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Limbo Reapplied On Living in Perennial Crisis and The Immanent Afterlife 1St Ed 2018 Edition Kristof K P Vanhoutte Full Chapter
Limbo Reapplied On Living in Perennial Crisis and The Immanent Afterlife 1St Ed 2018 Edition Kristof K P Vanhoutte Full Chapter
LIMBO REAPPLIED
On Living in Perennial Crisis
and the Immanent Afterlife
KRISTOF K. P. VANHOUTTE
Radical Theologies and Philosophies
Series Editors
Mike Grimshaw
Department of Sociology
University of Canterbury
Christchurch, New Zealand
Michael Zbaraschuk
Pacific Lutheran University
Tacoma, USA
Joshua Ramey
Grinnell College
Grinnell, IA, USA
Radical Theologies and Philosophies is a call for transformational theolo-
gies that break out of traditional locations and approaches. The rhizomic
ethos of radical theologies enable the series to engage with an ever-ex-
panding radical expression and critique of theologies that have entered or
seek to enter the public sphere, arising from the continued turn to reli-
gion and especially radical theology in politics, social sciences, philoso-
phy, theory, cultural, and literary studies. The post-theistic theology both
driving and arising from these intersections is the focus of this series.
Limbo Reapplied
On Living in Perennial Crisis and the Immanent
Afterlife
Kristof K. P. Vanhoutte
University of the Free State
Bloemfontein, South Africa
and
vii
viii Preface
humanity has ever brought forth (he will also help us to understand the
concept of Limbo), seems to be hinting at something similar when he
confided to his secretary that everything he had ever written and taught
was but pure foolishness. And a similar realization is phrased by an old
Sigmund Freud in his melancholic acknowledging that therapy and edu-
cation (study) are interminable. Considering these affirmations, and the
many others one could bring forth, as gloomy thoughts that accompany
the process of dying or could even constitute cases of false humility is
missing the point. Texts, maybe all but certainly essayistic ones, will
always remain exercises and attempts. Some will be good, others less, but
avoiding the delusion of having offered ‘a finished product’ can but be
considered, at least that is what we feel, as a very good and honest point
to start. (It is also a registration into a certain philosophical tradition—
ready to betray it—but we are certain the reader will discover this on
her/his own in due time.)
This text finds its origin in a presentation given back in 2014 at the
University of St. Gall in Switzerland. The lecture was given during a
symposium organized by the Swiss Philosophical Association that had as
its theme: Kritik und Krise (Critic and Crisis). The basic ideas that gov-
ern the pages that follow were already present in their embryonic state in
the original text. The ‘embryo’, however, has since passed various grow-
ing phases and prangs, becoming a muscled adult. And as it goes with all
births, some ‘original’ parts get lost along the road while others come
along to change what was considered originally as the direction to take.
A number of people have been directly or indirectly involved in a vari-
ety of ways in the process of realization of this book; I am, obviously, the
only person responsible for all the possible remaining weaknesses. These
people are, first of all, my philosopher friends and friends in philoso-
phy. The first to mention is necessarily Carlo Salzani, whose continuous
dedication to this project has been truly humbling. Thank you Carlo!
Second, there are the group of people with whom I share the research
adventure called The Small Circle; they are Christo Lombaard, Iain
T. Benson, and Calvyn du Toit (Carlo is also a part of this exciting enter-
prise). I have also received very helpful assistance, references, or stimula-
tion from too large a number of colleagues to name them all. Some need
to be mentioned by name, however, and they are: Jackie Du Toit, Father
Gianluca Montaldi, Lancelot Kirby, Jonathan Rée (who got me think-
ing about the spatial implications of what it was I was writing about),
Fra. Ernesto Dezza (you have safeguarded the medieval scholars), Fra.
x Preface
1 Introduction 1
References 9
2 Visual Anteprima 11
References 32
3 Limbo 35
3.1 Pope Benedict XVI and the Cancellation of Limbo 35
3.2 Limbo’s (Pre-Christian) Genealogy and Geography 42
3.3 The History of Limbo 49
3.3.1 No Third Place: Saint Augustine and His Legacy 50
3.3.2 Original Sin Becomes Privative: Gregory of Nyssa
and Gregory Nazianzen 60
3.3.3 Lacking Punishment: Anselm and Abelard 65
3.3.4 The Birth of Limbo: Albertus Magnus and
Alexander of Hales 70
3.3.5 From Neutral to Joyous Limbo: Saint Bonaventure
and Saint Thomas 74
3.4 Poetic Limbo in Dante and Milton 86
3.5 Prolegomena to Any Translation of Limbo 99
References 110
xi
xii Contents
4 Crisis 115
4.1 Interesting Times 115
4.2 Taking It Seriously 132
4.3 What’s in a Meaning 142
4.4 The Crisis of Crisis 151
References 164
Bibliography 239
Index 253
About the Author
xiii
List of Images
xv
CHAPTER 1
Introduction
talk intelligently about them. We have all kinds of intelligent theories and
(pseudo-)scientific explanations that at times fail to live up to their prom-
ise of being the most accurate or most appropriate to turn to regarding
certain phenomena. And even when they are worthy candidates for the
‘throne’ of explanation and clarification, sometimes they would (and
we are appositely changing the time of the verb) have been easily passed
over, were it not that we no longer have that particular type of language
anymore. On many occasions, the type of language that has gone missing
is religious or even philosophical language, overpowered as it has been
by the secular language of the secularized world. Also regarding the case
that is of interest to this book, it is religious language that has gone miss-
ing. And the ‘case’ that would have befitted so much by the usage of a
certain type of religious language is nothing other than the interpretation
of the times, ‘our times’, we live in. The aim of this volume is, first of all,
to bring back to life this particular religious discourse (something we will
do in the Visual Anteprima Chap. 2 and the third section of this book)
and, secondly, to read ‘the signs of our times’ with it (to which section
four and five are dedicated). The religious discourse we will bring back in
the pages that follow is that regarding one of the more enigmatic realms
of the afterlife, namely Limbo. As we will attempt to demonstrate, it is
not sociology, not economy, not politics, but religion—that is, the par-
ticular religious discourse about Limbo—that is best at explaining and
making us understand our modern epoch.
