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Coming out of their homesteads?: Employment for rural women in shrimp

aquaculture in coastal Bangladesh

Article in International Journal of Social Economics · March 1998

DOI: 10.1108/03068299810193489

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International
Journal of Social Coming out of their
Economics
25,2/3/4
homesteads?
Employment for rural women in shrimp
314 aquaculture in coastal Bangladesh
M. Akhter Hamid and Mohammad Alauddin
Department of Economics, The University of Queensland,
Brisbane, Australia

International Journal of Social
Economics, Vol. 25 No. 2/3/4, 1998,
pp. 314-337, © MCB University
Press, 0306-8293
1. Introduction
The fisheries sub-sector plays a crucial role in the predominantly rural
economy of Bangladesh. This sector contributes 4 per cent of GDP and 12 per
cent of export earnings. About 1.2 million economically active people are
employed on a full-time basis in the fishing industry. It also provides another
ten million part-time jobs (DOF, 1995). Fish is an important source of protein
and constitutes about 80 per cent of the animal protein intake. The 1980s has
seen considerable expansion of the aquaculture sector in many countries of the
world, more particularly in the Asian region. There is ample scope for the global
expansion of aquaculture provided it cares for the environment and natural
resources, and becomes part of the primary production systems (Pullin, 1995).
The introduction of modern technology-based intensive commercial
aquaculture is called the “Blue Revolution”, which is the counterpart of the
“Green Revolution” in the agricultural sector (Khor, 1996) in the 1960s. Most
developing countries in the world, with the aquaculture industry, have
introduced the “Blue Revolution”, technology in the 1980s to boost their
economy. As a result, the term “Blue Revolution” has become a part of popular
vocabulary of the Third World development experts and planners.
Shrimp farming spearheads Bangladesh’s aquaculture industry. Both coastal
and inland waterbodies in Bangladesh are suitable for shrimp culture.
Apparently shrimp aquaculture has attracted the highest attention from
government and international development/donor agencies among other
fisheries. In the mid-1990s shrimp contributed about 11 per cent of total exports,
while in the early 1970s, at the advent of commercial shrimp farming, its
contribution to total exports was less than 1 per cent (DOF, 1995; EPBB, 1995).
Subsequently it enjoyed the most phenomenal growth among other primary
industry sectors in post-independence Bangladesh.
In the past rice-based farming systems dominated the agricultural sector in the
coastal areas. The limitations of cropping encouraged farmers in the coastal areas
This research is financially supported by the Australian Centre for International Agriculture
Research (ACIAR) Project No. S10039
of the country to switch to shrimp aquaculture. In recent years, shrimp farming Coming out
has expanded at a fast pace. Both the area under shrimp culture and its production of their
have increased significantly since the 1970s. Strong international market demands homesteads?
for shrimp, increased costs of shrimp capturing, favourable environmental
conditions for shrimp production, coupled with private profitability of farmers in
the coastal areas have accelerated the expansion of shrimp aquaculture.
Consequently, shrimp-based farming systems on a commercial scale have emerged 315
in the coastal belt as a highly profitable enterprise.
Shrimp farming itself requires less labour than rice cultivation. The labour
requirement is much less in the extensive method of production which is
commonly practised in Bangladesh. In that sense it has reduced on-farm
employment opportunities for rural landless and wage labourers. However,
shrimp production entails a substantial volume of labour in off-farm ancillary
activities. Therefore, shrimp culture, through a network of backward and forward
linkages, created a significant volume of employment in shrimp farms as well as
ancillary activities, namely trade/commerce, processing and packaging, and
marketing. It was estimated that both on- and off-farm labour requirements for
1983 and 1990 were 10.2 and 22.6 million person days. According to a Master Plan
Organisation (MPO) estimate the employment generation from the shrimp
industry in 2005 is expected to be 59.4 million person days (MPO, 1986).
Most of the off-farm works of the shrimp industry are performed by rural
women. This has led to a major shift in rural employment and occupational
pattern in the shrimp belt. This process has forced rural women to come out of
their homesteads and to stay for longer hours out of home. They have become
more active income-earning members of the rural households. Nevertheless, the
whole process has limited women’s contribution to household duties, particularly
looking after children, performing household chores, and carrying out backyard-
based agricultural works. All these factors together have implications for the
social and economic changes in the rural society of coastal Bangladesh.
This paper addresses the question of whether this process is empowering
rural women of coastal Bangladesh, and the extent to which they have
extricated themselves from various forms of discrimination and exploitation. It
also explores the relationship involving the process of shrimp production and
the status of rural women in Bangladesh. Finally, it examines whether the terms
and conditions of employment and working environment conflict with the local
norms and value systems.

