40.
132
Kappadokia is referred to as Katpatuka in Persian cuneiform texts.
X!X
late seventh century and then the Persians from the mid-sixth.
Marked Iranian elements in their culture and population are
evident in their cults and their personal names, most notably
those of the ruling dynasty of the Hellenistic period (e.g.
Ariaramnes, Ariarathes, Ariobarzanes, Orophernes) and the
well-documented onomastic repertoire of Komana-Hierapolis
in Kataonia, as well as in the very name of the region. 132
Kappadokia was largely bypassed by the Macedonian conquest
of Asia Minor and for most of the following centuries remained
independent of the successor kingdoms. So, although there
was no Macedonian or other Greek settlement in the region,
it is remarkable to find as early as the third century BC, in an
area notable for its lack of cities, clear evidence for the adop-
tion of Greek modes of civic organization and certain aspects
of Greek culture in indigenous communities of great anti-
quity ( e.g. Hanisa, Morima, Tyana/ 33 This was perhaps pro-
moted by marriage links between the Kappadokian royalty
and their Seleucid and Attalid neighbours, as well as the phil-
hellenic leanings of this dynasty, shown to the greatest degree
by Ariarathes V in the mid-second century. 134 The honours
they received in various cities of the Aegean (especially Athens,
but also Rhodes, Kos, Samos, Delos, and Priene) are testi-
mony to their benefactions and enthusiastic participation in
the cultural life of the Greek world. 135
In spite of this hellenizing tendency on the part of the
Kappadokian nobility, it was not accompanied by widespread
urbanization of the region itself on the Greek polis model; a
few small cities bearing dynastic names (Ariaratheia, Ariar-
amneia, Archelais) were perhaps no more than rechristened
old settlements. The only two large ancient cities, Mazaka
(renamed Eusebeia under the kings and acquiring its more
familiar name Kaisareia from King Archelaos in the Augustan
period) and Tyana (perhaps attested as early as 401 BC under
the name Dana 136 and for a time also renamed Eusebeia),
potentially controlled vast tracts of land in adjoining areas
otherwise devoid of traces of nucleated settlements. For the
rest of Kappadokia, large parts may have consisted of royal
estates and land belonging to temple states comparable to
those found in Pontos. The largest of the temple states cen-
tred on the cult of Ma was at Komana, and another dedicated
to Zeus existed at Ouenasa; 137 an inscription (SEC XLI 1417)
found east of lake Tatta may hint at a smaller temple state of
Anaitis, an Iranian goddess, in the area. 138 For administrative
purposes Kappadokia was divided into ten strategiai (Str. xii
1. 4); had their boundaries been better known, it would have
been helpful to apply this ancient regional terminology to
locate the persons attested in its sparsely inhabited north
and east.
133
This phenomenon is brilliantly elaborated by L. Robert in his discus-
sion of the decree of Hanisa, one of the jewels of the Hellenistic epigraphy
of inland Asia Minor, in Nonzs indigenes pp. 457-523. The honorific decree
of Delphi for a Kappadokian from l\ilazaka, a teacher of rhetoric who had
previously been awarded Athenian citizenship, dated to the first cent. BC, is
also instructive about the cultural leanings of an educated elite: PD III (4) 59.
13+ See R. D. Sullivan, 'The Dynasty of Cappadocia', in ANRW II 7.2
(1980)p~ 1125-68.
135
Athens: JG IF 1330; 3426-8; 3434; IEleusis 272; Rhodes: SEG XXXIII
642; Kos: JG XII (4) 291; Samas: JG XII (6) 349; Delos: ID 1575-6; Priene:
IPriene 10.
136
Xenophon (An. i 2. 20) describes Dana as a large, well-populated, and
prosperous city.
137
Mitchell, Anatolia 1 pp. 81-2 and (n. 123) pp. 164-7.
138
See L. Robert's commentary in BE 1968, no. 538.
XX INTRODUCTION
More remarkably, this situation did not substantially alter
under the Roman Empire, even after the incorporation of
Kappadokia into the provincial administration in 17 AD. 139 A
Roman colony was established at Garsaoura-Archelais under
Claudius (often referred to in later sources simply as Colonia),
but apart from the colony at Faustinopolis created by l\/[arcus
Aurelius on the site of the death of his wife Faustina, and the
honorific title of colonia bestowed on Tyana by Caracalla, lit-
tle else changed in the settlement structure of Kappadokia.
The royal estates no doubt passed into imperial hands and
the temple states assumed the appearance of a typical Greek
polis in their institutional organization, but the grip of the old
cults on the indigenous population seems not to have been
diminished. 140 Northern Kappadokia was devoid of cities
altogether and its eastern half remains a virtual epigraphic
desert. Likewise, no city existed in the vast area east of a line
between Ariaratheia and Komana until l\1elitene is reached
on the Euphrates, and there too a similar dearth of inscrip-
tions occurs.
Kappadokia, like many other parts of inland Asia l\!Iinor,
was fertile ground for the early spread of Christianity and in
the fourth century hosted the three great early Christian fathers,
Basil of Kaisareia, Gregory of Nazianzos, and Gregory of
Nyssa. All three were educated either at Athens or Constan-
tinople in rhetoric and pagan philosophy and became strong
defenders of orthodoxy against Arianism and other heresies.
Their writings, especially their letters, refer to a great num-
ber of individuals, very often leaving it unclear from what city
or region they originated. 141 Rather than omit all those whose
origin is not specified, a number of individuals have been
included with a cautionary question-mark, either under the
name of a particular city or, more often, under the general
heading of Kappadokia, wherever the context makes it seem
probable.
Armenia Minor
Situated in the far north-east of Asia Minor, between Pontos
to its west, the Euphrates, separating it from Greater Armenia,
to the east, and a poorly defined border ,vith north-eastern
Kappadokia to the south, Armenia l\!Iinor is a predominantly
mountainous region isolated from the Black Sea coast by an
easterly continuation of the north Pontic range. The upper
reaches of the Lykos valley contain its core zone of habitation
and it was in this fertile part that Pompey founded Nikopolis
following his reorganization of the territories which had
formerly been under the control of l\!Iithradates VI . 142 A suc-
cession of rulers after 63 BC ended when it was eventually
incorporated in the provincial administration under Vespasian,
at the same time that the Euphrates was fixed as the eastern
boundary of the Roman Empire. Henceforth it became a
primary line of communication with the legionary fortress
at Satala, established under Trajan to defend the northern
139
Mitchell, Anatolia l pp. 97-8 describes it as the 'Cappadocian exception'.
140
See SEG LII 1464 ter with C. P. Jones, 'A Roman vVill in Cappadocia',
Epigr. Anat. 37 (2004) pp. 95-100.
141
Those named in the works of Gregory of Nazianzos arc conveniently
collected in Hauser-Meury, Prosopographie; for a study of the people who
figure in the letters of Basil, see J.-P.Pochet, Basile le Grand et son univers
d'amis d'apri!s sa correspondance: une strategie de communion (Rome, 1992);
see also !VI. Cassia, Fm biografia e cronografia. Storici cappadoci nell'eta dei
Constantinidi (Acireale & Rome, 2014) pp. 227-57.
142
Mitchell, Anatolia I p. 94.
frontier section between the Euphrates and Trapezous on the
Black Sea. 143 vVith a few minor exceptions, all the epigraphic
evidence, insignificant in quantity, comes from Nikopolis
with its territory and Satala.
Numismatics
As in all other volumes, a significant contribution is made by
the personal names attested on coins, even if by comparison
with the two previous fascicles for Asia l\!Iinor the absolute
numbers are considerably smaller (767 from a total of 42,830,
less than 2%). In Isauria no personal names are recorded on
the coins, in others only regal or dynastic names (e.g. Galatia,
Paphlagonia, Pontos, and Kappadokia), though these can be
significant in establishing the correct form of a royal name
and its associated titles. For Kappadokia the coins are of
crucial importance in clarifying poorly documented periods
of the royal succession, even if there has been considerable
controversy over the attribution of certain issues to kings
who bear the same name. For the sake of convenience we
have followed 0. Hoover who represents the general consen-
sus which favours the position of 0. M0rkholm against B.
Simonetta . 144 The further revisions of E. Krengel concerning
the dates of Ariarathes VI and VII have also been adopted. 145
Only in Phrygia are names on coins both numerous and
widespread among its many cities, both great and small (forty-
six in all). Of the total of 767 persons mentioned above, 704
(92%) relate to Phrygia. Best represented are the great cities
of administrative and commercial importance, Apameia (141 ),
Laodikeia (81), and Hierapolis (58), though other larger cities
(e.g. Aizanoi, Eumeneia, Kotiaion, Synnada) also figure promi-
nently. But proportionately coins provide the most important
evidence for the smallest cities, for some all that is known of
their inhabitants ( e.g. Bria, Hydrela, Siblia, Siocharax) and
even in the case of Okokleia its very existence. Of equal
importance, in areas where so few inscriptions date earlier
than the Augustan period, is the contribution coins make to
what is known of the onomastic profile of certain cities before
the wholesale introduction of Italian personal names. For
Apameia (112 out of 503, 22%) and Laodikeia (57 out of 943,
6%), the numbers are significant. \!\There the figures are rather
smaller, the sixteen pre-Augustan names on the coins of
Synnada, the twelve from Eumeneia, the twenty-one from
Pisidian Antiocheia or even the five from Kibyra still provide
valuable evidence for the composition of their ruling elites;
the five late Hellenistic names on the coins of Peltai form a
significant fraction of the small number (seventeen) of persons
attested for this long-lived but poorly known polis.
Geographical Organization
Throughout LGPN the fundamental unit within its geo-
graphical system of organization has been the city (polis) in
143
See T. B. Mitford, 'Cappadocia and Armenia Minor: Historical
Setting of the Limes', in ANRW II 7.2 (1980) pp. 1169-1228.
144
0. D. Hoover, CNCA pp. 296-334; B. Simonetta, The Coins of the
Cappadocian Kings (Fribourg, 1977). For bibliography and further details
of the differences between Simonetta and M0rkholm, see 0. lVforkholm,
'The Cappadocians Again', NC 1979, pp. 244-6. See also de Callatay, HGNI
pp. 186-214. The Simonetta case has been restated by his son, A. !VI.
Simonetta, in Parthica 9 (2007) pp. 9-152, esp. 27-37.
145
'Die Regierungszeiten des Ariarathes VI. und Ariarathes VI I. anhand
einer Neuordnung ihrer Drachmenpragung', SNR 90 (2011) pp. 33-67.
I
I
its classic Greek form-an autonomous community of free
INTRODUCTION
citizens with an urban nucleus and a dependent territory from
which it provided for its basic needs. In this respect, the pre-
sent volume is no different, even though no Classical city-
state existed in this region. The institutional organization
of centres of population mentioned in the Classical period or
at the time of the Macedonian conquest is largely a blank. 146
Evidence for the spread of a polis culture in the Hellenistic
period (Greek language, civic institutions and offices, the
gymnasium) in the areas covered here is also very uneven.
In the Kibyratis/Kabalis and Pisidia, which had much in
common with Karia and Lykia, the hellenization of urban
centres is apparent by the second century BC. In Phrygia, espe-
cially in the west and south, large-scale Greco-Macedonian
settlement between the late fourth and the second centuries
BC radically altered the pattern of settlement. Apart from a
few large old settlements, such as the temple state of Pessinous
or the trading centre of Taouion, Hellenistic Galatia was
characterized by the small, rather remote fortified strongholds
adopted by the Celtic tribes. 147 In Pontos and Kappadokia,
royal fortresses and temple states, some of them controlling
very large territories, dominated the landscape. Here too, under
the influence of philhellenic kings and the arrangements
imposed by Pompey following the dissolution of the Pontic
kingdom of the Mithradatids, elements of polis culture were
adopted in the late Hellenistic period. But it was only under
the Roman Empire that a network of cities with Greco-Roman
civic institutions came into existence across most of inland
Asia l\/Iinor. 148 The pacification of the Taurus and the organ-
ization of the province of Galatia under Augustus brought
about the transformation of many indigenous settlements
of central Asia 1\/Iinor into Greco-Roman cities. This process
continued during the first century AD and by the second cen-
tury a great part of the land across the interior is found incor-
porated, not least for administrative reasons, into city territories.
The creation of a complex road system, leading across the
interior to the garrisons on the frontier with the Parthian
and, later, Sasanian empires and the province of Syria, com-
pleted the harnessing of central and eastern Anatolia to the
1\/Iediterranean world.
Even though most inscriptions of the Roman Imperial
period, to which the epigraphic evidence largely belongs, can
be ascribed to a city or its territory, the realities lying behind
the geographical headings and subheadings in this volume
deserve further elucidation. In some cases, inscriptions are
found concentrated in the urban centre, as is normal in the
city-states of Greece and the Aegean. Thus, the majority of
persons known from highly developed cities such as Hierapolis
(Pamukkale), Laodikeia on the Lykos, or Termessos are
found under the city heading. However, many more cities
of inland Asia 1\/Iinor, such as Kibyra, Sagalassos, Ankyra,
Dorylaion, and many of those in Pontos and Kappadokia,
came to possess, by the time of the Roman period, large ter-
ritories which furnish much, if not the majority, of the epi-
graphic material. Whenever people are attested in inscriptions
from a substantial but lower order settlement in the territory
of a city, the practice of LGPN is to list them under a subheading
146
The designation of some of them as poleis in Classical sources is of
course a loose use of the term.
147
Mitchell, Anatolia 1 p. 58.
148
\Vith the exception of central and eastern Kappadokia: IVIitchell,
Anatolia 1 pp. 97-8.
as a reflection of the settlement hierarchy. Where known,
xxi
the ancient place-name is used, but in many cases a modern
toponym, most often a village name, serves this purpose. In
order to avoid the excessive use of modern village names, the
personal names from stray inscriptions are as far as possible
grouped with one of the ancient or modern toponyms, with
the addition of the qualifying term '(area)'. This formula is
used extensively in this volume where it is a question of asso-
ciating widely scattered material with either a known ancient
place, or a modern name for a site whose ancient name is
unknown, or a larger modern place which the user can easily
locate on a 1nap.
For some cities the proportion of people ascribed to their
territories can greatly exceed those known from the urban
centre. This is especially true of cities that were physically
small, less than 10 ha in area and sometimes located on a
mound site (a hoyiik or tell) typical of prehistoric settlement
(e.g. Eriza, Kolossai, Midaion, Prymnessos). Sites such as
these may largely have been occupied by public and religious
space and the homes of an elite group. 1\/Ieanwhile, the bulk of
the population primarily involved in agrarian activities resided
in villages scattered across the disproportionately large terri-
tories of these small cities, probably as a continuation of a
much older pattern of settlement. 149 Evidence for these villages
is apparent both in their physical remains on the ground and
in the numerous village ethnics recorded in the local epigraphy.
No fewer than 160 are attested in Phrygia alone, while some
130 distinct community ethnics occur in the lists of the Xenoi
Tekmoreioi, which most likely relate to villages in northern