*
good synonym for Limbo (Capps and Carlin 2010, 8–9), something which,
as we will come to see, it is not—the idea that Limbo is not just something
related to the afterlife but is intertwined with our life now, here, today, in
an immanent way is something we agree with and will investigate in the
pages of this book.
*
We are, obviously, not the first to try to re-introduce older (religious)
concepts into an explicative discourse foreign to it while claiming its
highly productive contribution in the understanding of that particu-
lar discourse. We already referred to Gordon Graham’s work, but
other examples, such as Hannah Arendt and Giorgio Agamben (among
others), can be brought forward. Toward the end of her The Origins
of Totalitarianism, Arendt thus presents us with the intriguing analogy
of the division of the concentration camps as corresponding to three
types of realms of the afterlife: Hades, Purgatory, and Hell (cf. Arendt
1973, 445). Arendt even adds intriguingly that ‘[S]uddenly it becomes
evident that things which for thousands of years the human imagina-
tion had banished to a realm beyond human competence can be man-
ufactured right here on earth, …’ (Arendt 1973, 446)—confirming,
as such, the thesis we are trying to establish here. Giorgio Agamben—
whose influence on the pages that follow cannot be ignored—has made
of these more isolated events in Arendt a more consistent characteris-
tic of his work. For Agamben, to offer only one, but very significant,
example (which also evinces the divergence of the thesis of this book
from Agamben’s main political thesis), it is Hell, characterized as it
is by eternal government, that is the true paradigm of modern politics
(cf. Agamben 2011, 164).
For as much as we are offering a reading, through Limboic glasses,
of our modern epoch, this reading does not claim to be an all-encom-
passing one (something which is far beyond our capacities and which,
more than probably, is not even possible). The proposed reading of
the ‘signs of our times’, an expression that will return and be explained
in the course of this text, will focus on what has become the quintes-
sential characteristic, the cipher, of our times. This characteristic is the
‘crisis’. As we are all familiar with, the past decade(s) have been char-
acterized ever more frequently by this word crisis. Crisis is everywhere
and everything is in crisis; all types of crisis have been reported, going
from political, financial, climatic, social/societal, cultural, intellectual,
1 INTRODUCTION 5
1 Josephson-Storm is obviously not the first, nor will he hopefully be the last to denounce
the myth of the disenchantment of the world by means of modern science. Already C. S.
Lewis in his The Abolition of Man (2009), to give just one example, clearly reveals that
‘something … unites magic and applied science’ (Lewis 2009, 77), and although it ‘might
be going too far to say that the modern scientific movement was tainted from its birth:…
it was born in an unhealthy neighbourhood and at an inauspicious hour’ (Lewis 2009, 78),
only the ‘fatal serialism of the modern imagination’ (Lewis 2009, 79) can convince itself of
the falseness of this fact.
1 INTRODUCTION 9
References
Agamben, G. (2011). The Kingdom and the Glory. For a Theological Genealogy of
Economy and Government. Stanford: Stanford University Press.
Agamben, G. (2016). Che cos’è la filosofia? Macerata: Quodlibet.
Arendt, H. (1973). The Origins of Totalitarianism. San Diego and New York:
Harvest Book.
Bauman, Z., & Bordoni, C. (2014). State of Crisis. Cambridge and Malden:
Polity Press.
Capps, D., & Carlin, N. (Eds.). (2010). Living in Limbo: Life in the Midst of
Uncertainty. Eugene: Cascade Books.
Graham, G. (2003). Evil and Christian Ethics. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Josephson-Storm, J. Ā. (2017). The Myth of Disenchantment. Magic, Modernity,
and the Birth of the Human Sciences. Chicago and London: The University of
Chicago Press.
Latour, B. (1993). We Have Never Been Modern. Cambridge: Harvard University
Press.
Lewis, C. S. (2009). The Abolition of Man: Or Reflections on Education with
Special Reference to the Teaching of English in the Upper Forms of Schools. New
York: HarperCollins. Kindle edition.
Rosa, H. (2015). Social Acceleration. A New Theory of Modernity. New York and
Chichester: Columbia University Press.
Serres, M. (2014). Times of Crisis. What the Financial Crisis Revealed and How
to Reinvent Out Lives and Future. New York and London: Bloomsbury
Academic.
Sontag, S. (1978). Illness as Metaphor. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux.
CHAPTER 2
Visual Anteprima
1Limbo, the dance, does seem to have a distant relation with the afterlife as well. At least
of these pictorial takes on Limbo will be our first move, after which these
aspects will be discussed and interpreted. This first take on Limbo will
already allow us to start considering Limbo as a good candidate to offer
a new and intriguing understanding of our current precarious contem-
porary state of affairs which is ever more often described as a ‘perennial
crisis’. Without anticipating too much, let us, however, immediately turn
to the first image we will study.
In the Florentine museum complex named Santa Maria Novella, on
the right side of the ‘Chiostro dei morti’, you can find the Cappella
Spagnolo (sometimes also called the Cappellone degli Spagnuoli or just
simply the Chapter House), the Spanish Chapel with an impressive
fresco by the Italian artist Andrea di Bonaiuto entitled Salita al Calvario,
Crocefissione e Discesa al Limbo (The Ascent to Calvary, Crucifixion, and
Descent into Limbo).2 This rather unique and grandiose fresco, which
can hardly be rendered justice to by any photographic representation,
depicts what are known as three of the more salient moments of Christ’s
Passion. Not subject to the rules of perspective—they would only come
to rule the world of painting centuries later—which makes the first
moments of observation somewhat awkward, the fresco stands out by
the vibrant colors used and the attention for detail that di Bonaiuto has
been able to produce with the little time at disposition—he was given
only two years (1365–1367) to paint the entire chapel. Most remarkable,
however, is the wide and varied presence of Biblical symbology which we
need to consider a bit more in detail (Image 2.1).