2. Shrimp industry in Bangladesh: a broad overview

2.1. Background
Small-scale shrimp farming had been practised following the traditional
aquaculture system in the coastal belt of Bangladesh to grow shrimp with fish
long before the advent of the current shrimp aquaculture which is, to an extent, a
modification of the traditional aquaculture (DDP, 1985a). There existed more than
100 traditional aquaculture farms in Satkhira district alone in 1950 (Ahmad, 1956).
International The coastal embankments in the tidal area erected by the Water
Journal of Social Development Board, in order to protect agricultural land, in the early 1960s
Economics made vast saline areas suitable for rice cultivation. Since the 1970s farmers of
the coastal belt resumed shrimp farming in the polders within the embanked
25,2/3/4 areas, mainly because of its high international demands and high price. In
addition, it was no longer financially profitable to cultivate rice in several
316 polders because of high salinity level (Karim, 1986). Private profitability of rural
primary producers and highly congenial environmental conditions for shrimp
aquaculture in coastal belts have further accelerated the resumption of shrimp
farming on a larger and commercial scale. Consequently, the country has seen a
significant increase both in area under shrimp cultivation and its production.
Shrimps and prawns are the major components of frozen foods category,
constituting 85-90 per cent of this category. In 1993-94, exports earning from
shrimps and frozen fish were US$197.67 million and US$12.85 million
respectively. This implies that foreign exchange earnings from the fisheries sub-
sector will therefore largely depend on exportable shrimp production (Kashem,
1996). As of 1993-94 shrimps contributed 57 per cent of exports in the primary
goods category (EPBB, 1995) and have surpassed raw jute, the immediate-past
dominant primary export item. The Government of Bangladesh recognised
shrimp aquaculture as an industry under the second Five Year Plan (1980-85)
and adopted the necessary steps for increased shrimp production (Haque, 1994).
In recent years shrimp aquaculture has expanded at a fast pace in coastal
Bangladesh. It has also made its way in inland areas suitable for fresh water
prawn cultivation. As a result, shrimp farming has become the second most
economically important activity after rice production in rural Bangladesh
(Guimaraes, 1989). All these changes in the primary industry sector have been
due mainly to the highly favourable ecological conditions for exportable shrimp
farming, increased costs of shrimping, effects of government priority and
various resultant policies for the shrimp industry, significant increase in the
application of modern technology, and highly encouraging international market
signals both in terms of price and demands.

2.2. Potential for shrimp aquaculture

As of 1994, there were about 138,000 hectares shrimp culture area (DOF, 1994)
and a production level of 30,000 metric tonnes in 1995 (Rosenberry, 1995).
Although a vast coastal area is suitable for shrimp aquaculture both area and
number of farms are concentrated in Bagerhat, Khulna and Satkhira districts in
the south-western part, and Cox’s Bazaar district in the south-eastern part.
Satkhira has the greatest potential for area expansion in the south-west region,
while the potential of Cox’s Bazaar for area expansion in the south-eastern
region tends also to be high (MPO, 1987).
Despite the great potential for shrimp culture in coastal regions, more
specifically in the south-east and south-west parts, the current per hectare yield
is very low. In Bangladesh, shrimp aquaculture is practised mostly by extensive
(traditional) methods and occasionally by improved extensive (improved
traditional) methods. Semi-intensive/intensive methods are rarely practised. Coming out
Improved extensive method is typical to the Asian region. Different culture of their
methods are based on shrimp fry density in shrimp farms. As farming methods homesteads?
proceed from extensive all the way to intensive aquaculture, stocking density
increases, farm size gets smaller, cultural practices entail more improved
technology, capital expenditures increase and consequently shrimp yields
increase significantly (Rosenberry, 1995). Lightfoot et al. (1992) suggest that 317
high external input approaches with intensive aquaculture are not suitable for
Bangladesh. The reasons for not being suitable are, among others, affordability
of rural farmers, unavailability of credit, and risk aversion behaviour of the
rural poor. Nevertheless, the country’s switch over from subsistence shrimp
culture to commercial shrimp aquaculture at a larger scale may require
immediate adoption of intensive technologies. It is worth noting here that
whereas labour requirement decreases with increased use of technology in other
primary industries (for example in the crop sector), labour intake increases with
increased application of modern technology in the case of shrimp aquaculture.
However, all shrimp farming areas in Bangladesh are not suitable for semi-
intensive/intensive culture (Rahman et al., 1995).
Although per hectare shrimp yield has considerably increased from 20-50
kilograms in 1971 to 240 kilograms in 1992-93 (Hussain, 1994), it is still very
low as compared to other Asian countries (Hossain, 1995; Hussain, 1994;
Kashem, 1996) and second lowest in the world after Vietnam (Rosenberry, 1995).
Three distinct shrimp farming systems predominate the coastal aquaculture
in Bangladesh:
(1) shrimp monoculture;
(2) rice production alternates with shrimp culture in South-West Bangladesh;
and
(3) salt production alternates with shrimp culture in South-East Bangladesh.
Fresh water prawn culture is also expanding in inland aquaculture. Fresh water
shrimp-fish polyculture is emerging as another shrimp farming system in
Bangladesh.
Out of several shrimp species available in coastal areas of Bangladesh,
Penaeus monodon (black tiger shrimp) is the most preferred species in
brackishwater shrimp aquaculture with very high international demands. It
constitutes 70 per cent of the farmed shrimp production, while Macrobrachium
rosenbergii (giant river prawn) comprises 25 per cent of total production
(Ahmed, 1996). Fresh water prawns, particularly M. Rosenbergii, have higher
potential for expansion for many reasons, viz. they are more profitable than salt
water shrimps (Rutherford, 1994), they grow quickly and yield more crops from
the same land in the same period of time, they are bigger in size, and can be
grown both in salt and fresh water.
The country has chosen the path of rapid expansion of shrimp aquaculture
on agricultural land in order to satisfy the world market demands. Several
International studies (Ali, 1991; Karim and Ahsan, 1989; MPO, 1986) identify technical and
Journal of Social managerial constraints to shrimp cultivation. The introduction of commercial
Economics shrimp farming has generated different social, economic and environmental
consequences. While the recorded export and employment gains are quite
25,2/3/4
remarkable, they have incurred considerable costs. These relate to environ-
mental and ecological problems, among other things, in the form of loss of
318 green vegetation and lower rice production. These findings are supported by
recent studies (Alauddin and Tisdell, 1996; Mozid, 1994; Rahman et al., 1995).