Pisidia and south-eastern Phrygia; the rich plain of Chiliokomon
('of a thousand-villages') north-west of Pontic Amaseia drew
its name from the large number of villages within it. Only
very rarely is it possible to match with certainty one of these
village names with a site on the ground, either through the
evidence of an inscription or the survival of the toponym in a
slightly altered form from antiquity to the present. Even if
allowance is made for the removal of inscriptions from the
place where they had originally been erected, the widespread
distribution of the epigraphic evidence in the rural hinter-
land presumably reflects the corresponding dispersion of the
population to which the inscriptions relate. Thus, in the
Upper Tembris valley in western Phrygia, apparently divided
between two cities, Appia and Kotiaion, inscriptions are found
in and around almost every modern village, and only infre-
quently in the cities themselves; 150 an even wider dispersal
of inscriptions occurs in the territories of Dorylaion and
Nakoleia in northern Phrygia. Except for those few cases
where an ancient village name can with some degree of cer-
tainty be associated with a modern village or site, all the
personal names from these texts are ascribed broadly to the
territory of a given city. However, where the boundaries of
city territories are so imprecisely known, it is not always pos-
sible to say with certainty to which territory the person(s)
named in an inscription belong(s); for example, it is not at all
clear how far the territory of Aizanoi in north-western Phrygia
extended to the north and east. In such cases, a note of caution
has been given by the addition of a question-mark.
149
One of the largest cities, Laodikeia on the Lykos, seems to have had a
much smaller territory than many of its smaller counterparts.
150
IVIAlVIA IX pp. xlii-xhc
XXll INTRODUCTION
Geographical subheadings are also employed to represent
spatial entities other than dependent communities. Thus the
known ancient subdivisions of the vast civic territory of Pontic
Amaseia (Gazakene, Chiliokomon, Diakopene, Pimolisene,
Babanomon, Ximene) have been used as subheadings. In this
case, a Turkish toponym in brackets following such a sub-
heading indicates a more precise location for the material-
e.g. 'Chiliokomon (Merzifon (mod.))'.
The combination of a rich rural epigraphy and specific
patterns of settlement has also resulted in a more flexible use
of the heading usually reserved for cities, which can some-
times give the false impression on the printed page that some
lower-order settlements might be ranked as cities. In reality,
more than in any other volume, the status of many small
communities is unknown or it has been felt more appropriate
to stress the autonomy of some communities that lay in a
loose subordinate relationship. 151Strabo describes lsauria as
a land of komai, but in the narrow confines of LGPN's settle-
ment hierarchy most named places of this order are classified
as autonomous cities. 152In some cases the system of organi-
zation based around the city is no longer entirely appropriate;
for example, those parts of inland Asia Minor which remained
non-urbanized to the extent that there is no known city with
which the individuals attested in an inscription may be affili-
ated. These conditions apply especially to Eastern Phrygia,
whose only city of any substance, Laodikeia, lay at its south-
ern margin, and to much of Kappadokia, especially its north
half where no city existed between l\!Iazaka-Kaisareia and
Taouion in Galatia to the north-west and Sebasteia in Pontos
to the north-east.
Some explanation is also required for the treatment in this
volume of the persons attested in the extensive landed estates
which are such a ubiquitous feature of the territorial organi-
zation and economic exploitation of inland Asia Minor. 153
Some of the old royal estates and temple lands were absorbed
into newly formed civic territories, whereas others fell into
the hands of the Roman emperors. However, a widespread
phenomenon of the early Imperial period was the acquisition
of large private estates by wealthy families; many of them
were of Italian origin which had settled in the cities of Asia
Minor. These estates usually incorporated entire villages and
the evidence suggests that they lay outside the jurisdiction
and authority of the cities in whose territories they stood,
especially where imperial officials were involved in their man-
agement.154 The titles of some estates preserve the names of
their original owners, such as the praedia Quadratiana in the
vicinity of Laodikeia in Eastern Phrygia, the K.onsidiana cho-
ria comprising seven villages in north-western Galatia and a
partially preserved title (the -ciana) in the Upper Tembris
valley. In most cases the existence of such an estate, whether
private or imperial, has to be inferred from epigraphic evi-
dence recording the presence of the personnel who managed
151
Pertinent situations occur in the !Vlilyas, in southern Lykaonia, and in
the case of the imperial estates (see below).
152
Seen. 108.
153
Estates have not previously been encountered on such a large scale
in otber regions; see Mitchell, Anatolia 1 pp. 160-2 on estates in Bithynia
and Lydia.
15
+ This is i_mplied by the imperial rescript of 370/1 AD to the governor of
Asia granting control of imperial estates to the cities (JEph 42). They were
probably administered in much the same way as the better attested imperial
estates in North Africa: Mitchell, Anatolia 1 pp. 162-4. A petition of the
the properties on behalf of the owners (oikonomoi, pragma-
teutai, epitropoi, as well as freedmen bearing the nomen of the
owner, procurators, imperial freedmen and slaves, and various
other officials with Latin titles), as well as those who leased
the land (misthotai) . 155Only in a few cases where boundary
markers survive is it possible to establish with any accuracy
the limits of these private and imperial estates. For this reason
the estate does not normally figure as part of the geographical
order of inland Asia Minor; instead, the individuals associ-
ated with them are listed under the name of their village and
the city in whose territory it lay (e.g. Alassos in the Kibyratis).
Exceptionally, two estates in Pisidia, the kome of Tymbrianassos
(SEC XLVIII 1550) and the Orondicus Tractus, whose extent
can be traced in part by boundary stones, do not appear under
the heading of a city, but stand by themselves. Only in the
case of the Konsidiana choria and an estate of the Plancii,
both in north-western Galatia, is the title of the estate used as
a designation for the people attested within their conjectured
boundaries.
Attention should also be drawn to other cases where the
normal system of geographic organization has had to be
modified or violated. Most of the individuals recorded with
their village ethnics in the prolific lists of the Xenoi Tekmoreioi
(seep. xiv) have been entered under a joint heading, Phrygia
(S.E.)-Pisidia (N.), to reflect the known distribution of its
members and ignorance of the village locations. The wide
dispersion of epigraphic finds across the landscape may help
to explain why it is that in nearly all the regions covered here
a significant number of inscriptions in provincial Turkish
museum collections lack any record of their provenance, the
only parameters for which are the modern administrative
boundaries of the province in question. 156In these circum-
stances, much broader designations have to be applied for the
individuals concerned, such as 'Pisidia (W.)' for unprove-
nanced finds in the Burdur museum, or 'Kappadokia (N.W.)'
for similar finds in the Kiqehir museum, or 'Phrygia (S.W.)?'
for stray finds in the Denizli museum, the question-mark
being necessary because the provincial boundaries of Denizli
also cover parts of north-eastern Karia and south-eastern
Lydia. For some specific categories, such as the numerous
Ridergod reliefs, many of which are to be found without
provenance in the museums of Burdur, Antalya, and Fethiye,
a tentative attribution has been attempted on the basis of the
gods represented in the reliefs. 157Thus, for example, the reliefs
depicting Herakles, the Dioskouroi, and the unnamed gods
are listed under the heading 'Pisidia (W.)' with the alternative
location '(or Kibyratis-Kabalis)', whereas those concerned
with Kakasbos are located under 'Kibyratis-Kabalis ( or
Milyas)', and so on.
In some cases, unprovenanced inscriptions can be assigned
to a particular part of a region on the basis of typology
and style without greater precision being possible. This is
residents on an imperial estate in the territory of Appia in the Upper
Tembris valley, to the joint emperors, the two Philips between 244--24 7 AD,
at no point involves the city in the process: see T. Hauken, Petition and
Response. An Epigraphic Study of Petitions to Roman Emperors, 181-249
(Bergen, 1998) pp. 140-61.
155
Many of these individuals are marked with an asterisk to indicate that
they perhaps or probably originated from elsewhere.
156
Even this is not an infallible guide, when collections have been moved
from one place to another; see C. vVallner's remarks in IYozgat pp. 10-13.
157
A large number of them are conveniently collected in IRidergods.
 INTRODUCTION
especially true of the epigraphically rich district of the Upper
Tembris valley in Phrygia, where distinctive votive reliefs,
combined with local cult titles, and diagnostic funerary mon-
uments and their accompanying epigraphic formulae permit
a secure attribution. The names in inscriptions of this kind
have been registered under the general heading of 'Upper
Tembris'. A similar formula has been employed for a small
number of names from votive texts found in the northern
part of the Phrygian Highlands; here the heading 'Highlands'
has been employed.
In the rendering of ancient place-names and regions into
English, the practice of LGPN is to adhere as closely as pos-
sible to the Greek spelling, with the exception of the few
which have entered general usage in an anglicized form
(e.g. Athens, Thebes, Thessaly). Some places may therefore
appear in forms that do not correspond to those that are cus-
tomarily used in the wider literature. Most prominent among
these is Taouion in place of Tavium; others worth noting are
Ouasada (Vasada), Ouenasa (Venasa), Ouetissos (Vetissos),
and Saouatra (Savatra). 158 A further point relating to places is
that where a place-name is only attested as an ethnic, as is
most often the case with the numerous villages, its members
are entered under the ethnic heading; no attempt is made
to derive the toponym from the ethnic unless it takes the
form -Kwp.,/2rYJ,/ai from which the place-name can easily
be resolved (e.g. Dioskome from i.lwa1<wfL/2TYJ,, Kakkabokome
from KaKKa/30Kwf1,/2TYJ,).
Language and Dialect
Although inland Asia Minor was a multi-lingual area and
many of its languages may have survived in spoken form
until late antiquity, only the Phrygian and Pisidian languages
were committed to writing. Personal names occur in the Old
Phrygian texts of the eighth to third centuries BC, but none
are Greek and no attempt has been or should be made to ren-
der them in Greek form. 159 Names are much less frequent in
the Neo-Phrygian inscriptions of the Imperial period which
were largely confined to formulaic funerary curses. In a very
small number of cases a Greek name occurs and these have
been duly recorded with an indication of the original lan-
guage '(Phryg.)'. As for the inscriptions in Pisidian, mainly
funerary, found at Tymbriada and Kesme-Asar Tepe (north
of Selge), a slightly different approach has been adopted. 160
Since the Pisidian texts are written in the Greek alphabet and
the Greek names follow Greek rules of declension, the indi-
cation '(Pisid.)' has not been used, whereas indigenous names
following Pisidian declension are not recorded. 161 The indica-
tion '(Pisid. ?)' has been used for a few indigenous names
when it is difficult to decide whether the text in which they
occur, usually very short, is in Greek or Pisidian. 162
While Greek is the language for the vast majority of
inscriptions, a noteworthy number of names (667-1.5%) are
attested in Latin in this volume, far more than in the coastal
districts of Asia Minor and an eloquent witness to the pres-
158
The same orthography is also to be found in the Barrington Atlas.
159
The same principle was applied to Karian and Lykian names in their
respective native scripts in LGPNV.B (seep. ix). For personal names in Old
Phrygian, see C. Brixhe (n. 87) pp. 57-8.
°
16
For these texts, see Brixhe, Steles.
161
E.g. SEG XXXVII 1198 and 1202.
XXlll
ence of Italian emigres and colonists. Inscriptions in Latin
are closely correlated with the presence of Italian colonies, as
well as with locations where Roman officials or the Roman
army were based. For example, the persons recorded in Latin
texts in Pisidia and Lykaonia are almost all from Roman col-
onies, above all Antiocheia (185) but also Kremna (27),
Olbasa (10), and Komama (5) in Pisidia, Lystra (36) and
Ikonion (14) in Lykaonia. In Phrygia there is a wide scatter
of inscriptions composed in Latin, but the only concentra-
tions are around Synnada and Dokimeion, from where as
many as forty-six persons primarily associated with the man-
agement and working of the imperial marble quarries are
known from Latin texts; elsewhere only at Apameia (nine),
an important commercial and administrative centre, are more
than a handful of names recorded in Latin. In Galatia, by far
the greatest number of individuals in Latin inscriptions come
from its capital Ankyra (forty-eight), seat of the Roman pro-
vincial administration. The effect of the military presence on
the use of Latin is most visible in the major frontier forts on
the Euphrates, at Satala (six persons) in Armenia Minor and
at Melitene (seven persons) in Kappadokia.
Complications arising from dialect in the Greek language
inscriptions are not an issue in this volume. Instead, where so
much of the epigraphical material belongs to an advanced
stage in the Imperial period and later, and in addition belongs
to the private rather than the public sphere, the morphology
and syntax of the Greek language and in particular the
orthography of the personal names very frequently depart
from the standard 'correct' form that might be expected in a
literary text or inscription of the Classical or Hellenistic peri-
ods. These orthographic variations correspond to the pho-
netic evolution of the spoken language, prefiguring many of
the developments seen in modern Greek. While this phe-
nomenon is widespread in the epigraphy of all regions of the
Greco-Roman world, it is seen in a more acute form in inland
Asia Minor, producing what appear to the untrained eye to be
outlandish forms (e.g. EZ1ToOCLp.,ia for 'J1T1ToOCLp.,Eia,
MEpTE{vYJ for
MEAT{VYJ,and some of the many variations on the Semitic
naine 'JwCLVVYJ,-ElovaVYJ<;, 'Hoavi<;,etc.). 163
In accordance with established LGPN practice, Greek names
are presented in their normalized Attic or koine form, with
the variant orthography, most often just the variant syllable(s),
recorded in the final brackets (e.g. 'A0/2vaw,, -vE-; 'A1To>..>..wvw,,
-1To>..6-;"O>..vf1,1TO<;, . 164 As for Italian names, variant
->..vv1r-)
spellings of a particular name have also been regularized so as
to appear under a single heading, but the principles followed
are inevitably somewhat looser (e.g. OvaMpw, for BaMpw,
and Zrnvijpo, for ZE/3ijpo,, but the f3 is retained in IIpi(l,iT'i/30,;
Aoyy'ivo, for AovyE'ivo,, but IIp{vKE!pand ZavKTo, correspond
more closely to Latin 'Princeps' and 'Sanctus'). Regarding
the accentuation of Italian names, the convention that applies
Greek rules to Latin names, as evinced in literary texts (e.g.
AvyovaTo,, ZEVEKa,), has been followed, in full awareness that
in some cases this disregards the quantity of the Latin vowel
(e.g. the Latin u is short in names like 'lovKovvoo, or Movvoo,). 165
162
SEGXXXII 131 andlBurdurNlus 294.
163
For a detailed study of these developments, see C. Brixhe (n. 83).
1
" See LGPN I p. xii.
165
See P. Probert, Ancient Greeh Acce11t11atio11
(Oxford, 2006) pp. 131-6;
for a dissenting view regarding this convention, see H. Solin, Arctos 49
(2015) p. 289.
XX!V INTRODUCTION