As mentioned, the main fresco at the back wall of the chapel (the only
one that is of interest to us) depicts three scenes of Christ’s Passion. The
first, at the lower left side of the arch-shaped fresco, depicts Christ, who
has just exited one of the gates of the fortified city of Jerusalem, ascending
to the place where he will be crucified: Golgotha, the place of (the) skull
as all the evangelists define it (Mt 27:33; Mk 15:22; Lk 23:33; Jn 19:17),
or, as Golgotha has also been named (translated?—both concepts refer to
2 There is very little Spanish about this chapel. The only reference or link to the Iberian
Peninsula is the fact that this chapel was used by Eleanor of Toledo, her retinue, and
other members of the flourishing Spanish colony in Florence. A further and more distant
‘Spanish connection’ is the fact that the chapel was also used for several important gen-
eral chapters of the Dominican Order (which, as is known, was founded by the Spaniard
Domenico de Guzmán). di Bonaiuto’s Salita al Calvario, Crocefissione e Discesa al Limbo is,
in fact, accompanied, as a reminder of this, by two fresco’s that depict Dominican scenarios.
2
VISUAL ANTEPRIMA
Image 2.1 Andrea di Bonaiuto, Salita al Calvario, Crocefissione e Discesa di Cristo al Limbo, Firenze, Museo di Santa
Maria Novella, Capellone degli Spagnoli
13
14 K. K. P. VANHOUTTE
the kranion), Calvary. At the center of this first scene, we discover Christ
still personally bearing his cross—there seems to be no trace of Simon the
Cyrenian who was obliged to help Christ carry his cross up the hill. Christ
is followed by Mary (characteristically dressed in blue) and another woman,
who is probably Mary from Magdala, and a (young) male closely follow
Christ’s mother. The young male, who has his hands folded as in prayer,
is probably the disciple who Jesus will ‘assign’ to his own mother when
already on the cross (cf. Jn 19:26). All three can be clearly distinguished as
their head is surrounded, just like Jesus’, by what is known as a halo—‘the
[absolutely in-essential] supplement added to perfection’ (Agamben 1993,
54) as Giorgio Agamben interestingly explains Saint Thomas’s discussion
on halo’s. A lot of other characters are present in this first scene: Roman
soldiers and other inhabitants of Jerusalem, but no other member of the
first group of Christ’s first followers seems to be present.
The largest section of the fresco, the top and rounded part of the
arch, depicts Christ’s crucifixion. Jesus, who can be seen at the center, is
depicted on the cross and is surrounded by angels (also all of the angels
have halo’s). Following the gospels, he is surrounded by the two crimi-
nals or revolutionaries (depending on what gospel) who were crucified
together with him. di Bonaiuto seems to have followed the Gospel of Luke
(23:39–43) on this occasion, as it is evident that one of the criminals is
saved while the other is damned (in none of the other three gospels are
the criminals/revolutionaries qualified—they are simply the one on the
left and the one on the right, and, according to the Gospel of Matthew
(27:44), both kept on abusing him in a similar way as the crowd). The
criminal on his right has a little devil with some sort of spear sitting on
his cross. Clearly, he is waiting to capture the criminal’s soul which will
then be placed in the container the three other devils are holding nearby.
Below, on the left of this criminal there is a soldier dressed in black who
has a blunt object in both his hands. He is in the act of breaking the crimi-
nal’s legs as John tells in his Gospel (Jn 19:31–32). Death would thus come
sooner, and the bodies would not remain hanging on the solemn day of
the Sabbath. The criminal/revolutionary on his left has a small group of
six angels waiting close by and, contrary to the non-repented criminal/rev-
olutionary on Christ’s right, has a halo as well. He will, as Christ will soon
promise to him, travel with him to the hereafter and be saved.
di Bonaiuto has also depicted a huge crowd. This crowd consists of
various soldiers, Jewish scribes and priests, and ordinary spectators that
had gathered on Golgotha to assist the spectacle of the multiple cru-
cifixions. Some of these bystanders can also be clearly identified. For
2 VISUAL ANTEPRIMA 15
example, the Centurion from, once more, the Gospel of Luke (23:47)—
Matthew tells the same story (Mt 27:54)—who realized that Christ was
innocent and did not deserve to die on the cross, can be seen directly
below Christ on the left (he is dressed in black as the bone-breaking sol-
diers and seated on a white horse; he too has a halo). Below him we see
the bystander responsible for not clenching Christ’s thirst as he gave him
wine mixed with gall (Mt 27:34). The sponge is still sticking on his spear
and in his other hand is the pitcher with the ‘corrected’ wine (Mark tells
the story a little bit different (cf. Mk 15:23); in fact, for Mark the wine
was not mixed with gall but with myrrh, making it as such into some
sort of narcotic that would have helped Christ against the blunt pain).
Another familiar scene has been depicted on the extreme right of the
fresco. Four soldiers are discussing what to do with Christ’s tunic ‘which
was seamless, woven in one piece from the top down’ (Jn 19:23)—
a similar account is given in the Gospel of Mark (15:25) and the Gospel
of Luke (23:34). In the very front of this main section of the fresco, on
the immediate right of Christ, we can individuate (most probably) the
Gospel character known as Joseph of Arimathea (he is sitting on a black
horse). This ‘distinguished member of the council’ (Mk 15:43), as Mark
describes him, who was most probably a secret disciple of Christ, had
obtained from Pilate (the Roman prefect of the province of Judaea) the
possibility to bury Christ. Joseph too has a halo surrounding his head.
Maybe he is looking at who could be Nicodemus (sitting on a red-brown
horse holding something in his right hand) who, according to the Gospel
of John (Jn 19:39), brought myrrh (it could perfectly be that what this
character behind Joseph is holding in his right hand are myrrh branches)
and helped Joseph take Jesus down from the cross when dusk sets in.