2.3. Status of different sub-sectors of the shrimp industry

The shrimp industry consists of four sub-sectors – shrimp farms, shrimp
hatcheries, feed mills and processing plants. All these sub-sectors are linked
together where the shrimp farm is the central to the industry. Figure 1 portrays
the linkages among the sub-sectors of the shrimp industry. A balanced growth
and ultimate success of the industry largely depend on the concurrent
development of all of its subsectors. The status of the shrimp farm sub-sector has
already been discussed above. The remaining sub-sectors are discussed below.

Shrimp
Fry
Collectors

Shrimp Hatcheries

Shrimp
Nurseries Farming Communities

Shrimp Farms/Ghers/Ghonas Shrimp Depots

Shrimp Feed
Collectors Processing Plants
&
Cold Stores
Shrimp Feed Mills

Exporting/Shipping
Backyard Feed Agents
Manufacturers

International Markets

Figure 1.
Sectoral linkages of
Sub-sectors of the shrimp industry
Bangladesh’s shrimp
industry Ancillary activities of the adjacent sub-sector
2.3.1. Shrimp hatcheries. The very first component of shrimp farming Coming out
technological package that was adopted by the farmers in Bangladesh in the of their
early 1980s was supplemental stocking of shrimp fries. This adequately homesteads?
underscores the importance of this subsector. The increased production to date
has been possible due largely to increased stocking densities. Shrimp fries from
wild catch account for about 95 per cent of seed stocking in shrimp farms
(Ahmed, 1996). There is an acute shortage of shrimp fries in Bangladesh 319
(Karim, 1995). Both further expansion of shrimp area and increase in
production would greatly depend on the establishment of shrimp hatcheries.
Currently only ten hatcheries are in operation (DOF, 1995) with very limited fry
production capacity. Consequently, farmers rely mostly on shrimp seeds from
wild collection, and partly on imported shrimp fries from overseas and local
hatchery-bred shrimp post-larvae.
It is important to mention here that only one of the existing hatcheries
produces black tiger fries, the most preferred shrimp species. The present fry
outputs from local hatcheries are far from adequate for the total requirements for
the country’s expanding shrimp aquaculture (Hussain, 1994; Karim, 1995).
Karim (1995) reveals that fry producing capacity of local hatcheries is 20 million
against the total requirement of 2,600 million (Cf. Rahman and Pal, 1995).
Rahman and Pal (1995) note that Bangladesh’s shrimp hatchery sector produces
30 million post-larvae. Construction of 12 private sector hatcheries is in progress
(Haque, 1995) that would significantly ease the shrimp fry crisis in Bangladesh.
2.3.2. Shrimp feed mill. Although shrimp feed is a key component of modern
shrimp technologies, there is a huge shortage of shrimp feed (Hossain, 1995;
Hussain, 1994; Karim, 1995). Application of supplemental feed in shrimp farms
is apparently a recent trend. There are only two feed mills in Bangladesh, with
a production capacity of 6,000 metric tonnes while the total requirement is
100,000 metric tonnes (Hussain, 1994). In addition, there are a few small-scale
fish feed manufacturers. Most shrimp feeds are imported from foreign
countries, which significantly increases costs of shrimp production.
Furthermore, owing to delay in shipment and government customs procedures,
these imported feeds often arrive with a marginal period approaching their
expiry dates. Use of such stale feed has many adverse effects on shrimp farms
(Karim and Aftabuzzaman, 1995), and on the surrounding ecology as well.
Lately, a few private sector feed manufacturing plants have been established.
Lack of any updated statistics makes it impossible to furnish the exact number
of plants that are in operation in Bangladesh.
2.3.3. Shrimp processing plants. Processing plants have experienced such a
rapid growth which is more than in concert with the expansion of shrimp
farming and its total production. This has culminated in a big discrepancy
between the quantity of farm produce required for optimum efficiency of those
plants and the total amount of harvested shrimp crops. As of 1993-94, there