Statistics of Asia lVIinor was on an altogether different scale, being

adopted by more than 2% of all males. 172 Of the three theo-
This fascicle contains a total of 42,830 attestations of personal
phoric names, )'[170;\;\wvw,(696), iJ17µ,~Tpw,(304), and iJwvvuw,
names, but as has been noted in the two previous fascicles of
(257), which are by far the commonest names in coastal
LGPNV (VA p. xvi, VB p. xxx) this figure is not to be equated
Asia Minor (LGPN VA pp. xvi-xvii and V.B p. xxxi), only
with the number of individuals represented, given the large
A1To;\;\wvw, maintains its widespread popularity. A number
number of individuals attested with more than one name. Some
of other names occur in some quantity across all the regions
of these additional names are nicknames (e.g. )boAAwvw,
of inland Asia lVIinor. This is true of certain names with a
/lamua,), others just double names (e.g. )11TE;\;\[017, Bia.vwp),
1\/[acedonian flavour, such as M,lvavopo, (315), JhrnAo, (284 ),
frequently connected by a phrase such as 6 Ka[or 6 Jm,wAovµ,Evo,;
and AvT£oxo, (157), as well as the feminine name LTpaTov[K17
occasionally even longer strings of names occur (e.g. A. 116.mo,
(60). Latin names are also conspicuous by their abundance,
<l>;\aovi"avo,OvlKTwpZvo, ZwTll(OS').11'6 The frequent combina-
the commonest being the simple male praenomina, I'a.i"o,
tion of names with the suffix -iavos/~ with other names is well
(367), Map,rn, (285), and /lov,ao, (176), as well as the feminine
documented and their possible patronymic sense has been
names 'IovMa (64), MapKla (50), llpoKAa (44), and LEKovvoa
discussed. 167 Of the above total 33,636 (78.5%) are masculine,
(41). Lallnamen are even more prolific in this volume than in
9,015 (21°/r,) feminine; 179, in large part indigenous names
those parts of coastal Asia 1\/[inor where their frequency has
from Isauria and Lykaonia, cannot be assigned to a gender.
previously been noted (LGPN VA p. xvii and V.B p. xxxi).
These totals are divided among 7,328 separate name forms,
For males, only the names lla1Ta, (195) and llama, (191)
5,321 masculine, 2,023 feminine, and 144 of uncertain gen-
stand out. As elsewhere, Lallnamen are particularly favoured
der. It should be noted that some name forms are borne by
among women. Aµ,µ,ia/Aµ,ia (354) is the most frequently
both males and females, ·which accounts for the fact that the
recorded feminine name in inland Asia 1\/[inor and other
sum of masculine and feminine names is greater than the
na1nes of this category given to women occur in large num-
total number of names on record. 168 A very large proportion
bers: TaTEi,/Tan, (169), Tana (128), Nava (87), Tarn (86),
of names is attested just once, 4,212 in total (57%). Of the
ANua,/Aµ,ia, (81), A1T1T7I (69), and Ampw (54), as well as other
masculine names, 2,979 (56'¼,)occur only once, of the female
names based on these same common roots. They are espe-
1,164 (57%), of uncertain gender 69. Comparatively few
cially frequent in Phrygia, northern Pisidia, and Eastern
names occur ten times or more, 552 (10%) masculine, 187
Phrygia. 173 Deriving from the same domestic context to which
(9%) feminine. The largest numbers of entries are derived
the Lallnamen belonged, are the Greek and Latin names with
from Phrygia (15,291-35.7%) and Pisidia (10,658-24.9%); 169
the simple meaning of 'master' or 'mistress' or 'married
the other regions contribute rather smaller numbers, though
woman/wife', which again were evidently felt more appropri-
in relation to their size the Kibyratis/Kabalis (3,528) and
ate for women than men. Thus there are many more women
Eastern Phrygia (3,037) are well represented, compared vvith
called Kvpi,\;\a (156), Kvp[a (31), iJo~iva/17(271), and MaTpwva
the relatively low figures for the vast regions of Paphlagonia
(82), than men called KvpiAAo, (67), Kvpw, (2), and iJoµ,vo,
(766), Pontos (883), and Kappadokia (2,166) in the north and
(89). 174 Together with the related names KvpiaKo, (47) and
east of inland Asia lVIinor. Very small numbers have been
KvpwK~(,) (24) which signify 'of the master/lord', their reli-
produced from the tiny region of Milyas (147), largely con-
gious connotations made them suitable names to be borne
fined to the Elmali plain, and the much more extensive but
by Christians. 175
thinly populated region of Armenia Minor (101) in the
However, the bare figures conceal a great degree of regional
north-east.
diversity. Many of the most frequently attested names, both
In all previous LGPN volumes a theophoric name has
masculine and feminine, have a restricted distribution within
always topped the table of the most popu 1ar names. 170 Th. 1s
a particular area. For example, 'Epµ,aZo, (596), TpoKovoa, (315),
pattern is broken in the regions of inland Asia lVIinor where
Mo,\ 11, (216), and the feminine names 'ApTEµ,i, (258) and
the commonest masculine name is )!Mtavopo, (759). It became
Apµ,aurn (129) are mainly to be found in the culturally coher-
very popular as an aspirational name throughout the Greek
ent area encompassing the Kibyratis/Kabalis, the lVIilyas, and
East and Italy during the Roman Imperial period, being
Termessos. 176 For some of these names the disproportionately
especially favoured among people of low social standing. 171
large number of people attested at the Pisidian city gives a
Although it is one of the commonest names in all the regions
distorted impression of their frequency across the region at
so far covered by LGPN, its popularity in the inner regions
large. Likewise, ZwnKo<; (330), a name which overwhelmingly

166
For a study of multiple names in Lydia, see !VI. Ricl's paper in 172
Although the proportion may seem small, it is only exceeded by the
Onomatologos pp. 530-51. popularity of the name Apollonios in coastal Asia Minor where it accounts
167
See D. Feissel, 'Citoyennete romaine et onomastique grecque au lend- for almost 3% of all named males.
173
emain de la constitutio Antoniniana: les cognomina en -iavOS" clans Jes inscrip- For Lallnamen in Phrygia, see C. Brixhe (n. 87) pp. 58 and 62, who
tions de Bithynie et de Pamphylie', in Vir doctus Anat. pp. 349-55; associates these names with the Anatolian precursors of the Phrygian popu-
T. Corsten's study in Onomatologos pp. 456-63 and briefer remarks in LGPN lation.
V.A p. x,· and LGPN V.B p. xxx. m L'.loµvo,and L'.loµvaare syncopated renditions of Latin Dominus and
168
See LGPN V.B p. xxx n. 182. Do1nina.
169
The figures for Pisidia include the people from the lists of Xenoi 175
S. Destephen, 'Christianisation and Local Names: Fall and Rise in
Tekmoreioi who have been ascribed to Phrygia (S.E.)-Pisidia (N.). Late Antiquity', in Changing Names. Tradition and Innovation in Ancient
17
° For the most popular names in LGP1V 1-V.B, sec sections on statistics Greek Onomastics, ed. R. Parker (forthcoming).
176
at http://www.-lgpn.ox.ac.uk/publications/index.html. For the geographical distribution of these names, see J.-S. Balzat,
171
It is the third most common Greek name attested in Rome, where it was 'Names in ERJYI- in Southern Asia IVIinor. A Contribution to the Cultural
particularly favoured by slaves and freedmen: see Solin, CPR' pp. 191-200. History of Ancient Lycia', Chiron 44 (2014) pp. 273-7.
 INTRODUCTION
dates to the Roman Imperial period, 177 and the feminine name
Ba{3ns (64) are mostly attested in Phrygia, northern Pisidia,
and Eastern Phrygia. In an extreme case, the inscriptions
enumerating the inhabitants of Alassos, a relatively insignifi-
cant village in the territory of Kibyra, register a majority (155)
of all those called Mijvis (285). The feminine name Ma (51),
almost exclusively found in Kappadokia and immediately
adjacent areas, was also the name of the great Kappadokian
goddess whose cult centre was at Komana. Her identifica-
tion with Athena as a goddess of war helps to account for
the frequency of names such as i-l0~vaws and i-l017vafrin
Kappadokia. 178 Also worthy of note is the marked concentra-
tion of theophoric names related to the indigenous god Men
in Phrygia. At a time when the range of most theophoric
compound names was drastically reduced, no fewer than
sixteen (twenty-two including their shortened forms and
extensions) occur in Phrygia related to Men, of which eight
are found only in Phrygia in inland Asia Minor. Of the 399
persons attested with such names in this volume, 312 (78%)
are from Phrygia. A similar pattern is detectable for the com-
pounds relating to Meter, identified with the Phrygian Kybele,
whose main cult centre was at Pessinous in what became
western Galatia. All nine names (sixteen including shortened
forms and varied terminations) occur in Phrygia and Galatia,
relating to 95 (86°/4,)of the 111 individuals attested in inland
Asia Minor. The small concentration of thirty-two such names
at Aizanoi is likely to be associated with the local cult of
l\ileter Steunene. 179
The under-representation of women in the documentation
for the Greco-Roman world is well known and clearly appar-
ent in the raw figures generated from the work of LGPN. In
most regions, especially the ancient city-states of old Greece
and the Aegean, it is unusual for women to make up more
than 15% of the attested population, and in many of them
they comprise a much smaller proportion, between 5-10%.
The explanation lies in the limited role played by women in
public life, to which so much of the epigraphic material relates.
Most of the evidence for women and their names derives
from texts concerned with private matters, above all in funer-
ary inscriptions, though the pattern of under-representation
persists here too and is exacerbated by the custom of identi-
fying women, as well as men, by their patronym and, some-
times, by their husband's name. As will be seen on Table 3
the proportion of women attested in the regions of inland Asia
lVIinor averages at 21 %, well above the norm for the Greco-
Roman world and most of coastal Asia l\ilinor, but in line
with regions such as Bithynia (18%), Lydia (21 %) and Kilikia
Pedias (21 %) which also have a rich rural epigraphy. 180 The
177
There is a single occurrence of the name ZwT<Ko,in the Hellenistic
period in LGPN II (6). See an additional occurrence of the Hellenistic
period in JG II 2 957 ii, 42.
178
Robert, Noms indigimes p. 494.
179
See JYIAi\!IA IX pp. xxxiii-xxxv.
180
The percentage of women in the Kibyratis/Kabalis is artificially
depressed by the exceptional number of male names (785-22% of the
region) attested in the inscriptions from the village of Alassos.
181
There are comparable and even higher figures for women in some of the
regions of South Italy where Latin funerary epigraphy is one of the main epi-
graphic sources: Apulia (37%), Calabria (28%), Campania (28%), Lucania (20%).
182
This is especially conspicuous when the evidence is compared with
that from Karia and Lykia.
183
Officials: Phrygia (OGIS 308); Kibyratis (SEG LX 1568); Pisidia
(SEG L 1304; TAJ',1 III (1) 2 and 8; Robert, Dowments p. 53; ID 1603;
XXV
primary reason for these elevated figures lies in the nature of
the documentation, which is dominated by funerary texts and
private dedications and contains relatively so little of a public
nature. 181 However, the strikingly high proportion of women
recorded in Eastern Phrygia (31 %), whose epigraphic docu-
mentation is overwhelmingly rural (even when associated
with the territory of its only city, Laodikeia), may also sug-
gest a greater degree of equality in gender relations in such
agrarian communities than in the more developed urban soci-
eties in surrounding regions.
The personal names treated in this fascicle have a thor-
oughly uneven chronological distribution. Apart from a tiny
handful attributed to the Archaic and Classical periods, many
of which belong to semi-mythical figures, all the named indi-
viduals are attested in the period following the l\ilacedonian
conquest of the Persian Empire. As noted already in the
opening section of this Introduction, this sets it apart from
all the previously published volumes, as well as the two fasci-
cles covering coastal Asia l\ilinor, where names dating from
the two centuries before the conquest are much more evenly
represented. Even for the Hellenistic period, when Greco-
1\ilacedonian settlements appear in certain parts of the interior,
there is a dearth of epigraphic documentation, which only
begins to pick up in the first century BC. Overall the record is
patchy, lacking anything like adequate evidence for the evolu-
tion of naming practices in some regions (Isauria, Lykaonia,
Paphlagonia, Pontos), 182 but it is suggestive of highly varied
onomastic patterns across this enormous and ethnically diverse
land mass. Fewer than 5% of the individuals recorded here
can be dated before the Augustan era. For the most part they
are the names of officials named in public documents, together
with a small number from funerary inscriptions on grave-
stones of typical Greek forms. 183 As far as can be judged from
the small number of official documents of the third and sec-
ond centuries in the Kibyratis/Kabalis, Pisidia, and Galatia,
Greek names did not predominate among the elites. A remark-
able list of allotment-holders from Balboura in the Kabalis,
dated c.150-50 BC, in which only 12% of the 320 individuals
attested certainly bore Greek names, sheds light on the cul-
tural milieu of one social group. 184 In contrast, Greek names
far outnumber other categories in the equally small number
of Phrygian official texts of this period, 185 a picture amply
corroborated by the names found on the second- and first-
century coins; with a very few exceptions, the roughly 225
monetary officials all bore Greek names such as might be
found anywhere in coastal Asia Minor. For regions such as
Galatia, Lykaonia, and Kappadokia most, if not all of those
attested in the Hellenistic period are known from inscriptions
Swoboda-Keil, Denkmiiler p. 33 no. 74); Galatia (IPessinous 2; 4; 5); Kappadokia
(Robert, Noms indigenes pp. 458-9).
1
" A. S. Hall and J. J. Coulton (n. 40) pp. 137-8.
185
ILaodLyk 2 (third cent. BC), OGIS 308 (Hierapolis), and the funerary
text SEG XL V 1721 (Aizanoi) with typically Macedonian names. Note also
the Greek names on two early Hellenistic stelai from Dokimeion, one of
them in the Phrygian language (P. Thonemann [n. 9) pp. 18-20). A late
third- or second-cent. list of proxenoi from Chios includes a Patroklos son of
Sophron from Synnada, as well as a lVIenandros son of lVIetrodoros from
Laodikeia (RPh 1937, pp, 137-8 II. 16-17); several second-cent. proxenoi
probably from Phrygian Hierapolis, all with Greek names, are found in Crete
(IC 2 p, 26 no. 9; p, 200 no, 7 B), On the development of the 'epigraphic
habit' in Phrygia, see P. Thonemann (n. 9) pp, 29-31. The earliest epigraph-
ically attested person with a Phrygian city ethnic is a woman, Kosmia, from
Kelainai, named on a mid-fourth- cent. tombstone at Athens (JG II 2 9009).
XXV! INTRODUCTION
found in the major centres of the Hellenic world where they
had arrived as slaves (gravestones at Athens and Rhodes,
manumissions at Delphi) or as mercenaries in Egypt, 186 but
almost never as free citizens in official lists of proxenoi, theo-
rodokoi, or victors in competitions. 187 Exceptional and diffi-
cult to account for are the seventy-nine men and women from
Ankyra of the Hellenistic period, almost exclusively attested
at Athens who, with a couple of exceptions, all had Greek
names. 188 Literary sources, sometimes corrected and supple-
mented by epigraphic and numismatic evidence, record the
names of the chieftains of Galatia and of the royal house
of Kappadokia, with their distinctive Celtic and Iranian
nomenclature.
By comparison, the epigraphic evidence for the first three
centuries AD, a period which coincides with the most con-
centrated phase of urban monumentalization in pre-modern
Anatolia, is remarkably full. From the point of view of ono-
mastics, the fact that it consists to a very large degree of
funerary texts and private dedications is a positive advantage.
The main obstacle to exploring onomastic developments within
this period is that a very large number of the inscriptions
cannot be dated with greater precision than 'Imperial'. With
this in mind, some general observations can be made relating
just to the main categories of names. Although bearers of Greek
names are substantially less numerous than in the coastal
regions of Asia Minor (with the exception of Kilikia), and
in spite of a widespread tendency to homogenization in the
Roman period, 189 they are still the most popular type of name
in most parts, generally comprising 50-60% of the ono-
mastic repertoire and a similar proportion of the named indi-
viduals. However, there are exceptions to this pattern. In
Lykaonia and lsauria Greek names are markedly less com-
mon, in the latter constituting only 23% of the repertoire and
26°/4,of the named individuals; this onomastic landscape resem-
bles, in a more extreme form, that of neighbouring Kilikia
Tracheia (LGPNV.B p. xxxv Table 1). Phrygia, on the other
hand, approximates most closely to the coastal regions of
Asia Minor, with Greek names forming 68% of the repertoire
and 69% of the named individuals. In those regions where
Greek names are fewest, indigenous names are correspond-
ingly more frequent. On a broader level it is evident that
the indigenous, Anatolian nomenclature survived and flour-
ished in the southern regions of the Taurus (Isauria, south-
186
For mercenaries from these regions, see Launey 2, pp. 1223-5 and
1229-30 with additions in Bernand, Pan du Desert 85 (indigenous) and SEG
XXVII 973 bis (Greek).
187
lVIost of the names attested epigraphically in Hellenistic Galatia are
derived from graffiti on pottery found at Gordian: SEG XXXVII 1104-63.
For persons attested abroad with an ethnic designation, perhaps indicative
of a servile background, see FRA p. 60 (I'aAaT17,), p. 114 (Ka1r1ra8ofl, p. 146
(Av,movwa); pp. 252-3 (llacf,Aaywv), pp. 313-14 (<!>pvt),and also D. Morelli,
'Gli stranieri in Rodi', Studi classici e orientali 5 (1955) pp. 179-84.
188
Non-Greek are 8av8a, Mavta (possibly Greek), Nwv17, and PoaKTwp.
Two individuals from Ankyra occur at Teos, the remainder at Athens. After
the 2,011 Milesians, 618 Herakleiots, and 561 Antiochenes, Ankyra is the
fourth most numerous ethnic for the foreigners at Athens: see FRA pp. 3-7.
The fact that they bear a city ethnic, are almost always accompanied by a
patronym, and are sometimes known to have been married to Athenian citi-
zens or other free resident aliens, means that they cannot be regarded to be
of servile origin.
189
This process is termed 'koinefication' by C. Brixhe, 'Anatolian
Anthroponymy after Louis Robert ... and Some Others', in R. Parker (n. 71)
pp. 20-2.
ern Lykaonia, Pisidia, the Milyas, Kibyratis/Kabalis, as well
°
as Kilikia Tracheia). 19 From the very limited evidence availa-
ble, all from Pisidia and the Kibyratis/Kabalis (e.g. texts from
Sagalassos and Balboura), there is good reason to believe that
this was an even more marked feature in the Hellenistic
period. 191 In these regions the extraordinary popularity of
certain Greek names arose from their phonetic proximity to
common indigenous onomastic roots, a phenomenon already
noted in LGPNV.A (pp. xv-xvi) and V.B (pp. xxx and xxxiii). 192
By contrast, indigenous naming is distinctly scarce in the north
(Paphlagonia, Pontos, Armenia Minor, Galatia, and Phrygia).
The reasons for this are varied. In Phrygia it is hard to isolate
a distinctive repertoire of names derived from the Phrygian
language and those that can be regarded as 'Phrygian' tend
to be concentrated in the south-east and to a greater degree
in Eastern Phrygia. 193 As an explanation for this scarcity of
Phrygian names the extensive Greco-Macedonian coloniza-
tion that occurred in the Hellenistic period is not entirely
convincing, given the tenacity with which its people clung to
their ancestral language and other aspects of their cultural
identity. 194 In Galatia, formerly part of Greater Phrygia, this
scarcity is more easily understood to have been the outcome
of its occupation by Celtic tribes in the third century BC; 9%
of its onomastic repertoire is Celtic and 6% of the individuals
from Galatia bear names of this type, a third of whom belong
to the Hellenistic period. 195 In Pontos and Paphlagonia,
where the pre-Imperial onomastics are essentially unknown
(at least for their non-hellenized interiors), 196 it is natural
to trace the loss of its indigenous name-stock to the wholesale
reordering of the regions by Pompey in 63 BC, entailing among
other things the settlement of Italians and the disappearance
of the old elites which had served the Mithradatids. In con-
trast, Kappadokia, which was never subject to large-scale
Greek or Italian settlement or other major disruptions to its
ethnic composition, yields a significant body of indigenous
names (13% of the name stock and 10% of the individuals
attested) which can be regarded as characteristically Kappa-
dokian, some of which (e.g. Avo1TTYJVYJS,I:aaas, Ti>.>.17,) have
a wider distribution in coastal Pontos and the Kimmerian
Bosporos in the north Black Sea. 197 A further distinctive ele-
ment in Kappadokian onomastics is the comparatively large
number of Iranian names, both within the stock of names
(4%) and the number of bearers (5%), much greater than for
19
° First studied in detail in P. H. J. Houwink ten Cate, The Luwian
Population Groups of Lycia and Ci/£cia Aspera during the Hellenistic Period
(Leiden, 1961); see also H. C. Melchert, 'Naming Practices in Second- and
First-Millennium Western Anatolia', in R. Parker (n. 71) pp. 31-49.
191
In Karia and Lykia, where the epigraphic evidence permits an analysis
of broad categories of names in the Hellenistic and Imperial periods, there
was a general decline in the use of Anatolian names in the Roman period.
For Lykia, see C. Schuler, 'Lycian, Persian, Greek, Roman: Chronological
Layers and Structural Developments in the Onomastics of Lycia', in
R. Parker (n. 175) (forthcoming).
192
See also P. Thonemann (n. 102) pp. 357-85 who also argues that local
factors account for the adoption of certain heroic Greek names.
193
See C. Brixhe (n. 87) pp. 55-69.
194
C. Brixhe (n. 87) pp. 68-9.
195
For a survey of names in Galatia, see A. Co~kun (n. 71) pp. 82-104.
196
It is perhaps legitimate to speculate that the indigenous onomastics of
Pontos were similar to what is found in Kappadokia, considering the cultural
and linguistic ties connecting the two regions. There is, however, very little
overlap between the small body of indigenous names attested in coastal
Pontos and Kappadokia.
197
Robert, Noms indigenes pp. 523-40.
 INTRODUCTION
any other region of Asia Minor. 198 Such names were not
confined to the ruling nobility but figure prominently among
ordinary people in the well-documented onomastics of
Komana-Hierapolis in the Imperial period. They are one
aspect of the wider Iranian cultural influences in Kappadokia,
felt to an even greater extent in its eastern neighbours
Kommagene and Armenia. 199
Although they never supplanted Greek names, there was
an exceptional diffusion of names of Italian origin in inland
Asia Minor in the Imperial period, for which only Bithynia
(23% of individuals) and Kilikia Pedias (27% of individuals;
see LGPN V.B p. xxxiv) in the coastal regions can provide
a match. In this volume, the number of bearers of Italian
names makes up almost 19% of the total records. However,
not only are the absolute numbers of Italian names and their
bearers remarkable, but the extraordinarily wide stock of names
also deserves comment, including many unattested elsewhere
in Asia lVIinor.200 There exist striking regional and more local-
ized variations in the distribution of these names. Paphlagonia
and Pontos (with Armenia Minor) produce the highest per-
centage of persons with Italian names (40% and 42% respec-
tively) as well as high numbers for the overall name stock
(35% and 33% respectively). The lowest figures by both
measures are found in the south-west and western regions,
the Kibyratis/Kabalis (9%-13%), Pisidia (14%-18.5%), and
Phrygia (17%-20%). Roman (re-)foundations of cities, as well
as colonies of Roman citizens, together with high levels of army
recruitment, had a major effect in regions such as Galatia,
Lykaonia, and Pisidia, and were influential in the introduc-
tion, diffusion, and adoption of Roman nomenclature. 201 The
long-term impact of the Pompeian establishment of new cit-
ies and the introduction of Italian settlers in the old territo-
ries of the Mithradatid kingdom shows up in the elevated
figures for Italian names in Pontos and Paphlagonia. Galatia
and Eastern Phrygia were also home to large senatorial and
imperial properties peopled by a large body of superinten-
dents and their dependents. Broad figures, however, can pre-
198
Ibid. pp. 514-22; for Iranian survivals in Kappadokia and more widely
in Asia Minor, see Mitchell, Anatolia 2 pp. 29 and 73 and S. Mitchell (n. 123)
pp. 151-71, esp. 163-9.
199
These Iranian features in the onomastic repertoire would be even
more apparent if those persons dated to the fourth cent. AD and later were
excluded from the tally.
200
Both nomina gentilicia (e.g. Balabia, Caetranius, Calvisius, Lafrenus,
Nemetorius, Sornatius, Titurnius, Valgius) and cognomina (e.g. Barbas,
Calvinus, Carosus, Fristana, Gallicanus, Glabrio, l\!Iarsulla, Mutata,
Nominatus, Novellus, Pansa, Patroinus, Restituta, Superatus, Superstes,
Tiro, Tranquillus, Varro) used as an individual personal name.
201
See Mitchell, Anatolia 1 pp. 81-96 (city foundations) and pp. 136-42
(army recruitment). In Isauria, Greek and Italian names seem to have been
equally popular. Since there were no Roman colonies here, the large num-
bers bearing Italian names (21 %) may reflect in part the success of native
recruitment into the Roman army.
XXVll
sent a distorted picture and obscure marked variations within
a region. Almost half the individuals attested from Pisidia
come from Termessos in the south, a city with predominantly
Greek and indigenous names. But Roman colonies elsewhere
in Pisidia, notably Antiocheia, clearly show how Italian names
became diffused in other parts of the region.
The peak in the number of inscriptions in the second and
third centuries AD in inland Asia l\!Iinor is repeated in many
other parts of the Greco-Roman world, as also is the decline
in the epigraphic habit after the mid-third century. 202 In this
volume fewer than 10% of the individuals recorded can be
assigned to the period from the fourth to the early seventh
century AD. A good number of these, besides, are known from
literary, especially Christian, sources. Once again, there is
considerable regional and intra-regional variation. In Kappa-
dokia, which became an important centre of Christianity and
learning in the fourth century, 20% of the total number of
individuals are dated to this century, the vast majority docu-
mented in literary sources, most notably the three Kappadokian
Church Fathers. Here and in Pontos and Galatia, hagiographic
sources provide the names of numerous martyrs and clergy-
men, though many of them are of doubtful authenticity or
are certainly fictitious. 203 However, while the epigraphic habit
was certainly in decline, funerary epigraphy continues strongly
in some urban centres (e.g. Ankyra, Germia, and Taouion in
Galatia), as well as in other parts where there was a flourishing
tradition of rural epigraphy (e.g. the Upper Tembris valley in
Phrygia, throughout Eastern Phrygia, and the <;aqamba val-
ley in southern Lykaonia), at least during the fourth century.
It was in the towns and villages of Phrygia and Lykaonia that
Christians for the first time came openly to declare their faith
and identity. 204 Accompanying the new faith, there began a
new era in Greek onomastics characterized by an increasingly
impoverished stock of names, but also by their overtly
Christian values and biblical references. Names of this type
are much better documented in inland Asia Minor than in the
centres of the ancient pagan religion in the coastal areas. 205
202 R. McMullen,
'The Epigraphic Habit in the Roman Empire', AJPh
103 (1982) pp. 233-46 and 'Frequency of Inscriptions in Roman Lydia',
ZPE 65 (1986) pp. 237-8; see also E. Meyer, 'Explaining the Epigraphic
Habit in the Roman Empire: The Evidence of Epitaphs', JRS 80 (1990) pp.
74-96.
203 An exceptional source for personal names from the far north-west of
Galatia in the late sixth and early seventh centuries AD is the Life of St
Theodoros of Sykeon (ed. A. Festugiere, 1970).
2°' S. Mitchell, 'Epigraphic Display and the Emergence of Christian
Identity', in Offentlichkeit-Monument-Text, edd. W. Eck and P. Funke
(Berlin & Boston, 2014) pp. 275-97. Of Destephen's catalogue of 275 pre-
Constantinian inscriptions, the majority (248) come from inland Asia Minor:
'La christianisation de 1'Asie l\!Iineure jusqu'a Constantin: le temoinage de
l'epigraphie', in Le probleme de la Christianisation du monde antique, edd.
H. Inglebert, S. Destephen, and B. Dumezil (Paris, 2011) pp. 159-94.
205
D. Feissel (n. 114) pp. 1-14; S. Destephen (n. 175).
Table 1. Distribution of names by category across the regions. The two sets of figures and percentages correspond to the totals recorded first for the number of
name forms, and second for the number of individuals.