Finally, at the front of the scene, at the left, there is a small group of
people that stand out because of the fact that all of them have halo’s.
Andrea di Bonaiuto seems to have wanted to play it safe, and instead of
choosing one gospel version, he simply assembled all the possible disci-
ples together who have been told as being present in the various gos-
pels (this could explain the fact that the group consists of six people and
not the three or four as generally recounted). The Gospel of Matthew, the
Gospel of Mark, and the Gospel of John name the group of faithful at the
site of the cross, but in all three versions the group consists of differ-
ent people. Matthew says that ‘Mary Magdalene, Mary the mother of
James and John, and the mother of the sons of Zebedee’ (Mt 27:56)
were present; Mark claims that ‘Mary Magdalene, Mary the mother of
the younger James and of Joses, and Salome’ (Mk 15:40) were present;
16 K. K. P. VANHOUTTE
and John claims that ‘his mother and his mother’s sister, Mary the wife
of Clopas, and Mary of Magdala’ where there together with the ‘disci-
ple… whom he loved’ (Jn 19:25–26)—it is not clear if Jesus’s mother’s
sister is to be identified with Mary the wife of Clopas or whether this
regards two different women.
For as much as recognizing familiar gospel presences is of inter-
est, what is of primary importance to this book is the third scene pres-
ent on this fresco. In fact, at the bottom right of the arch, Andrea di
Bonaiuto has painted Christ’s descent into Limbo. Before we ven-
ture into a discussion of this third scene of di Bonaiuto’s fresco, a cou-
ple of words are necessary to explain this descent and its historical and
religious sources. First of all, it needs to be said that Christ’s descent
into Limbo originates as Christ’s descent into Hell. In the original ver-
sions of the descent, the place where Christ went to was Hell and not
Limbo (the concept of Limbo, as we will see, will emerge at the end of
the twelfth century). Secondly, once the place in the afterlife into which
Christ descended became Limbo, Christ’s descent always just consisted
into that specific Limbo known as the ‘Limbo of the Fathers’ (at times
also known as the ‘Limbo of the Just’). Never has any mention been
made of Christ descending into the other Limbo known as the ‘Limbo
of the (unbaptized) children’ (I will return to this differentiation in the
next section). Thirdly, according to certain traditions, the place occu-
pied by the Fathers before it became the Limbo of the Fathers was not
Hell, but the so-called bosom of Abraham to which Luke alludes in his
Gospel: ‘When the poor man died, he was carried away by angels to the
bosom of Abraham. The rich man also died and was buried’ (Lk 16:22).
Although the transformation of Abraham’s bosom into the Limbo of the
Fathers is not to be ignored, our main focus will not be on this process
of transformation.
Saint Paul is historically the first to mention the possibility of this
descent. He writes, for example, in his letter which has become known as
the Letter to the Ephesians (Paul had actually spent time in this community
and so the very formal tone of the letter and the absence of any sort of
greeting in the beginning of the letter can make one doubt that this com-
munity was actually the addressee of the letter—or even that Paul in person
did write the letter): ‘[W]hat does ‘he ascended’ mean except that he
also descended into the lower (regions) of the earth’ (Eph 4:9). Paul
had already hinted at this event in his earlier Letter to the Romans where
he wrote: ‘But the righteousness that comes from faith says, “Do not
say in your heart, ‘Who will go up into heaven?’ (that is, to bring Christ
2 VISUAL ANTEPRIMA 17
down) or ‘Who will go down into the abyss?’ (that is, to bring Christ up
from the dead)”’(Rom 10:6–7). A much more easily understandable ref-
erence to Christ’s descent into Hell is found in the Gospel of Matthew:
‘Just as Jonah was in the belly of the whale three days and three nights,
so will the Son of Man be in the heart of the earth three days and three
nights’ (Mt 12:40). Occasionally also the rather enigmatic sentence that
Christ also ‘went to preach to the souls in prison’ (1 Pet 3:19) from the
First letter of Peter is understood as a reference to this descent into Hell.
There is, however, hardly unanimity among New Testament scholars on
this account. Also an event told in the Acts of the Apostles has, at times, been
invoked as a fortification of this descent-theory. It regards a reference to
an otherwise unconfirmed prophesy attributed to King David who had
foreseen Christ’s resurrection: ‘He foresaw and spoke of the resurrection
of the Messiah, that neither was he abandoned to the netherworld nor
did his flesh see corruption. God raised this Jesus; of this we are all wit-
nesses’ (Acts 2:31–32). Friedrich Loofs, somewhat speculatively, also sees
in another couple of Matthew’s lines ‘an incomplete and coarse reminis-
cence of the descent-story’ (Loofs 1908, 299). These verses go as follows:
‘[A]nd behold, the veil of the sanctuary was torn in two from top to
bottom. The earth quaked, rocks were split, tombs were opened, and
the bodies of many saints who had fallen asleep were raised. And coming
forth from their tombs after his resurrection, they entered the holy city and
appeared to many’ (Mt 27:51–53). The New Testament is, however, not
the only source for possible references to Christ’s descent into Hell/Limbo.
In fact, those who have (occasionally) participated in Western Christian reli-
gious services might be familiar with the phrases of what is known as the
Apostle’s Creed, a liturgical statement of one’s belief first mentioned at the
end of the fourth century. The recitation of the Creed goes as follows: ‘I
believe in God the Father almighty, creator of heaven and earth. I believe in
Jesus Christ, his only Son, our Lord. He was conceived by the power of the
Holy Spirit and born of the Virgin Mary. Under Pontius Pilate he was cru-
cified, died, and was buried. He descended to the dead. On the third day he
rose again. …’ (Catechism, Part 1, Sect. 1, Chapter 3, Art. 2, The Credo—
emphasis added).3 It has to be said, however, that the idea of the descent
was not present in the first versions of the Creed.