Greek Italian Indigenous Lallnamen Celtic'' Thracian Iranian Semitic Total

Phrygia 2,053 - 68% 608-20% 195 - 6% 150- 5% 11 - <1 % 7-<1% 17- <1% 16-<1% 3,057
10,509 - 69% 2,553 - 17% 339-2% 1,805-12% 11 - <1 % 8-<1% 31 - <1 % 35 - <1% 15,291 - 35.7%

Kibyratis/Kabalis 535 - 52% 132-13% 297-28% 66-6% 1-<1% 0 3-<1% 0 1,034

2,253 - 64% 315 - 9% 729-21% 222- 6% 5-<1% 0 4-<1% 0 3,528 - 8.2%

Milyas 42-45% 5-5% 37- 39% 9-10% 0 0 0 1-<1% 94

72-49% 5 - 3.5% 60-41% 9-6% 0 0 0 1-<1% 147 - 0.3%
·········································
Pisidia 1,345 - 52% 476 -18.5% 592 - 23% 143 - 5.5% 0 9-<1% 8-<1% 8-<1% 2,581
6,471-61% 1,462-14% 1,984-18.5% 701 - 6.5% 0 12-<1% 14-<1% 14- <1% 10,658 - 24.9%

Galatia 719- 56% 294- 23% 47-4% 68-5% 125 - 9% 3-<1% 8-<1% 11 - <1 % 1,275
1,477 - 55% 760-28% 90-3% 158 - 6% 165 - 6% 3-<1% 11 - <1 % 48-2% 2,712 - 6.3%

Eastern Phrygia 561 - 54% 245 -24% 115-11% 92-9% 10-<1% 0 7-<1% 10-1% 1,040
1,371-45% 766-25% 378 -12% 463 -15% 13 - <1 % 0 12- <1% 34-1% 3,037-7.1%

Lykaonia 430-41% 289-28% 203-19% 109-10% 3-<1% 0 3-<1% 10-1% 1,047

883-40% 731 - 33% 300-14% 250-11 % 4-<1% 0 4-<1% 27-1% 2,199-5.1%

Isauria 140- 22% 115-18% 272-43% 96 -15% 0 0 5-<1% 6-1% 634

345- 26% 279-21% 456- 34% 248-18.5% 0 0 7-<1% 7-<1% 1,342- 3.1%

Paphlagonia 252- 54% 161-35% 26 - 5.5% 14- 3% 1-<1% 1-<1% 5-1% 5-1% 465
397 - 52% 302-40% 33-4% 16-2% 2-<1% 1-<1% 6-<1% 9-1% 766-1.8%

Pontos & Armenia Minor 370- 60% 205 - 33% 14-2% 11 - 2% 1 4-<1% 7-1% 7-1% 619
510-52% 410-42% 16-1.5% 13-1% 1 4-<1% 8-<1% 22-2% 984- 2.3%

Kappadokia 613-61% 211-21% 101-10% 33-3% 1-<1% 1-<1% 44-4% 9-<1% 1,013
1,314-61% 413 -19% 224-10% 82-4% 2-<1% 1-<1% 104- 5% 26-1% 2,166-5.0%

TOTAL 25,602 - 59.8% 7,996-18.7% 4,609-10.8% 3,967 - 9.3% 203 - 0.4% 29- <0.1% 201 - 0.5% 223 - 0.5% 42,830

• Includes twelve different names borne by seventeen individuals that are possibly Celtic.
I INTRODUCTION

Table 2. The twenty-five commonest male and female names in Inland Asia Minor.
XX!X

Male Name Number Female Name Number

14.MtavDpo, 759 Aµp.ia 276

................................
Jl.,ro,\,\wvw, 696 Ll6µva 265
..................
'Epµafo, 596 L"!prEp,l<; 258
·················
I'aJo<; 367 Kvp,,\,\a 156
.......................... ,

ZwriKo, 330 Tarn, 145

·····················
M,!vav3po, 315 Apµaara 129

TpoKovDa, 315 Tana 128

.•............ ' .

Ll11µ77rpw, 304 Nava 87

...................
MapKo, 285 Tara 86
...................
Mijv,, 285 Marpwva 82
.................
L"lTTa/1.0<; 284 Aµia 78
··················
A.prEµwv 280 A7T7T'YJ 69
················
Llwvvaw, 257 I'11 68
···············
Jl.aKil.1J7TU5.01J<; 254 Ba/3n, 64

Tp6rfnµo, 241 'lovMa 64

.
. .. . . .... . ... . ..
MEvvEa, 221 .Erparov{K'Y/ 60

Mav11, 220 Oa 60
...............
Mo,\11, 216 A.011va'fr 54

'EpµiJ, 207 Ampia 54

Ila,ra, 195 'E,\,r{, 54

Ila,rw, 191 Aµµia, 52

LlwyEv'YJ, 188 MapCa 52

Zwa,µo, 181 N{K'YJ 52
JlovKlO<; 176 Ma 51

M11v6rf,,,\o, 171 MapK{a 50

XXX INTRODUCTION

Table 3. Distribution by region of attested males and females.

Male Female Uncertain Total

Phrygia 11,929-78% 3,349- 22% 13 - <1 % 15,291

Ki byratis/Kabalis 3,060- 87% 455 -13% 13-<1% 3,528

Milyas 133 - 90% 14-10% 0 147

Pisidia 8,725 - 82% 1,904-18% 29- <1% 10,658

Galatia 2,088- 77% 618 - 23% 6-<1% 2,712

Eastern Phrygia 2,077- 68% 949 - 31 % 11 - <1 % 3,037

Lykaonia 1,642 - 75% 518 - 23% 39-2% 2,199

Isauria 1,011-75% 265 - 20% 66-5% 1,342

Paphlagonia 570- 74% 195 - 26% 1-<1% 766

Pontos and Armenia Nlinor 744-76% 239- 24% 1-<1% 984

Kappadokia 1,657 - 77% 509- 23% 0 2,166

Total 33,620 - 78.5% 9,015-21% 179-0.5% 42,830

 THE LEXICON OF GREEK PERSONAL
The present volume concludes the first (and much larger) of
the two planned phases of the Lexicon of Greek Personal Names,
that covering regions for which the relevant documentation is
almost exclusively written in Greek and Latin. It may be of
interest at this moment of transition to give a brief account
of the history of the project. 1 It was initiated in 1972, but one
must look back much further to discover its intellectual roots.
LGPN has a double aspect, both lexicographic and historical,
and two publications of the nineteenth century initiate the
two aspects respectively. The first is W. Pape's TiVorterbuch
der griechischen Eigennamen (Braunschweig, 1842). This was
written as part three of his Handworterbuch der griechischen
Sprache; it was conceived primarily as a contribution to lexi-
cography, and contained not just personal names of historical
individuals but also mythological names, geographical names,
theonyms, and divine epithets. The work was not so much
revised as redone by G. E. Benseler on a much larger scale in
four fascicules published in 1863, 1865, 1867, and (posthu-
mously) in 1870. 2 In his rather ungenerous preface Benseler
states that he has rewritten all the major articles from the
beginning, and only then looked back to Pape's treatment.
The orientation remains, however, linguistic. Benseler adds
translations, with a justification that betrays the influence
of romanticism: 'seiner Natur nach ist jedes Lexicon ein
Herbarium, welches die Bliithen des Volksgeistes, freilich in
getrocknetem Zustande aufweist'; since names are among the
most characteristic blooms of this Volksgeist, it is interesting,
argues Benseler, to translate them and compare the Greek
with the German flowers. One learns with some surprise from
the biographical sketch added by Benseler's son, who com-
pleted the work, that his father had been born into a working
class family and was sentenced to fifteen years in a peniten-
tiary for his role in the events of 1848. 3 But he had also stud-
ied with the great Gottfried Hermann and was a philologist
through and through, author of editions of Isocrates and a
long treatise on hiatus.
The second root of LG P N is a long essay of 1851 by A. J.
Letronne, which announces by its title the other aspect of
the study of names, the historical: 'Sur l'utilite qu'on peut
retirer de l'etude des propres noms grecs pour l'histoire et
l'archeologie' .4 Letronne's essay was a first brilliant illustra-
' I exclude the extremely important 'digital history', already described
by Elaine lYiatthews in the introductions to volumes I, xvii-xix, V.A, vii-
viii, and by her and S. Rahtz, 'The Lexicon of Greek Personal Names and
Classical Web Services', in S. Dunn and S. Mahony, The Digital Classicist
2013 (Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies supplement 122), 107-24.
Nor do I seek to record the contributions of editors, researchers, collabora-
tors, and funders, fully acknowledged in the successive volumes; nor again
the history of 'project management' and administration. I am grateful to
Richard Catling, John Davies, and Simon Hornblower for comments on a
draft.
2 6
Dr. T,V.Pape's Hlorterbuch der griechischen Eigennamen, Dritte Auflage,
neu bearbeitet von Gustav Eduard Benseler (Braunschweig, 1863-70). I have
not seen Pape's own second edition of 1850, a rare book. For details on Pape
and Benseler see 0. lVIasson, 'Pape-Benseleriana VIII. Remarques sur le
Worterbuch de W. Pape et G. E. Benseler (1863-1870)', ZPE 42 (1981),
193-204.
3
Fortuna_tely commuted to six years in a labour camp (Arbeitshaus); in
the event he was released after two years.
+ lYiemoires de l' Institut de France (Academie des Inscriptions et Belles
Lettres) 19 (1851 ), 1-139 (reprinted in his Oeuvres choisies, III.2, Paris 1885).
NANIES: A BRIEF HISTORY
tion of what Louis Robert was to call 'l'histoire par les noms',
a phrase which he perhaps first used in a publication of
1962-3 5 but a method which he had applied from much ear-
lier in his career. It would be interesting to discover the extent
to which 'l'histoire par les noms' had been practised in the
long interval between Letronne and Robert. One application
was the study of theophoric names as evidence for the spread
of cults, as seen for instance in Ernst Sittig's monograph
De Graecorum nominibus theophoris (Halis Saxonum) of 1912.
This was certainly one of the routes which led Fraser to the
project of replacing Pape-Benseler: in his study of 1960 of
the growth of the cult of Sarapis, 6 theophoric names were
central to his argument that the explosion in the popularity
of that cult occurred in the Roman, not the Hellenistic period.
Twelve years after the appearance of that article, in January
1972, Peter Fraser circulated to some friends and colleagues,7
and to the Secretary of the British Academy, D. F. Allen, a
preliminary proposal for a Lexicon of Greek Personal Names;
the monumental Ptolemaic Alexandria, which had occupied
him for most of the 60s, was about to appear. He refers to the
dismissal of Pape-Benseler by 'an eminent authority' (Louis
Robert) as by now a 'ruine dangereuse'. 8 In a letter of 28
January 1972 Allen acknowledged Fraser's proposal (hence-
forth 'Proposal One') in encouraging terms. It envisaged
'hardly less than ten years' as necessary to complete the pro-
ject; Allen wrote that 'Your indication of the scale of the
work-10 years with a staff of two-is not daunting', but
added that in his experience projects almost always overran
and careful prediction was needed, since 'academies do not
like projects which have no end in view'. The Council of the
British Academy on 23 February 1972 appointed a sub-
committee to consider the issue (Fraser, chair; Allen; C. H.
Roberts; R. Meiggs; G. S. Kirk); it was apparently for this
sub-committee that Fraser prepared 'Proposal Two', which
went into more detail partly in response to correspondence
with Allen and others. Allen then wrote a paper for the meet-
ing of the two classical sections of the Academy on 20-1 April,
summarizing the two proposals and the sub-committee's
positive recommendation. A startling and mystifying feature of
this paper is the statement that 'a duration of five years at the
outside and preferably not more than 3 years is considered
It grew out of a review of Pape's first edition: 0. lVIasson, ZPE 42 (1981),
19411. 5.
5
'Eulaios, histoire et anthroponymie', Epist. Epeteris Philos. Schol. Panep.
Athen. 13 (1962-3), 529 (Opera Minora Selecta II, 987). Simon Hornblower
draws my attention to a passage in Robert's review of P. M. Fraser, Samothrace.
2: 1, The Inscriptions on Stone (New York, 1960), Gnomon 35 (1963), 50-79
(Opera JYiinora Selecta VI, 589-618), where the name Eulaios is also dis-
cussed at length: 'l'histoire se trouve aussi dans Jes inscriptions "banales" ...
Jes noms de personnes avaient leur histoire' (p. 77); he suggests that 'Robert's
thinking and formulation were clarified precisely by reviewing Fraser.'
'Two Studies on the Cult of Sarapis in the Hellenistic 'Norld', Opuscula
Atheniensia 3 (1960), 1-54; on Fraser's intellectual biography see the admi-
rable Memoir by S. Hornblower, Biographical JYiemoirs of Fellows of the
British Academy XII (London, 2013), 137-85, who notes, 155-6, that his
unpublished thesis already showed considerable interest in onomastics.
7
L. H. Jeffery, R. Meiggs, C. H. Roberts, lVI. Robertson, and possibly
others. The date of 1973 given for this initial phase in LGPN I, vii, is a slip.
8
This now famous dismissal occurs in BE 1950 p. 138; later it is said,
p. 140, that 'ce dictionnaire vielli fait absorber au lecteur plus de toxines que
de vitamines'.
XXXJI ThE LEXICON OF GREEK PERSONAL
a practicable objective'. The two sections having approved
the proposal, the council of the Academy endorsed it on
13 June and asked for a steering committee to be established;
this consisted initially of L. H. Jeffery, P. H. J. Lloyd- Jones,
E. Turner, and R. Meiggs. 9 Work apparently began in autumn
of that year. A short published article of 1976, 'A New Lexicon
of Greek Personal Names' 10 (henceforth 'New Lexicon')
by Fraser repeats the case he made for establishing such a
Lexicon and outlines the conception of its form and contents
that he and the committee then held.
Planning a huge enterprise in advance is daunting work,
and predictably ideas about important aspects developed
from year to year; this period of ferment lasted until about
1981, though there were some lesser changes of policy subse-
quently. It was never in doubt that the Lexicon, though more
limited in scope than its ancient predecessor Pape-Benseler, 11
was to be on a large scale: Allen noted in his letter of 28
January 1972 that the sample entry that Fraser sent him was
four times as long as that in Pape-Benseler; Allen even spoke
of 'ten volumes' (one wonders if he meant fascicules). Nor
was it in doubt that the Lexicon was to be based on fresh read-
ing and 'slipping' of a vast quantity of epigraphic, papyro-
logical, and literary evidence; 12 much of this huge labour was
performed over the first ten years of the project's life, though
entry of epigraphic material in particular (into the database,
no longer via slips) has never ceased. The degree to which
relationships were to be indicated (merely the parent-child
relationship built into the Greek naming system) was fixed at
the start and has not changed. Another area that did not prove
seriously problematic was that of chronological limits. Already
in Proposal One Fraser was doubtful whether to admit
Mycenaean names, and their inclusion seems never to have
been seriously advocated. As for the downward limit, Fraser
noted in Proposal Two that, because of the imprecise dating
of most material of the early Byzantine period, to say '"until
this or that event, or reign", would give a false impression of
precision'. He advocated instead a policy of exclusion, whereby
'the two main categories of Byzantine names, the -61rovAos-
group and the hypocoristic group in -iT(rjs-' would be left out
but 'two-stemmed names of the normal type' would remain;
he predicted that 'in the end we would probably find (except
perhaps for Christian names) that we had included little
material later than the 7th century'. A variant of this position
recurs in 'New Lexicon', and has governed Lexicon policy
ever since, though an earlier lower limit is applied for the spe-
cial cases of Magna Graecia, Sicily, and Byzantium. 13
The issues of comprehensiveness and scope proved much
harder. The wise decision was taken almost from the start
9
The papyrologist T. C. Skeat declined to be involved, objecting inter
alia to Fraser's belief that, in treating Egypt, Egyptian names could and
should be cleanly separated from Greek, and excluded. J. K. Davies was
very soon recruited as 'co-ordinator' and remained closely involved until at
least 1976.
19
In F. G. Emmison and R. Stephens (edd.), Tribute to an Antiquary.
Essays Presented to Jl.,Jarc Fitch by some of his Friends (London, 1976),
73-81. There is also a 'progress report' given to a conference in Paris in
October 1975 (and Plovdiv in October 1976) by J. K. Davies and pub-
lished in H.-G. Pflaum & N. Duval (edd.), L'onomastique latine (Paris, 1977),
467-70.
11
In contrast to Pape-Benseler, the Lexicon includes only personal names,
and mythological names only where they 'have some particular relevance to
the names of the region with which they are associated' (LGPN I, vii).
Names found in novels, Conon and Parthenius are included, but marked
NAMES: A BRIEF HISTORY
(Proposal Two) that the multiple attestations 1n literary
sources of a single individual, wastefully listed in Pape-
Benseler, could be replaced by reference to the entry in a
standard encyclopaedia: thus the poet Homer, who covered
three columns in Pape-Benseler, is dismissed in LGPN in a
single line as 'Homeros (1) Chios?; 8th/7th c?', and a refer-
ence to two articles in RE. The real problem lay with multi-
ple individuals bearing the same name. Fraser's belief stated
in 'New Lexicon' that 'it is hardly possible to conceive a
Greek onomasticon in which all instances of the commonest
names are itemised' was universally shared among those
involved with the project until then, and the question had
been how to abbreviate. Fraser had initially envisaged entries
of the form:
Apollonius; theophoric (Apollo); general.
Athens: JG, ii2, passim; SEG, indexes; Hesperia, indexes
Argolid: JG, iv, 1 and iv, 12, indexes
Thessaly: JG, ix, 2, indexes
But l\!Iomigliano suggested to him that for the commonest
names itemization should be replaced by a historical sum-
mary. Fraser saw the attraction of this suggestion: the reader
would be given a carefully considered account of the history
and geography of the name. He cites as a model for such
entries those found in 'l\!Iiss E. G. Withycombe's excellent
Oxford Dictionary of English Christian Names (2nd edn,
1950)'. He also saw the attendant difficulty: such entries
would require a skilled hand, not that of an amanuensis. All
the same, this is the approach adopted in Proposal Two 14 and
still in 'New Lexicon': there it is specified that names borne
by fewer than one hundred individuals are to be documented
in full, those beyond that by a summary of which Fraser gives
a specimen:
lloaEto- names are pan-Greek from 5 B.C. onwards, but not
common before H. They continue to a late date but are rarely
Christian. Posid- names are especially represented by:
1. lloaE{ow,, common at Olbia from H onwards, especially 2
A.D.; Jnscr. Olbia, 77 (iii B.C.), 189 (ii/i B.C.), and 51, 77, 86,
95, 102, 111, 183 (all ii A.D.); sporadically elsewhere.
There follow similar summaries for lloaE{oi1r1ros-,lloaEtowvws-,
and II6ats-.
In 1977, however, the crucial decision was taken to aban-
don summaries in favour of full treatment in all cases. This
decision fundamentally changed the character of the work: it
pushed it in the direction of a prosopography, forced deci-
sions about the identity or non-identity of individuals of the
'fictitious' (LGPN I, vii); the stock names of New Comedy are given once
only (LGPN II, xi).
12
But the ideal stated in a short notice published in JHS 102 (1982),
237-8 that existing indices were not relied on at all represents a hardening
over the earlier position, as the sample from Proposal Two reproduced below
reveals. The inclusion of some inedita has continued, despite 0. l\!lasson's
warning in a review of LGP1V I that such material is not subject to control
by users (G110111011 62 [1990], 98).
13
LGPN III.A, x; LGPN IV, ix
14
Proposal Tv,.10also envisages an intermediate category, ,vhereby names
especially common in a given city, predominantly Athens, would be sum-
marized by reference to a standard source, plus addenda, but for other cities
full e\'idence would be given. This idea seems to disappear subsequently.
Fraser mentions his original idea and Momigliano's suggestion in a letter to
Allen of 10 February 1972.
 ThE LEXICON OF GREEK PERSONAL
same name, 15 as well of course as drastically affecting the
prospects of early completion. The published justification is
very brief: 'the editors of the Lexicon would not be in a posi-
tion to determine which aspect of a name any one user would
require' . 16 Frustratingly, no record of discussion on the issue
appears in surviving minutes from the time; 17 we are left
to guess the more detailed arguments that must have been
deployed. An incidental benefit is that statuses and profes-
sions of individual name-bearers could be indicated-on a of native names'. The assimilation
small scale initially, much more fully from volume III.A
onwards. A search of the relevant entry in the online database
will now direct one to over four hundred doctors, for instance,
spread over the published volumes. 18
The issue of scope has never ceased to pose difficulties.
What is a Greek name? The position in Proposal One was
that 'all personal names should be included which have been
assimilated to Greek forms and inflections. This would include
e.g. IVIacedonian, Thracian and Illyrian names'. 'Foreign unas-
similated names', i.e. 'the various Anatolian groups, Egyptian
names (if included at all), Roman cognomina in Greek form,
and "Mycenaean proper names" (if included at all)' 'should
probably be consigned to separate appendixes'. Proposal Two
allows that these appendixes could be abandoned if threaten-
ing to expand the work excessively. 'New Lexicon' states that
'in addition [to true Greek names], it embraces all names
which, though not Greek in origin, are assimilated to Greek in
form and inflection; e.g. Macedonian, Thracian and Illyrian
names. It will also include Egyptian and Persian names
occurring in Greek. Similarly, native names which occur in
the Greek inscriptions of hellenised regions of the Near East
and Asia Minor are also included.' (It goes on to raise the
possibility of abbreviation for that class.) There has been
some loss of clarity here. The criterion of assimilation to
Greek in form and inflection is raised, but then apparently for
the 'hellenised regions of the Near East and Asia Minor'
abandoned.
Fraser goes on to treat the special case of Latin names,
where obviously the criterion of assimilation cannot be applied,
since 'it is neither necessary nor practicable to include instances
of all Roman citizens with the tria nomina mentioned in
Greek literature (e.g. Map,rnc; TovA,\ioc;KiKEpwv)'. But Latin
single names such as MapKoc;adopted by Greeks and 'grecised
cognomina of the -ianus formation (e.g. AlAwv6,)' were
included from the start; and in fact many bearers of the
15
On this issue see LGPN I, ix; LGPN II, xi. K. J. Dover, JY!arginal
Comment (London, 1994), 169, speaks of the 'philistinism which induced'
the philosopher A. J. Ayer, at a meeting of the British Academy Major
Projects Review Committee in 1978, 'to question the value of the Lexicon
of Greek Personal Names (he managed to create a joky philosophical
pseudo-problem out of the difference between an onomasticon and a pros-
opography)'.
16
LGPN I, vii.
17
Those for meetings in February and June of 1977 say nothing relevant.
There were three meetings a year and no minutes survive for November; but
meetings were sometimes cancelled.
18
One can also no,v summon up all the names attested in a particular city,
a desideratum already noted by lVI. Price in a review of LGPN I, NC 1988,
225, and acquire regional statistics, as requested by C. J. Tuplin in reviews
of LGPN I and III.A (CR 39 [1989], 301; CR 49 [1999], 593); note too
the longer statistical sections in LGPN V.A, xvi-xviii, and LGPN V. B,
xxxv-xxxviii.
19
The original principle stated in 'New Lexicon' is maintained in LGPN
I, xiii and LGPN IV, x; but for the admission of persons who are demonstra-
NAMES: A BRIEF HISTORY xxxiii
tria nomina were eventually let in, for good reasons. 19 In
the preface to volume I, Fraser allows that the inclusion of
non-Greek names may appear illogical, but goes on 'it seemed
clear that a Lexicon that did not include the substantial num-
ber of Iranian names in Greek, as well as other less easily
definable foreign names, would be open to justified criticism.
If KpoZao, has a place, there can be no case for excluding
3rip(I),, 2KEp8u\at8ac; or 'PolfJ,,Y7TaA1wc;; all Grecized forms
criterion has here re-
appeared. In favour of 21<Ep8i>.at8a,or 'Poiµ,Y/TaA,w, it can be
said that they lived in regions quite close to Greeks or people
bearing Greek names; they shared an onomastic environment
with Greeks. 20 But it is not clear why KpoZao, (now present in
LGPN VA) and 3rlpgY/, have a stronger claim than Map,rnc;
TovAAwc; Kudpwv. In practice, within the collective under-
standing of the LGPN team, the importance of morpho-
logical assimilation to Greek seems to have faded away, in
favour of something like 'names written in Greek of per-
sons permanently resident 21 in places where Greek was the
dominant written language'. 22 Volumes IV and V are full
of unassimilated non-Greek names. 23 The older principle,
supported by Fraser, of attempting to accent non-Greek
names was followed until volume V.B, where the editors
yielded to the weight of philological opinion in favour of
non -accentuation. 24
The question of Greek names attested in languages other
than Greek was first addressed in the preface to volume I. 25
A policy was there announced of exclusion, except for Greek
names written in Latin and in the Cypriot syllabic script. In
volumes I-V the issue was scarcely relevant except in relation
to Latin; in VB a few Greek names detectable in Lycian and
Carian were in fact included. 26 As for Latin, it was obvious
that Greek names written in Latin in bilingual environments
should not be excluded by the chance of the language in
which they happened to be recorded. 27 But Greek names
lived on and mutated in environments in Italy that were no
longer predominantly Greek-speaking or Greek in culture.
In such contexts they are evidence for the incorporation of
Greek names into the Latin name stock, parallel to that of the
incorporation of Latin names into Greek, rather than for
Greek naming. They were accordingly ruled out by the draw-
ing of geographical limits corresponding roughly to those of
Roman cultural dominance. 28 A rather arcane parallel prob-
lem was that of Thracian names occurring beyond the 'Jiricek
bly Greek by origin but have been given Latin cog110111i11a see LGPN II, ix-x;
LGPNV.A, x; LGPNV.B, ix.
20
Note the observation in LGPJV IV, ix that Thracian names 'occur in con-
texts where they are by no means certain to be borne by indigenous people'.
21 LGPN V.A, xvi excludes temporary Persian (and of course Roman)
inhabitants.
22
Fraser himself, in a briefing paper for the committee dated August
1989, says that 'It was clearly stated in the Preface to vol. I that the Lexicon
would contain names written in Greek (his underlining) (and occasionally in
Latin or some other language)'.
23 In LGPNV.A, xvi it is noted that variant forms of indigenous La/lnamen
have to be separately listed because the true form is unknown.
" See LGPN VB xxviii, with references there given.
25
LGPN I, vii.
26
LGPN VB, xxviii. The present volume collects a small number from
Phrygian and Pisidian.
27
In volume VA, indigenous names appearing in Latin are included, but
only where the Greek form is independently attested: LGPN VA, xv.
28
LGPN III.A, x.
XXX!V TI-rnLEXICON OF GREEK PERSONAL
line', i.e. within the almost exclusively Latin-speaking regions
of the Balkans. 29 Although Thracian names attested in Latin
on the Greek-speaking side of the line were included, those
on the Latin side were (probably with some relief) left out.
The question of how to arrange material remained prob-
lematic for several years. The choice was between the method
used by Pape-Benseler, a simple alphabetic listing of names,
regionally sub-divided within each name, and the arrangement
eventually adopted whereby the Greek world was divided
into a number of broad regions or groups of regions, each of
which has its own alphabetic listing (within which each entry
is then further divided into sub-regions, usually poleis, and
in some cases sub-units within poleis 30 ). Fraser in Proposal
Two argued for simple alphabetic listing, on the grounds that
with the other system the user interested in a particular name
would need to consult multiple volumes; 31 simple alphabetic
listing was still the system envisaged in 'New Lexicon'. In a
'Note to members of the Lexicon staff and collaborators'
of 1 l\!Iarch 1979, Fraser reported that an agreement had been
reached with OUP to publish the work in two parts (which he
also speaks of as volumes), the first to cover 'Greece itself, the
Balkans, S. Russia, the Aegean islands, the coastal regions of
Asia Minor, Magna Graecia, the West, Sicily and Cyrenaica',
the second 'Egypt, Syria, Mesopotamia, Palestine and beyond'.
This broad bipartite division has remained central to Lexicon
planning ever since; it is the division between phase one and
phase two mentioned in my first sentence. 32
Though the separation of two phases meant a withdrawal
from the ideal of a unified treatment of each name, the aspi-
ration to keep together in a single volume the various regions
treated in what have now become Volumes I-V survived for
longer. But in 1981, unhappy that areas already ready for
publication should be held back until the completion of others,
Fraser sought a compromise whereby regional fascicles were
issued when ready (possibly just as microfiches); the contents
would be merged, when all were done, in a single volume.
When this proposal foundered on technical and commercial
grounds, 33 Fraser urged the committee to accept a compro-
mise proposed by OUP: that 'the regions might be published
individually as separate non-repeatable but numbered vol-
umes', to be followed by a final volume containing addenda
and corrigenda, an index listing the number of occurrences
of each name in each region, and an index of terminations.
The committee accepted the compromise (Minutes, 20 October
29
The principle that Greek names recorded in Greek, but not in Latin,
beyond the Jiricek line should be included was argued by Fraser in a memo-
randum for the committee meeting of 3 November 2001, and accepted by
the committee.
30
\/\Then exactly this extremely fine tuning emerged is unclear. Fraser in
Proposal Two thought demotics, though desirable, might confuse the reader
and 'border on the prosopographical': he was clearly not envisaging the deme
by deme listing eventually adopted in relevant poleis.
31
He also thought that the swallowing up of a regional onomasticon
within a single fascicule might create copyright issues that would be avoided
if the material were dispersed over several instalments.
32
Inland Anatolia was originally conceived of as falling within part two,
but a memorandum by Fraser to the meeting of 2 November 2001 recom-
mended a division of volume V into two parts, the coast and inland, and this
policy has been followed, though the coast has been sub-divided between
V.A and V.B.
33
Commercial: the press would be publishing the same material twice
in different formats. Technical: fascicules are all of the same size, whereas
numbers of names per region vary. As for microfiche, Fraser saw all the
objections to the form, for a work of constant consultation.
NAMES: A BRIEF HISTORY
1981); particular problems continued and continue to arise
about the division of material between volumes, but that
decision gave the Lexicon the general structure which is now
familiar. 34 It also settled an issue that had rumbled on from
the start about the physical form of the publication. There
had been occasional talk from the start of fascicules; 'New
Lexicon' had spoken, horrendous thought, of microfiche, and
had mentioned no other possibility; the decision of 1981
(reinforcing the agreement reported on 1 March 1979) led
to the emergence of the stately volumes that are one of the
glories of the Oxford University Press.
The need for regional division at some level was always
obvious. But there was initially uncertainty whether the region
should be that where an individual was attested, or rather his
or her place of origin where known. Fraser raises this prob-
lem in Proposal Two: place of origin has the obvious advan-
tage that it allows the 'ethnic incidence' of a given name to be
easily assessed-'a prime use of the Lexicon on any reckoning'.
But the sheer mass of individuals of no ascertainable origin
would probably render this system unworkable. Despite that
reservation, the working principle seems always to have been
classification by place of origin. That left the problem of
'Others', persons not assignable to a particular place. In 1980
they already totalled 10,000. On 4 June 1983 the committee
decided, on Fraser's recommendation, no longer to reserve
them for a final volume, 35 but to 'incorporate them in the
Lexicon in the immediate context of the locality in which they
occurred in inscriptions, e.g. at Delos': their presence was
historically interesting, and holding over a huge number of
names to a final volume was undesirable. Provisional print-
outs from around this time duly show an undifferentiated
category of 'Others' at the end of the place-by-place listing
of a given name. But Fraser quickly realized that there were
many figures known from literature who could not be said to
be 'attested at' a given place; also that many birds of passage
were attested at a given place (e.g. a general making a dedica-
tion) who could not be said to be a part of that place's social
history. There would then, after all, have to be a separate,
though shorter, listing of 'others'. 36 He went on to develop
the more refined typology of 'Others' explained in the pre-
face to volume I. 37
No arrangement of a work of reference can satisfy every
possible requirement. The 'others: attested at' rubric gave
back to places such as Athens and Delos a large part of their
3
+ R. R. Schmitt, reviewing LGPN I in Beitriige Zlll' Namenforschung 23
(1988), 278 observed that this organization served 'epigraphists' (and surely
historians!) better than linguists, who would have preferred a chronologi-
cal arrangement; he has repeated the objection in reviews of subsequent
volumes: Beitriige zur Namenforschung 29/30 (1994-5), 458; ibid. 33 (1998),
416; ibid. 37 (2002), 86; ibid. 51 (2016), 239 (though occasionally, as in the
last review, conceding advantages of the other arrangement). Fraser had
always believed that 'the localisation of names, i.e. their identification as
characteristic of this or that region or city', was 'perhaps the most impor-
tant single use to which the Lexicon will be put' ('A New Lexicon', 76:
cf. the citation of Proposal Two in the text above on the 'ethnic incidence'
of names). The discovery by A. M. Davies, 'Apres Michel Lejeune:
l'anthroponymie et l'histoire de la langue grecque', CRAI 2001, 157-73 of
'onomastic dialects' showed a way in which linguists too could exploit the
regional arrangement.
35
The minute speaks of this holding over having been 'originally decided'.
Since, as we have seen, the volume structure only emerged in 1981, 'origi-
nally' is used loosely here.
36
Editorial report to committee, 8 October 1983.
37
LGPN I, viii.
 ThE LEXICON OF GREEK PERSONAL NAMES: A BRIEF HISTORY XXXV