Let us now turn to the third section of Andrea di Bonaiuto’s fresco
that deals with Christ’s descent into Limbo and discover the different
elements present in this last scene (Image 2.2).
3 Available: http://www.vatican.va/archive/ENG0015/__P13.HTM.
18
K. K. P. VANHOUTTE
Image 2.2 Andrea di Bonaiuto, Discesa di Cristo al Limbo (detail), Firenze, Museo di Santa Maria Novella, Capellone
degli Spagnoli
2 VISUAL ANTEPRIMA 19
the banner of victory, that features a red cross over a white background).
The strength with which Christ must have forcefully opened the gates
of the border of Hell that Limbo is, must have been extreme as even the
brickwork that stood as protection came completely down on one side.
Some kind of creature, a devil holding a key, is trapped under the door
mounted by Jesus. Christ’s victorious towering on top of Hell’s gate is a
very important aspect of the iconography related to Limbo as it is pres-
ent in almost all the versions of the descents into Limbo painted in these
centuries. One thinketh, for example, of Fra Angelico’s or Benvenuto
di Giovanni’s Christ in Limbo (in Fra Angelico’s case the door is even
made out of iron), Hieronymus Bosch’s and Duccio di Buoninsegna’s
homonymous Christ in Limbo, Bartolomé Bermejo’s Descent of Christ
into Limbo, Jacopo Bellini’s Christ’s Descent into Limbo, Gerolamo di
Romano’s Descent of Christ to Limbo, and so many more. There are obvi-
ously examples of ‘descents’ where Christ is not standing on top a door
he has Himself violently opened (Domenico Beccafumi Christ in Limbo
is one example, and the depicted Descent into Limbo that can be found in
Berlin’s Marienkirche is another one), but these examples are very few.
------------------------------------- ---O.D.----------------------------------------
Di Bonaiuto’s Descent is, like most of the medieval figurative reproduc-
tions of, and literary references to, this theme and event (highly) influ-
enced not only by the gospels, but especially by a text from (most
probably) the fourth or the sixth century. The text is the apocryphal Gospel
of Nicodemus (2003),4 also known as The Acts of Pontius Pilate.5 This ‘gos-
pel’ is of interest to our project in a revelatory way—especially the sec-
ond section known as the Descensus Christi ad infernos (Chapters 17–27),
which recounts of Christ’s descent into Hell—so it seems propaedeutic to
hold still with it for a while in this introducing section.
4 In what follows we will refer to the Gospel of Nicodemus in the following way (GN date,
the fancy of the medieval painters and theologians arose from the so-called “Gospel of
Nicodemus”, an apocryphon perhaps of the fourth century which was widespread in the
Middle Ages’ (Loofs 1908, 292). Furthermore, as Hack Chin Kim states: ‘[T]he influence
of the Gospel of Nicodemus in general and of the Descensus story in particular on medieval
belief, on medieval art of every kind, and above all on medieval literature was so great that
it cannot be easily summarized’ (Kim 1973, 7).
2 VISUAL ANTEPRIMA 21
6 In this sense, it is similar to the mid-second century text known as The Shepherd of
Hermas. This text, just like the Gospel of Nicodemus, was once accredited as highly author-
itative—it was actually present in one of the first versions of the list of canonical books
that would end up constituting the official New Testament—but then almost vanished into
complete forgetfulness.
22 K. K. P. VANHOUTTE
Simeon’s two sons start by revealing that they were in the darkness
of Hades (in Hell, Hades here is understood as the personification of
the ‘prince’ or proprietor of Hell) and they were there with ‘all who
have died since the beginning of the world’ (GN 2003, XVIII, 1; 522).
Among those present in that realm of the afterlife were Abraham, the
patriarchs and the prophets. From this latter group, Isaiah and John the
Baptist are the only ones mentioned in this first part of the story, and
King David is the only patriarch mentioned (cf. GN 2003, XXI, 2; 524).
Adam, the first man, was there as well with his son Seth. The two proph-
ets thus reveal how they foretold that which was taking place, namely the
coming of a stark light, strong as the sun, that was the Son of the Father.
Seth too reveals how an angel had announced him Christ’s descend into
Hell and subsequent savior of those present.
The joy of the patriarchs and the prophets seems to be contagious as
also Satan is joyous—Satan has not yet evolved in GN to the all-power-
ful character he would become in the high Middle Ages, here he is still
somewhat of a lesser demon who needs to give accounting to Hades.
We find Satan, in fact, in the coming section bragging to Hades how he
had finally been victorious over Jesus, who proclaimed to be the Son of
God. He, in fact, had been able to put him to death with the help of the
Jews. This Jesus character had caused Satan a lot of grief when he was
still among the living. Now, however, he was dead and on his way to
Hades just as all the other simple mortal beings. Satan thus spurs Hades
to secure Jesus and not let him slip away. Hades is not so convinced of
Satan’s move to kill Jesus. In fact, not so long ago Hades had a certain
Lazarus among those who dwelled in his sad place, but by a mere word
from this Jesus did he, Hades, lose all powers over Lazarus. So Hades
pleads with Satan not to let Jesus descend into Hell.
But it was already too late. The first calls to open the gates of Hell
were already heard. Hades thus gathers his demons to ‘[M]ake fast
well and strongly the gates of brass and the bars of iron, and hold
my locks, and stand upright and watch every point. For if he comes
in, woe will seize us’ (GN 2003, XXI, 1; 524). As the story of the
two brothers continues, shortly after the demands to open the gates
resounded for the second time, ‘the gates of brass were broken in
pieces and the bars of iron were crushed and all the dead who were
bound were loosed from their chains, and we with them. And the King
of glory entered in like a man, and all the dark places of Hades were
2 VISUAL ANTEPRIMA 23
illumined’ (GN 2003, XXI, 3; 524). Before Jesus frees the Fathers,
starting with Adam, he seizes Satan and delivers him to Hades who
reveals his future as full of punishment and pain. Satan is thus confined
to the lowest of the regions of Hades, and it is here that the nature of
Hell (it being a place of eternal punishment and pain) comes clearly to
the fore. The idea of confining Satan to a region of Hades is one of the
first implicit affirmations of there being various regions in Hell, one
where there is no punishment and one where punishment would be
present.