heterogeneous populations. But by no means all: for the prin- which were eventually set out in the preface to volume I. 40
ciple of listing by place of origin means that foreign residents Reverse indexes in fact appear in all volumes except I, 41 and
of known (ultimate) origin are repatriated in the Lexicon to the website now provides statistics for individual names as
that place however limited their ties (which may in fact not be well as the missing reverse index. As for etymologies, roots,
their own, but their father's) with that place may be. Thus and onomastic bibliographies, after a long period of stagna-
the orator Lysias is registered in LGPN as a Syracusan, citi- tion a new project has been launched in collaboration with
zen of a place he may never have visited. Sensible of this LGPN by Sophie Minon of Paris designed to provide a digi-
point, the editors of volume II of the Lexicon, M. J.Osborne tal, and eventually a printed, 'new Bechtel' .42 That resource
and S. G. Byrne, published a separate supplementary volume, will also help with the ever difficult problem of variant forms of
The Foreign Residents of Athens. 38 J. Treheux, Les Etrangers the same name: the principle has always been that 'all true dia-
(Inscriptions de Delos, Index I, Paris, 1992), performs the same lect-forms are entered separately from the Attic or koine forms',
function for Delos. but reviewers have stressed the traps thus laid for the unwary, 43
A consequence of 'regionalization' was that certain features and since volume 111.B some cross-referencing has occurred.
of the original plan were recurrently postponed. Proposal One 'Others' remain regrettably for the moment in limbo.
listed among its minimum essentials that 'each name should The aspiration to move on to a phase two which would
be classified morphologically(' "composite name", "theophoric cover 'Egypt, Syria, Mesopotamia, Palestine and beyond' has
name", etc.') and 'its derivation should be given'. Proposal never been abandoned; in 1989 Fraser responded to an enquiry
Two suggested that composite names should be grouped as from the British Academy with a paper discussing the various
in Bechtel's classic study 39 under their first element, with e.g. difficulties involved and possible solutions. Work has now
a heading )fooAAo- introducing )foo,,\,,\6ooros-,'A1ToAA6owpos-,begun, in collaboration with Jean-Baptiste Yon of Lyon, on a
'A1ToAAo<pav71s-,and so on; second elements could be studied volume designed to cover 'Syria, Mesopotamia, Palestine and
via a reverse index in a supplement. Fraser therefore had beyond' .44 Some new principles will be adopted to recognize
morphological analysis in view. 'New Lexicon' promises the concurrence of documents in languages other than Greek
'etymologies and roots, in the manner of Bechtel'. In 1974 and Latin. The issue of whether and, if so, how to treat the
Olivier Masson 'expressed interest in undertaking the etymo- dauntingly large volume of material from Egypt is still under
logical commentary on names for the Lexicon' (Minutes, discussion. We are also investigating ways of bringing the
5 November 1974); the committee reciprocated his interest, earlier volumes up to date in the searchable database which is
but nothing resulted, for reasons not revealed. The agree- now such a valuable tool. 45 One may smile in retrospect at
ment with OUP mentioned above consigns an index listing Peter Fraser's initial estimate of the time required for the
the number of occurrences of each name in each region, and project as 'hardly less than ten years'. But the colonization
an index of terminations, to a final volume. In the Minutes of of the footnotes of learned journals by citations of LGPN,
20 October 1981 the question of onomastic bibliographies the ever-growing sensitivity of social historians and literary
arises, as if their inclusion were a thing previously agreed; it scholars to onomastics, and the flourishing of LGPN-generated
is decided that they should appear at the end of the volume in research vindicate, we trust, the devoted labours of the editors
which the name in question first appears. 'Others' were also and researchers over this much longer span of time.
reserved for a final volume, the full proposed contents of Robert Parker

38 42
Subtitled An Annex to the Lexicon of Greek Personal Names: Attica See http://www.LGPN.ox.ac.uk/names/LGPN-Ling.html.
(Leuven, 1996). Their dissatisfaction with the regular LGPN criterion of 43
J. L. Perpillou, Revue de philologie 62 (1988), 327; 0. Masson, Gnomon
inclusion is expressed in LGPN II, ix. 62 (1990), 99-100; R.R. Schmitt, Beitriige zur Nanzenforschung 29/30 (1994-
39
F. Bechtel, Die historischen Personennamen des Griechischen bis zur 5), 458; ibid. 33 (1998), 417-18; ibid. 45 (2010), 474-5. The principle:
Kaiserzeit (Halle, 1917). LGPN I, xii.
40
LGPNJ, ix. 4+ !VIuch valuable preliminary slipping was in fact done much earlier in
41
Complete, as requested by C. J. Ruijgh in his review of LGPN I, the project by Professors M. Sartre and B. Isaac.
45
JV!nemosyne 68 (1990), 186, not confined to compound names as originally http://clas-LGPN2.classics.ox.ac. uk/.
proposed.'
 ABBREVIATIONS OF SOURCES USED

Abbreviations of Greek and Latin authors used are not included in this list, except that editions of fragments (FGrH, FVS etc.)
have been retained. The conventions followed are those of Liddell and Scott, A Greek-English Lexicon (9th edn., and Supplements)
and of the Diccionario griego-espaftol (Madrid, 1980-).

AA Archaologischer Anzeiger. Beiblatt zum Jahrbuch des ( Kaiserlichen) Deutschen Archaologischen

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AD :Apxawi\oyu<ovLIEi\r{ov,I- (Athens, 1915-1935; 1960- ); from 1960 published in two parts, MEilErni
and XpoviKa
Adalya Adalya, I- (Suna & inan Kira<; Akdeniz Medeniyetleri Ara;,tirma Enstiti.isi.i [Antalya, 1996-])
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earlier vols. see EA)
AEMO Archaologisch-epigraphische Mittheilungen aus Osterreich ( - Ung am), 1-20 (Vienna, I 877-1897)
AEp L'Annee epigraphique (Paris, 1888- ); 1888-1961 published separately and in Revue Archeologique;
1962- separately
Ag. The Athenian Agora. Results of Excavations conducted by the American School of Classical Studies
at Athens, I- (Princeton, 1953- )
AJA American Journal of Archaeology, I-I I (Boston, 1885-96); 2nd ser. 1- (1897-)
AJPh American Journal of Philology, I- (Baltimore, 1879-)
Alkan-Kurt, Haczbaba Dagz M. Alkan and M. Kurt, Haczbaba Dagz. lsauria Bolgesi'nde bir Epigrafi ve Eskir,ag Tarihi
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 CHAPTER XXVII
THE LITTLE STREET SINGER

I T was Christmas Eve, and very nearly dark, when Mrs. Lanier,
driving up St. Charles Avenue in her comfortable carriage quite
filled with costly presents for her children, noticed a forlorn little
figure, standing alone at a street corner. There was something about
the sorrowful looking little figure that moved her strangely, for she
turned and watched it as long as she could discern the child’s face in
the gathering twilight.
It was a little girl, thinly clad in a soiled and torn white frock; her
black stockings were full of holes, and her shoes so worn that the
tiny white toes were visible through the rents. She hugged a thin,
faded shawl around her shoulders, and her yellow hair fell in matted,
tangled strands below her waist; her small face was pale and
pinched, and had a woe-begone look that would melt the hardest
heart. Although she was soiled and ragged, she did not look like a
common child, and it was that indefinable something in her
appearance that attracted Mrs. Lanier’s attention, for she thought as
the carriage whirled by and left the child far behind, “Poor little thing!
she didn’t look like a street beggar. I wish I had stopped and spoken
to her!”
It was Lady Jane, and her descent in the scale of misery had been
rapid indeed.
Since that night, some four months before, when Madame Jozain
had awakened her rudely and told her she must come away, she had
lived in a sort of wretched stupor. It was true she had resisted at first,
and had cried desperately for Pepsie, for Mam’selle Diane, for Gex—
but all in vain; Madame had scolded and threatened and frightened
her into submission.
That terrible midnight ride in the wagon, with the piled-up furniture,
the two black drivers, who seemed to the child’s distorted
imagination two frightful demons, madame angry, and at times
violent if she complained or cried, and the frightful threats and cruel
hints of a more dreadful fate, had so crushed and appalled the child
that she scarcely dared open her pale little lips either to protest or
plead.
Then the pitiful change in her life, from loving care and pleasant
companionship to utter squalid misery and neglect. She had been,
suddenly taken from comparative comfort and plunged into the most
cruel poverty. Good Children Street had been a paradise compared
to the narrow, dirty lane, on the outskirts of the city, where madame
had hidden herself; for the wretched woman, in her fear and
humiliation, seemed to have lost every vestige of ambition, and to
have sunk without the least effort to save herself, to a level with
those around her.
Madame had taken a terrible cold in her hurried flight, and it had
settled in her lame hip; therefore she was obliged to lie in her bed
most of the time, and the little money she had was soon spent.
Hunger was staring her in the face, and the cold autumn winds
chilled her to the marrow. She had been poor and in many bitter
straits, but never before like this. Now she dared not let any one
know of her whereabouts, and for that reason the few friends that
she still had could not help her. She was ill and suffering, and alone
in her misery. Her son had robbed and deserted her, and left her to
her punishment, and, for all she knew, she must die of starvation.
Through the aid of the negro Pete, she had parted with nearly
everything of value that she had, and, to crown her cruelty and Lady
Jane’s misery, one day when the child was absent on a begging
expedition she sold the blue heron to an Italian for two dollars.
The bird was the only comfort the unhappy little creature had, the
only link between the past and the miserable present, and when she
returned to her squalid home and found her only treasure gone, her
grief was so wild and uncontrollable that madame feared for her life.
Therefore, in order to quiet the child, she said the bird had broken
his string and strayed away.
 After this, the child spent her days wandering about searching for
Tony.
When madame first sent her out into the street to sing and beg,
she went without a protest, so perfect was her habit of obedience,
and so great her anxiety to please and conciliate her cruel tyrant.
For, since the night when madame fled from Good Children Street,
she had thrown off all her pretenses of affection for the hapless little
one, whom she considered the cause of all her misfortunes.
“She has made trouble enough for me,” she would say bitterly, in
her hours of silent communion with her own conscience. “If it hadn’t
been for her mother coming to me, Raste wouldn’t have had that
watch and wouldn’t have got locked up for thirty days. After that
disgrace, he couldn’t stay here, and that was the cause of his taking
my money and running off. Yes, all my trouble has come through her
in one way or another, and now she must sing and beg, or she’ll
have to starve.”
Before madame sent her out, she gave Lady Jane instructions in
the most imperative manner. “She must never on any account speak
of Good Children Street, of Madelon or Pepsie, of the d’Hautreves,
of Gex, or the Paichoux, or of any one she had ever known there.
She must not talk with people, and, above all, she must never tell her
name, nor where she lived. She must only sing and hold out her
hand. Sometimes she might cry if she wanted to, but she must never
laugh.”
These instructions the child followed to the letter, with the
exception of one. She never cried, for although her little heart was
breaking she was too proud to shed tears.
It was astonishing how many nickels she picked up. Sometimes
she would come home with her little pocket quite heavy, for her
wonderful voice, so sweet and so pathetic, as well as her sad face
and wistful eyes, touched many a heart, even among the coarsest
and rudest, and madame might have reaped quite a harvest if she
had not been so avaricious as to sell Tony for two dollars. When she
did that she killed her goose that laid golden eggs, for after the loss
of her pet the child could not sing; her little heart was too heavy, and
the unshed tears choked her and drowned her voice in quivering
sobs.
The moment she was out of Tante Pauline’s sight, instead of
gathering nickels, she was wandering around aimlessly, searching
and asking for the blue heron, and at night, when she returned with
an empty pocket, she shivered and cowered into a corner for fear of
madame’s anger.
One morning it was very cold; she had had no breakfast, and she
felt tired and ill, and when madame told her to go out and not to
come back without some money, she fell to crying piteously, and for
the first time begged and implored to stay where she was, declaring
that she could not sing any more, and that she was afraid, because
some rude children had thrown mud at her the day before, and told
her not to come into the street again.
This first revolt seemed to infuriate madame, for reaching out to
where the child stood trembling and sobbing she clutched her and
shook her violently, and then slapping her tear-stained little face until
it tingled, she bade her go out instantly, and not to return unless she
brought some money with her.
This was the first time that Lady Jane had suffered the ignominy of
a blow, and it seemed to arouse her pride and indignation, for she
stopped sobbing instantly, and, wiping the tears resolutely from her
face, shot one glance of mingled scorn and surprise at her tyrant,
and walked out of the room with the dignity of a little princess.
When once outside, she held her hands for a moment to her
burning face, while she tried to still the tumult of anger and sorrow
that was raging in her little heart; then she gathered herself together
with a courage beyond her years, and hurried away without once
looking back at the scene of her torture.
When she was far enough from the wretched neighborhood to feel
safe from observation, she turned in a direction quite different from
any she had taken before. The wind was intensely cold, but the sun
shone brightly, and she hugged her little shawl around her, and ran
on and on swiftly and hopefully.
 “If I hurry and walk and walk just as fast as I can, I’m sure to come
to Good Children Street, and then I’ll ask Pepsie or Mam’selle Diane
to keep me, for I’ll never, never, go back to Tante Pauline again.”
By and by, when she was quite tired with running and walking, she
came to a beautiful, broad avenue that she had never seen before.
There were large, fine houses, and gardens blooming brightly even
in the chilly December wind, and lovely children; dressed in warm
velvet and furs, walking with their nurses on the wide, clean
sidewalks; and every moment carriages drawn by glossy, prancing
horses whirled by, and people laughed and talked merrily, and
looked so happy and contented. She had never seen anything like it
before. It was all delightful, like a pleasant dream, and even better
than Good Children Street. She thought of Pepsie, and wished that
she could see it, and then she imagined how enchanted her friend
would be to ride in one of those fine carriages, with the sun shining
on her, and the fresh wind blowing in her face. The wind reminded
her that she was cold. It pierced through her thin frock and scanty
skirts, and the holes in her shoes and stockings made her ashamed.
After a while she found a sunny corner on the steps of a church,
where she crouched and tried to cover her dilapidated shoes with
her short skirts.
Presently a merry group of children passed, and she heard them
talking of Christmas. “To-morrow is Christmas; this is Christmas Eve,
and we are going to have a Christmas-tree.” Her heart gave a great
throb of joy. By to-morrow she was sure to find Pepsie, and Pepsie
had promised her a Christmas-tree long ago, and she wouldn’t
forget; she was sure to have it ready for her. Oh, if she only dared
ask some of these kind-looking people to show her the way to Good
Children Street! But she remembered what Tante Pauline had told
her, and fear kept her silent. However, she was sure, now that she
had got away from that dreadful place, that some one would find her.
Mr. Gex had found her before when she was lost, and he might find
her now, because she didn’t have a domino on, and he would know
her right away; and then she would get Mr. Gex to hunt for Tony, and
perhaps she would have Tony for Christmas. In this way she
comforted herself until she was quite happy.
 After a while a kind-looking woman came along with a market-
basket on her arm. She was eating something, and Lady Jane, being
very hungry looked at her so wistfully that the woman stopped and
asked her if she would like a piece of bread. She replied eagerly that
she would. The good woman gave her a roll and a large, rosy apple,
and she went back to her corner and munched them contentedly.
Then a fine milk-cart rattled up to a neighboring door, and her heart
almost leaped to her throat; but it was not Tante Modeste. Still, Tante
Modeste might come any moment. She sold milk way up town to rich
people. Yes, she was sure to come; so she sat in her corner and ate
her apple, and waited with unwavering confidence.
And in this way the day passed pleasantly and comfortably to Lady
Jane. She was not very cold in her sheltered corner, and the good
woman’s kindness had satisfied her hunger; but at last she began to
think that it must be nearly night, for she saw the sun slipping down
into the cold, gray clouds behind the opposite houses, and she
wondered what she should do and where she should go when it was
quite dark. Neither Tante Modeste nor Mr. Gex had come, and now it
was too late and she would have to wait until to-morrow. Then she
began to reproach herself for sitting still. “I should have gone on and
on, and by this time I would have been in Good Children Street,” said
she.
She never thought of returning to her old haunts or to Tante
Pauline, and if she had tried she could not have found her way back.
She had wandered too far from her old landmarks, so the only thing
to do was to press on in her search for Good Children Street. It was
while she was standing at a corner, uncertain which way to turn, that
Mrs. Lanier caught a glimpse of her. And what good fortune it would
have been to Lady Jane if that noble-hearted woman had obeyed the
kindly impulse that urged her to stop and speak to the friendless little
waif! But destiny intended it to be otherwise, so she went on her way
to her luxurious home and happy children, while the desolate orphan
wandered about in the cold and darkness, looking in vain for the
humble friends who even at that moment were thinking of her and
longing for her.
 Poor little soul! she had never been out in the dark night alone
before, and every sound and movement startled her. Once a dog
sprang out and barked at her, and she ran trembling into a doorway,
only to be ordered away by an unkind servant. Sometimes she
stopped and looked into the windows of the beautiful houses as she
passed. There were bright fires, pictures, and flowers, and she heard
the merry voices of children laughing and playing; and the soft notes
of a piano, with some one singing, reminded her of Mam’selle Diane.
Then a choking sob would rise in her throat, and she would cover
her face and cry a little silently.
Presently she found herself before a large, handsome house; the
blinds were open and the parlor was brilliantly lighted. A lady—it was
Mrs. Lanier—sat at the piano playing a waltz, and two little girls in
white frocks and red sashes were dancing together. Lady Jane
pressed near the railing and devoured the scene with wide, sparkling
eyes. They were the same steps that Gex had taught her, and it was
the very waltz that he sometimes whistled. Before she knew it, quite
carried away by the music, and forgetful of everything, she dropped
her shawl, and holding out her soiled ragged skirt, was tripping and
whirling as merrily as the little ones within, while opposite to her, her
shadow, thrown by a street lamp over her head, tripped and bobbed
and whirled, not unlike Mr. Gex, the ancient “professeur of the
dance.” And a right merry time she had out there in the biting
December night, pirouetting with her own shadow.
Suddenly the music stopped, a nurse came and took the little girls
away, and some one drew down the blinds and shut her out alone in
the cold; there was nothing then for her to do but to move on, and
picking up her shawl, she crept away a little wearily, for dancing,
although it had lightened her heart, had wasted her strength, and it
seemed to her that the wind was rising and the cold becoming more
intense, for she shivered from time to time, and her bare little toes
and fingers smarted badly. Once or twice, from sheer exhaustion,
she dropped down on a doorstep, but when she saw any one
approaching she sprang up and hurried along, trying to be brave and
patient. Yes, she must come to Good Children Street very soon, and
she never turned a corner that she did not expect to see Madelon’s
little house, wedged in between the two tall ones, and the light
gleaming from Pepsie’s small window.
 CHAPTER XXVIII
LADY JANE FINDS SHELTER