The story continues revealing how Jesus blessed Adam with the sign
of the cross, after which he did this to ‘the patriarchs and prophets
and martyrs and forefathers, and he took them and leaped up out of
Hades’ (GN 2003, XXIV, 2; 525). Upon their entrance into Paradise,
they encounter two old men who had already been saved (Enoch
and Elijah the Tishbite) and the good thief who had been crucified
together with Christ. As such the story ends. The two brothers con-
clude that—after they, together with all the others that had been saved
by Christ from Hell, had been baptized in the river Jordan—their mis-
sion had been to reveal Christ’s resurrection which could now be con-
sidered concluded. Upon this they vanish, and the Gospel of Nicodemus
abruptly ends.
Although GN contains some highly fantastic elements and mate-
rial, it has to be admitted that it is far less fabulous than many other
Apocrypha. Furthermore, the whole story is put in a coherent narrative
whole—also something which is not always the case with other similar
‘narratives’. The addition of particularly pregnant scenic imagery did
nothing but add to its already existing attraction. The violent bursting of
the gate to Hell and the trampling of the devil, as we already discovered,
were like manna falling from the sky for all those who desired some-
what more extravagant elements to put in a homily, a play for Easter, or
an artistic representation—all means that were far more important and
effective in communicating the Christian faith to the common man than
any book could do at that time. And in the end, and notwithstanding
its imaginative elements and aspects, it has to be admitted, GN consists
of clean orthodox narrative material—Kim goes even so far as to claim
that it was actually composed to complete and document that which was
already present in the Creed (Kim 1973, 2). It should, thus, not surprise
24 K. K. P. VANHOUTTE
that GN had the fortune it had, and the fresco of Andrea di Bonaiuto we
have been studying up until now is a clear sign and proof of this fortune.
----------------------------------------O.D.----------------------------------------
Returning to di Bonaiuto’s Descent into Limbo, some further char-
acteristics of the fresco could be highlighted. They would, however,
only be but minor ones. It might be more interesting to confront di
Bonaiuto’s Descent with a much more recent artwork, namely the homo-
nym work Descent into limbo by the British artist, sir Anish Kapoor. This
‘installation’ dating from 1992 is of importance for our visual under-
standing as it can be considered as having stripped Limbo down to its
essential parts. Only the most essential elements have remained, and
they underscore the importance of the aspects we have already men-
tioned. Before we look at Kapoor’s installation or sculpture (a symbol-
ically not to be misunderstood 6 × 6 × 6 m stucco and concrete cube
[cage/box] first shown at Kassel’s Documenta IX of 1992), two minor
comments need to be made on the fact that Kapoor dedicated an art-
work to the idea of (Christ’s) descent into Limbo, a topic that was ‘en
vogue’ in the Middle Ages but not in 1992. First, if we are to believe
Marshall McLuhan’s statement that artists ‘know that they are engaged
in making live models of situations that have not yet matured in the soci-
ety at large…In their artistic play, they discover what is actually happen-
ing’ (McLuhan 1994, 243), then Kapoor, who has always been working
around the central issues of space and emptiness, did seem to find in his
Descent a very spatial contemporary aspect at work. Secondly, and as will
become fundamental in the chapters that will follow, it is essential to real-
ize that Kapoor sees in the series of work to which his Descent belongs a
thorough examination of ‘that condition that seems to be abidingly static
and at the same time dynamic’.7 This condition that Kapoor attempted
to put in his sculpture will be the returning condition of what we will
call the contemporary operativity of, on the one hand, acceleration and
deceleration/rigidification and, on the other, expansion and contraction.
Without wanting to run too much ahead of ourselves, let us have a look
at Kapoor’s take on the Descent into Limbo (Images 2.3 and 2.4).
7 For the reference of Kapoor, see the very conspicuous observations reported by Homi
Image 2.3 Anish Kapoor, Descent into Limbo, 1992, © 2017, ProLitteris,
Zurich
Image 2.4 Anish Kapoor, Descent into Limbo, 1992, © 2017, ProLitteris,
Zurich
a door that has been pulled out, but, at least to us, this hardly seems
detrimental in stressing the importance of the presence of a door also in
Kapoor’s work (there could simply have been some kind of opening).
Thirdly, and something which we indicated only sideways, the
abstracted and emptied space created by Kapoor allows us to understand
the importance of the walled space that Limbo represents. Already in di
Bonaiuto’s fresco, we discovered how Limbo consisted of a clearly cir-
cumscribed space. Whereas we then only insisted on this as function-
ing as a separation from the limit of Hell, by taking into consideration
Kapoor’s four walls, we can understand how its character of limit should
not overshadow its being a walled space, that is, a space that is clearly
and accurately confined.
*
That the religious(/geographical) concept of Limbo is related to walls and
doors/gates should not surprise. Walls and doors/gates are important in reli-
gious traditions (especially the Christian religious tradition to which the con-
cept of Limbo belongs). A manifold of prophecies are dedicated to walls and
gates and even half of a book of the Old Testament is dedicated to the con-
struction of the walls and gates of Jerusalem. The book in question is the sec-
ond volume of the last four books of the Hebrew canon, namely the book of
Nehemiah. Nehemiah lived in the period known as the Restauration which
followed the period of the Babylonian exile. He was a man of importance as
he is defined as the ‘cupbearer’ of the King (of Persia). Upon hearing about
the state of Jerusalem—the ‘wall of Jerusalem lies breached, and its gates have
been gutted with fire’ (Neh 1:3)—Nehemiah became utterly depressed and
wept and ‘continued mourning for several days’ (Neh 1:4). After having
asked the permission of the Persian King Artaxerxes, he is appointed governor
in the land of Judah (Neh 5:14) and sets out to rebuild the wall and restore
the gates so that ‘we may no longer be an object of derision’ (Neh 2:17). But
(avoiding) derision is not the sole purpose nor meaning of the rebuilding of
the wall and gates of the Holy city. The crumbled and breached wall and the
burnt gates are not only signs of the political defeat and exile (of—a lack of—
military power). They represent, first and foremost, the breach in the protec-
tion of God (which caused the exile). The walls and gates express a theological
power. As the prophet Isaiah already clearly proclaimed: ‘You shall call your
walls “Salvation” and your gates “Praise”’(Is 60:18). Just like the Temple is
the dwelling place of the Lord, the wall and its gates, their standing tall or
being destroyed, respectively mean the faithfulness (and salvation and protec-
tion) or the unfaithfulness (punishment and destruction) of the chosen people.
28 K. K. P. VANHOUTTE
*
Kapoor’s depiction of (the entrance to) Hell as the black blotted circle
in the middle of the confined space of Limbo also finds a parallel in di
Bonaiuto’s cave-like entrance to Hell. But whereas di Bonaiuto’s work
seems to allow the speculation that also Hell seems to be a walled sur-
rounding, Kapoor allows us to understand that what lies below is only
unconfined and vast plains of torture. Hell and Heaven, in fact, don’t
have walls. Limbo, on the contrary, has walls. Limbo is the enclosed and
walled surrounding in the afterlife by antonomasia.8
----------------------------------------O.D.----------------------------------------
The presence of walls, brass gates, bars of iron, and bolted doors gives
us a first indication that a possible reading of Limbo as applicable to
our contemporary times can be considered as not totally out of place.
Contemporary political debates and promises of walls, even the actual
and physical construction of walls in multiple countries all over the
world, as well as the reintroducing of closed, locked by frontier, doors/
gates, and iron fences do seem to allow a similar reading.9 This, how-
ever, not only seems to be the case for temporal reasons, but even for
structural ones. In fact, already Rousseau (one of the founding Fathers
of social contract theory—which is still our governing political para-
digm) phrased the relationship between politics and enclosing in the
well-known phrase at the beginning of his Discourse on Inequality: ‘[T]he
8 This difference between Limbo (confined) and Heaven and Hell (vast and unconfined)
will return later in this book (Sect. 5.3) under a different guise. Heaven and Hell will be
considered as eternal while Limbo will result as being endless.
9 Although talking about war (state appropriated war machines, as Deleuze and Guattari
would specify) and not ordinary day politics—but what is the difference? Isn’t there a par-
ticularly close, in the understanding of extension, relationship between war and politics
as Foucault already claimed through his inversion of general von Clausewitz’s saying that
‘[W]ar is nothing but the continuation of policy (politics) with other means’ (Clausewitz
2007, 7) into ‘politics is the continuation of war by other means’ (Foucault 2003, 15)—it
seems that the late Zygmunt Bauman was not very prophetic when he wrote that what was
really at stake in contemporary new war is ‘not the conquest of a new territory, but crush-
ing the walls which stopped the flow of new, fluid global powers; beating out the enemy’s
head the desire to set up his own rules, and so opening up the so-far barricaded and walled-
off, inaccessible space …’ (Bauman 2000, 12).
2 VISUAL ANTEPRIMA 29
10 These walls and fences don’t even have to be actual walls or fences as Edward Said
has rendered evident. Peoples will have or create a certain number of territorial boundaries
that will function as means of separation between ‘us’ and ‘them’. This is what Said named
‘imaginative geography’ (cf. Said 1979, 54).
30 K. K. P. VANHOUTTE
The importance of the image of a wall, iron fences, and gates (so
important in the imaginary of Limbo as we came to see) is, however, not
just important for our present-day (nation-)state. Walls and fences also
have repercussions on the individual, that is, on personhood, and this
not just because the (city-)wall can and has been considered as an exten-
sion of our skin—as McLuhan interpreted Lewis Mumford (McLuhan
1994, 47). The influence of walls has, according to Greg Eghigian, cre-
ated a whole new type of men which he has given the conceptual name
of ‘homo munitus’ (Eghigian 2008, 41). Homo munitus is understood
by Eghigian as the sheltered, the defended, or the protected (by walls)
individual—munitus derives from the Latin verb munire which means,
according to Eghigian, to fortify, guard, and protect, and it also relates
to moenia which, in its turn, means ‘defensive and city walls, or fortifi-
cations’ (Eghigian 2008, 41). Through a study of East German person-
ality and subjectivity, Eghigian comes to the surprising conclusion that
‘[T]he figure of homo munitus … is not solely the concoction of patroniz-
ing Wessis [the name given by Eghigian, following the existing tradition in
popular language, to inhabitants of the reunited Germany who belonged
to West Germany (GDR) from before the fall of the Wall, K.K.P.V.]. It
is an image of the East German propagated by East Germans as well’
(Eghigian 2008, 59). This means that, as Wendy Brown understood so
well, that which the walls intend to block out is actually produced by the
walls themselves (cf. Brown 2010, 41). One can thus wonder or ques-
tion whether this ‘conformist, passive, paranoid, and predictable creature’
(Brown 2010, 41), this homo munitus or walled-in person, is not being
recreated in our walled contemporary societies as well—simply because of
the presence of the walls.
What is, however, of utmost importance for our discourse on Limbo
is not the erosion of the nation-state as indicated by Brown and Bauman.