A T last, when she began to feel very tired and sleepy, she came
to a place where two streets seemed to run together in a long
point, and before her she saw a large building, with lights in all the
windows, and behind it a tall church spire seemed nearly to touch
the stars that hung above it so soft and bright. Her tearful eyes
singled out two of them very near together that looked as though
they were watching her, and she held out her arms, and murmured,
“Papa, mama, can’t I come to you? I’m so cold and sleepy.” Poor
little soul! the stars made no answer to her piteous appeal, but
continued to twinkle as serenely as they have done since time
began, and will do until it ends. Then she looked again toward the
brilliantly lighted windows under the shadow of the church spire. She
could not get very near, for in front of the house was an iron railing,
but she noticed a marble slab let into the wall over the porch, on
which was an inscription, and above it a row of letters were visible in
the light from the street lamps. Lady Jane spelled them out.
“‘Orphans’ Home.’ Or-phans! I wonder what orphans are? Oh, how
warm and light it is in there!” Then she put her little cold toes
between the iron railings on the stone coping, and clinging with her
two hands lifted herself a little higher, and there she saw an
enchanting sight. In the center of the room was a tree, a real tree,
growing nearly to the ceiling, with moss and flowers on the ground
around it, and never did the spreading branches of any other tree
bear such glorious fruit. There was a great deal of light and color;
and moving, swaying balls of silver and gold danced and whirled
before her dazzled eyes. At first she could hardly distinguish the
different objects in the confusion of form and color; but at last she
saw that there was everything the most exacting child could desire—
birds, rabbits, dogs, kittens, dolls; globes of gold, silver, scarlet, and
blue; tops, pictures, games, bonbons, sugared fruits, apples,
oranges, and little frosted cakes, in such bewildering profusion that
they were like the patterns in a kaleidoscope. And there was a merry
group of girls, laughing and talking, while they hung, and pinned, and
fastened, more and more, until it seemed as if the branches would
break under their load.
And Lady Jane, clinging to the railing, with stiff, cold hands and
aching feet, pressed her little, white face close to the iron bars, and
looked and looked.
Suddenly the door was opened, and a woman came out, who,
when she saw the child clinging to the railing, bareheaded and
scantily clothed in spite of the piercing cold, went to her and spoke
kindly and gently.
Her voice brought Lady Jane back from Paradise to the bitter
reality of her position and the dreary December night. For a moment
she could hardly move, and she was so chilled and cramped that
when she unclasped her hold she almost fell into the motherly arms
extended toward her.
“My child, my poor child, what are you doing here so late, in the
cold, and with these thin clothes? Why don’t you go home?”
Then the poor little soul, overcome with a horrible fear, began to
shiver and cry. “Oh, don’t! Oh, please don’t send me back to Tante
Pauline! I’m afraid of her; she shook me and struck me this morning,
and I’ve run away from her.”
LADY JANE, CLINGING TO THE RAILING, LOOKED AND LOOKED
 “Where does your Tante Pauline live?” asked the woman, studying
the tremulous little face with a pair of keen, thoughtful eyes.
“I don’t know; away over there somewhere.”
“Don’t you know the name of the street?”
“It isn’t a street; it’s a little place all mud and water, with boards to
walk on.”
“Can’t you tell me your aunt’s name?”
“Yes, it’s Tante Pauline.”
“But her other name?”
“I don’t know, I only know Tante Pauline. Oh please, please don’t
send me there! I’m afraid to go back, because she said I must sing
and beg money, and I couldn’t sing, and I didn’t like to ask people for
nickels,” and the child’s voice broke into a little wail of entreaty that
touched the kind heart of that noble, tender, loving woman, the
Margaret whom some to-day call Saint Margaret. She had heard just
such pitiful stories before from hundreds of hapless little orphans,
who never appealed to her in vain.
“Where are your father and mother?” she asked, as she led the
child to the shelter of the porch.
Lady Jane made the same pathetic answer as usual:
“Papa went to heaven, and Tante Pauline says that mama’s gone
away, and I think she’s gone where papa is.”
Margaret’s eyes filled with tears, while the child shivered and clung
closer to her. “Would you like to stay here to-night, my dear?” she
asked, as she opened the door. “This is the home of a great many
little homeless girls, and the good Sisters love and care for them all.”
Lady Jane’s anxious face brightened instantly. “Oh, can I—can I
stay here where the Christmas-tree is?”
“Yes, my child, and to-morrow there will be something on it for
you.”
 And Margaret opened the door and led Lady Jane into that safe
and comfortable haven where so many hapless little ones have
found a shelter.
That night, after the child had been fed and warmed, and was
safely in bed with the other little orphans, the good Margaret sent
word to all the police stations that she had housed a little wanderer
who if called for could be found safe in her care.
But the little wanderer was not claimed the next day, nor the next
week. Time went on, and Lady Jane was considered a permanent
inmate of the home. She wore the plain uniform of blue, and her long
golden hair was plaited in a thick braid, but still she was lovely,
although not as picturesque as when Pepsie brushed her waving
locks. She was so lovely in person and so gentle and obedient that
she soon became the idol, not only of the good Margaret, but of all
the Sisters, and even of the children, and her singing was a constant
pleasure, for every day her voice became stronger and richer, and
her thrilling little strains went straight to the hearts of those who
heard them.
“She must be taught music,” said Margaret to Sister Agnes; “such
a voice must be carefully cultivated for the church.” Therefore the
Sister who took her in charge devoted herself to the development of
the child’s wonderful talent, and in a few months she was spoken of
as quite a musical prodigy, and all the wealthy patronesses of the
home singled her out as one that was rare and beautiful, and
showered all sorts of gifts and attentions upon her. Among those who
treated her with marked favor was Mrs. Lanier. She never visited the
home without asking for little Jane (Margaret had thought it best to
drop the “Lady,” and the child, with an intuition of what was right,
complied with the wish), and never went away without leaving some
substantial evidence of her interest in the child.
“I believe Mrs. Lanier would like to adopt little Jane,” said Margaret
one day to Sister Agnes, when that lady had just left. “If she hadn’t
so many children of her own, I don’t think she would leave her long
with us.”
 “It is surprising, the interest she takes in her,” returned Sister
Agnes. “When the child sings she just sits as if she was lost to
everything, and listens with all her soul.”
“And she asks the strangest questions about the little thing,”
continued Margaret reflectively. “And she is always suggesting some
way to find out who the child belonged to; but although I’ve tried
every way I can think of, I have never been able to learn anything
satisfactory.”
It was true Margaret had made every effort from the very first to
discover something of the child’s antecedents; but she had been
unsuccessful, owing in a measure to Lady Jane’s reticence. She had
tried by every means to draw some remarks from her that would
furnish a clue to work upon; but all that she could ever induce the
child to say was to repeat the simple statement she had made the
first night, when the good woman found her, cold and forlorn, clinging
to the iron railing in front of the Home.
But Lady Jane’s reticence was not from choice. It was fear that
kept her silent about her life in Good Children Street. Often she
would be about to mention Pepsie, Mam’selle Diane, or the
Paichoux, but the fear of Tante Pauline would freeze the words on
her lips. And she was so happy where she was that even her sorrow
for the loss of Tony was beginning to die out. She loved the good
Sisters, and her grateful little heart clung to Margaret who had saved
her from being sent back to Tante Pauline and the dreadful fate of a
little street beggar. And the warm-hearted little orphans were like
sisters to her; they were merry little playmates, and she was a little
queen among them. And there was the church, with the beautiful
altar, the pictures, the lights, and the music. Oh, how heavenly the
music was, and how she loved to sing with the Sisters! and the
grand organ notes carried her little soul up to the celestial gates on
strains of sweet melody. Yes, she loved it all and was very happy, but
she never ceased to think of Pepsie, Madelon, and Gex, and when
she sang, she seemed always to be with Mam’selle Diane, nestled
close to her side, and, mingled with the strong, rich voices of the
Sisters, she fancied she heard the sweet, faded strains of her
beloved teacher and friend.
 Sometimes when she was studying her lessons she would forget
for a moment where she was, and her book would fall in her lap, and
again she would be sitting with Pepsie, shelling pecans or watching
with breathless interest a game of solitaire; and at times when she
was playing with the children suddenly she would remember the
ancient “professeur of the dance,” and she would hold out her little
blue skirt, and trip and whirl as gracefully in her coarse shoes as she
did when Gex was her teacher.
And so the months went on with Lady Jane, while her friends in
Good Children Street never ceased to talk of her and to lament over
their loss. Poor Mam’selle Diane was in great trouble. Madame
d’Hautreve was very ill, and there was little hope of her recovery.
“She may linger through the spring,” the doctor said, “but you can
hardly expect to keep her through the summer.” And he was right, for
during the last days of the dry, hot month of August, the poor lady,
one of the last of an old aristocracy, closed her dim eyes on a life
that had been full of strange vicissitudes, and was laid away in the
ancient tomb of the d’Hautreves, not far from Lady Jane’s young
mother. And Mam’selle Diane, the noble, patient, self-sacrificing
daughter, was left alone in the little house, with her memories, her
flowers, and her birds. And often, during those first bitter days of
bereavement, she would say to herself, “Oh, if I had that sweet child
now, what a comfort she would be to me! To hear her heavenly little
voice would give me new hope and courage.”
On the morning of Madame d’Hautreve’s funeral, when Paichoux
opened his paper at the breakfast table, he uttered such a loud
exclamation of surprise that Tante Modeste almost dropped the
coffee-pot.
“What is it, papa, what is it?” she cried.
And in reply Paichoux read aloud the notice of the death of
Madame la veuve d’Hautreve, née d’Orgenois; and directly
underneath: “Died at the Charity Hospital, Madame Pauline Jozain,
née Bergeron.”
 CHAPTER XXIX
TANTE MODESTE FINDS LADY JANE

W HEN Paichoux read of the death of Madame Jozain in the

Charity Hospital, he said decidedly: “Modeste, that woman
never left the city. She never went to Texas. She has been hidden
here all the time, and I must find that child.”
“And if you find her, papa, bring her right here to me,” said the
kind-hearted woman. “We have a good many children, it’s true; but
there’s always room for Lady Jane, and I love the little thing as well
as if she were mine.”
Paichoux was gone nearly all day, and, much to the
disappointment of the whole family, did not find Lady Jane.
His first visit had been to the Charity Hospital, where he learned
that Madame Jozain had been brought there a few days before by
the charity wagon. It had been called to a miserable little cabin back
of the city, where they had found the woman very ill, with no one to
care for her, and destitute of every necessity. There was no child
with her—she was quite alone; and in the few lucid intervals that
preceded her death she had never spoken of any child. Paichoux
then obtained the directions from the driver of the charity wagon, and
after some search he found the wretched neighborhood. There all
they could tell him was that the woman had come a few weeks
before; that she had brought very little with her, and appeared to be
suffering. There was no child with her then, and none of the
neighbors had ever seen one visit her, or, for that matter, a grown
person either. When she became worse they were afraid she might
die alone, and had called the charity wagon to take her to the
hospital. The Public Administrator had taken charge of what little she
left, and that was all they could tell.
Did any one know where she lived before she came there? No one
knew; an old negro had brought her and her few things, and they
had not noticed the number of his wagon. The landlord of the squalid
place said that the same old man who brought her had engaged her
room; he did not know the negro. Madame had paid a month’s rent
in advance, and just when the month was up she had been carried to
the hospital.
There the information stopped, and, in spite of every effort,
Paichoux could learn no more. The wretched woman had indeed
obliterated, as it were, every trace of the child. In her fear of
detection, after Lady Jane’s escape from her, she had moved from
place to place, hunted and pursued by a guilty conscience that would
never allow her to rest, and gradually going from bad to worse until
she had died in that last refuge for the miserable, the Charity
Hospital.
“And here I am, just where I started!” said Paichoux dejectedly,
after he had told Tante Modeste of his day’s adventure. “However,”
said he, “I sha’n’t give it up. I’m bound to find out what she did with
that child; the more I think of it, the more I’m convinced that she
never went to Texas, and that the child is still here. Now I’ve a mind
to visit every orphan asylum in the city, and see if I can’t find her in
one of them.”
“I’ll go with you,” said Tante Modeste. “We’ll see for ourselves, and
then we shall be satisfied. Unless she gave Lady Jane away, she’s
likely to be in some such place; and I think, as I always have,
Paichoux, that she stole Lady Jane from some rich family, and that
was why she ran off so sudden and hid. That lady’s coming the day
after proves that some one was on madame’s track. Oh, I tell you
there’s a history there, if we can only get at it. We’ll start out to-
morrow and see what can be done. I sha’n’t rest until the child is
found and restored to her own people.”
One morning, while Lady Jane was in the schoolroom busy with
her lessons, Margaret entered with some visitors. It was a very
common thing for people to come during study hours, and the child
did not look up until she heard some one say: “These are the
children of that age. See if you recognize ‘Lady Jane’ among them.”
 It was her old name that startled her, and made her turn suddenly
toward the man and woman, who were looking eagerly about the
room. In an instant the bright-faced woman cried, “Yes! yes! Oh,
there she is!” and simultaneously Lady Jane exclaimed, “Tante
Modeste, oh, Tante Modeste!” and, quicker than I can tell it, she was
clasped to the loving heart of her old friend, while Paichoux looked
on, twirling his hat and smiling broadly.
“Jane, you can come with us,” said Margaret, as she led the way
to the parlor.
There was a long and interesting conversation, to which the child
listened with grave wonder, while she nestled close to Tante
Modeste. She did not understand all they said; there was a great
deal about Madame Jozain and Good Children Street, and a gold
watch with diamond initials, and beautiful linen with initial letters, J.
C., embroidered on it, and madame’s sudden flight, and the visit of
the elegant lady in the fine carriage, the Texas story, and madame’s
wretched hiding-place and miserable death in the Charity Hospital; to
all of which Margaret listened with surprise and interest. Then she in
turn told the Paichoux how Lady Jane had been found looking in the
window on Christmas Eve, while she clung to the railings, half-clad
and suffering with the cold, and how she had questioned her and
endeavored to get some clue to her identity.
“Why didn’t you tell Mother Margaret about your friends in Good
Children Street, my dear?” asked Tante Modeste, with one of her
bright smiles.
Lady Jane hesitated a moment, and then replied timidly, “Because
I was afraid.”
“What were you afraid of, my child?” asked Paichoux kindly.
“Tante Pauline told me that I mustn’t.” Then she stopped and
looked wistfully at Margaret. “Must I tell now, Mother Margaret? Will it
be right to tell? Tante Pauline told me not to.”
“Yes, my dear, you can tell everything now. It’s right. You must tell
us all you remember.”
 “Tante Pauline told me that I must never, never speak of Good
Children Street nor of any one that lived there, and that I must never
tell any one my name, nor where I lived.”
“Poor child!” said Margaret to Paichoux. “There must have been
some serious reason for so much secrecy. Yes, I agree with you that
there’s a mystery which we must try to clear up, but I would rather
wait a little while. Jane has a friend who is very rich and very
influential—Mrs. Lanier, the banker’s wife. She is absent in
Washington, and when she returns I’ll consult with her, and we’ll see
what’s best to be done. I shouldn’t like to take any important step
until then. But in the meantime, Mr. Paichoux, it will do no harm to
put your plan in operation. I think the idea is good, and in this way
we can work together.”
Then Paichoux promised to begin his investigations at once, for he
was certain that they would bring about some good results, and that,
before many months had passed, Mother Margaret would have one
orphan less to care for.
While Margaret and Paichoux were discussing these important
matters, Tante Modeste and Lady Jane were talking as fast as their
tongues could fly. The child heard for the first time about poor
Mam’selle Diane’s loss, and her eyes filled with tears of sympathy for
her gentle friend. And then, there were Pepsie and Madelon, Gex
and Tite—did they remember her and want to see her? Oh, how glad
she was to hear from them all again; and Tante Modeste cried a little
when Lady Jane told of that terrible midnight ride, of the wretched
home she had been carried to, of her singing and begging in the
streets, of her cold and hunger, and of the blow she had received as
the crowning cruelty.
“But the worst of all was losing Tony. Oh, Tante Modeste!” and the
tears sprang to her eyes, “I’m afraid I’ll never, never find him!”
“Yes, you will, my dear. I’ve faith to believe you will,” replied Tante
Modeste hopefully.
“We’ve found you, ma petite, and now we’ll find the bird. Don’t fret
about it.”
 Then after Margaret had promised to take Lady Jane to Good
Children Street the next day, the good couple went away well
pleased with what they had accomplished.
Tante Modeste could not return home until she had told Pepsie as
well as little Gex the good news. And Mam’selle Diane’s sad heart
was greatly cheered to know that the dear child was safe in the care
of the good Margaret. And oh, what bright hopes and plans filled the
lonely hours of that evening, as she sat dreaming on her little gallery
in the pale, cold moonlight!
The next day Pepsie cried and laughed together when Lady Jane
sprang into her arms and embraced her with her old fervor. “You’re
just the same,” she said, holding the child off and looking at her
fondly; “that is, your face hasn’t changed; but I don’t like your hair
braided, and I don’t like your clothes. I must get Mother Margaret to
let me dress you as I used to.”
And Mam’selle Diane had something of the same feeling when,
after the first long embrace, she looked at the child and asked
Mother Margaret if it was necessary for her to wear the uniform of
the Home. “She must wear it while she is an inmate,” replied
Margaret smiling. “But that will not be long, I suspect. We shall lose
her—yes, I’m afraid we shall lose her soon.”
Then Mam’selle Diane talked a long while with Margaret about her
hopes and plans for Lady Jane. “I am all alone,” she said
pathetically, “and she would give me a new interest in life. If her
relatives are not discovered, why cannot I have her? I will educate
her, and teach her music, and devote my life to her.”
Margaret promised to think it over, and in the mean time she
consented that Lady Jane should remain a few days with Mam’selle
Diane and her friends in Good Children Street.
That night, while the child was nestled close to Mam’selle Diane
as they sat together on the little moonlit gallery, she suddenly asked
with startling earnestness:
“Has your mama gone to heaven, too, Mam’selle Diane?”
“I hope so, my darling; I think so,” replied Diane in a choked voice.