Nor is it the creation of estrangement or diversification between two
social groups, and neither does it regard the paradox of the creation of
the homo munitus. All of these elements are obviously of great signifi-
cance and indicators that the paradox has become the governing para-
digm of our contemporary times (something which will obviously return
continuously in the coming sections and chapters). However, what,
above all, helps us in understanding what is at stake in what follows, and
what these walls thus indicate, regards the implications of this erosion
for the operating of these walls, fences, and gates. In fact, as Brown’s
treatise renders clear, they (the walls and fences and gates) don’t actually
2 VISUAL ANTEPRIMA 31
irruption, and interruption, not solely into the walled space of Limbo,
but also of the timeless everlastingness of this section of Limbo as well.)
In fact, the particular time experience of Limbo indirectly expressed
by Kapoor’s embracing cushioning light or the expression of yielded
acquiescence of the Fathers or the just can be described as an eternal
present, but a present in a time outside of time. More than anything,
it regards an eternity where there is no time for the present (which is
absent). Said differently, it is like the time of ‘no time’ or similar to what
Manuel Castells calls the ‘timeless time’. This ‘timeless time’ is a time
where ‘there is systemic perturbation in the sequential order’ (Castells
2010, xli; 494), that is, a time where the sequence of time is disturbed
or (as is the case with Limbo) even lacking. And as Castells correctly
remarked: ‘[E]limination of sequence creates undifferentiated time,
which is tantamount to eternity’ (Castells 2010, 494) or, as we will claim
in Sect. 5.3, which is tantamount to end-less-ness. According to Castells,
this timeless time is the time typical of our age, and as such we are once
more brought directly from Limbo into our contemporary epoch.
However, before we start to investigate deeper into these possible rela-
tions (and their nature) between our time and Limbo, let us investigate
in a more theoretical way the nature of Limbo. The specific characteris-
tics that we have already been able to individuate by means of this brief
study of di Bonaiuto’s fresco and Kapoor’s installation/sculpture will
hopefully allow for a much easier entry into these more technical aspects.
References
Agamben, G. (1993). Infancy and History. Essays on the Destruction of Experience.
London and New York: Verso.
Bauman, Z. (2000). Liquid Modernity. Cambridge and Malden: Polity Press.
Beiting, C. (2004). The Nature and Structure of Limbo in the Works of Albertus
Magnus. New Blackfriars Review, 85(999), 492–509.
Brown, W. (2010). Walled States, Waning Sovereignty. New York: Zone Books.
Castells, M. (2010). The Rise of the Network Society. Malden and Oxford:
Wiley-Blackwell.
Dante, A. (1996). The Divine Comedy, Vol. 1 Inferno. New York and Oxford:
Oxford University Press.
Eghigian, G. (2008). Homo Munitus. In Paul Betts & Katherine Pence (Eds.),
Socialist Modern: East German Everyday Culture and Politics (pp. 37–70).
Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.
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the blind, and the ignorant, metaphorically speaking. Papa brought
them home and mamma took pity on them. Now it was Becky Sill, a
great, overgrown girl of sixteen, whose intemperate father had just
died in the poorhouse, where the three younger children—boys—
were waiting for a chance to be put out to the farmers.
“Look at this ’ere floor, Miss Rose! I’ve scrubbed it white as snow.
And I’ve been a peelin’ of pertaters.”
“This floor is sufficient, Becky; and peeling, and potatoes.”
“O, law, you’re just like your mother. Some people are born ladies
and have fine ways. I wasn’t.”
“You have been very industrious,” I returned, cheerfully; and then I
went at the dinner.
The hungry, noisy troop came home from school. What if they
were all boys!
Do you want a photograph of us? I was past seventeen, not very
tall, with a round sort of figure, and dimples everywhere in my face,
where one could have been put by accident or design. My skin was
fair, my hair—that was my sore point. I may as well tell the truth; it
was red, a sort of deep mahogany red, and curled. My features were
just passable. So, you see, I was not likely to set up for a beauty.
Fan was sixteen, taller than I, slender, blonde, with saucy blue eyes
and golden hair, and given to rather coquettish ways. Nelly was
fourteen, almost as tall as I, with papa’s gray eyes,—only hers had a
violet tint,—and mamma’s dark hair. Daisy was next, eleven, and on
the blonde order. Lily, whose name was Elizabeth, and Tim, aged
seven. Her real cognomen was Gertrude; but we began to call her
Tiny Tim, and the name, somehow stuck to her. What a host of girls,
to be sure!
“Papa,” I said that evening, going to the study for a good night
kiss, where he was writing in the quiet,—“papa, are you sorry to
have so many girls?”
I had been exercised on the subject all day, and I wanted to
dispose of it before I slept.
“Why, my dear! no;” with a sweet gravity.
“But, papa,”—and I stumbled a little,—“it isn’t likely that—that—we
shall all—get married—”
I could not proceed any farther, and hid my face on his shoulder.
“Married! What ever put such an absurd idea into your head,
Rosalind? A parcel of children—married!”
I knew papa was displeased, or he would never have called me
Rosalind.
“O, dear papa, don’t be angry!” I cried. “I was not thinking of being
married, I’m sure. I don’t believe any one will ever like me very
much, because my hair is red, and I may be fat as Mrs. Downs. And
if I should be an old maid,—and I know I shall,—I want you to love
me a little; and if I’m queer and fussy, and all that, you must be
patient with me. I will try to do my best always.”
“My dear darling! what a foolish little thing you are! Some of the
old women have been talking to you, I know. I shall certainly have to
turn the barrel upside down, and find the sermon on bridling the
tongue. You are all little girls, and I will not have the bloom rudely
rubbed off of my peaches. There don’t cry about it;” and he kissed
my wet face so tenderly that I did cry more than ever.
“My little girl, I want us to have a good many years of happiness
together,” he said, with solemn tenderness. “Put all these things out
of your head, and love your mother and me, and do your duty in that
state of life to which it shall please God to call you. I want you to be
like Martin Luther’s bird, who sat on the tree and sang, and let God
think for him. And now, run to bed, for I wish to finish this sermon
while I am in the humor.”
I kissed him many, many times. I was so sure of his sweet, never-
failing love. And I suppose fathers and mothers never do get tired of
us!
CHAPTER II.