were 115 processing plants with a daily capacity of 800 metric tonnes (Hussain
and Uddin, 1995). In 1994 there was a mere 13 per cent capacity utilisation of
these plants (Haque, 1994). In that period most of the plants were idle because
International of the raw material shortage. Recently Bangladesh Frozen Foods Exporters
Journal of Social Association (BFFEA) has formulated a quota system that would help all the
Economics plants to stay in operation (Economic News, 1995) until shrimp production
matches the requirements of existing processing facilities.
25,2/3/4 It is evident from the above discussion that while shrimp farms and
processing plants have registered substantial growth, the other two sub-sectors
320 have lagged behind. As discussed earlier, sustained growth and development of
the shrimp industry require parallel and compatible development of all its sub-
sectors. In this connection, shrimp hatcheries and feed mills deserve both public
and private sector interventions immediately.

2.4. Bangladesh’s shrimps and export trade

Bangladesh’s shrimp industry is exclusively an export-oriented industry.
Although shrimp is a food crop, because of its vital role in the Bangladesh
economy, it assumed the role of a cash crop since the introduction of commercial
shrimp farming on a larger scale. Shrimp is a popular food item almost
everywhere in the world because of its taste and boneless meat. Value added
shrimp products which are often available in self-ready form in developed
countries make it more attractive to consumers therein. In 1994-95 the shrimp
and frozen fish category earned US$312 million having a growth rate of 49 per
cent in export earnings from the previous year. This ranked frozen foods as the
second largest export earning group of items after ready-made garments and
knitwear (BFFEA, 1995). In contrast, the lead group of export items – ready-
made garments and knitwear attained 20 per cent growth in the same period
(Daily Star, 1996). Bangladesh is the seventh largest farmed shrimp producer in
the world, supplying 4.2 per cent of total world production.

3. Socio-economic implications of shrimp aquaculture

Although shrimp farming is apparently a late-comer in the primary industry
sector of coastal Bangladesh, it is a sign of prosperity. Since the advent of
commercial shrimp farming in the shrimp belt of Bangladesh, there has been
substantial economic and social transformations in those areas. The majority of
shrimp farmers made a quick fortune from growing this crop often called
“golden crop” or “silver crop” of Bangladesh. However, those who are working
for shrimp growers on a wage basis are still struggling to meet their basic
needs. Increased demands for shrimps in the world market made a significant
departure from capture fisheries to shrimp aquaculture in coastal regions. This
has left the bulk of fishermen folk, who were previously engaged in shrimp
capturing, unemployed. While one group (shrimp farmers) is enjoying
increased income, the others (small/marginal farmers and landless/wage
labourers) are confronting more hardship than ever before. In a recent study,
Alauddin and Tisdell (1996) report an uneven distribution of gains from shrimp
aquaculture between shrimp farm owners and land owners, particularly small
land-owning households. Socio-economic problems stemming from population
boom, shortage of arable land, reduced on-farm work, lack of alternative
employment options, poor infrastructure and recurrent natural disasters in Coming out
coastal regions have been aggravated by the rapid expansion of shrimp of their
aquaculture. These socio-economic constraints lead to self-incompatible homesteads?
resource use pattern and leave severe strain on the natural reserves in the
shrimp belts.
Shrimp farming being a relatively new productive activity, which heavily
relies on land resources, requires a new land-use pattern. It is important to 321
examine the interaction between this relatively new and previously practised
traditional land use patterns. Influenced by high demands for shrimps and
increased income, farmers are bringing more and more agricultural land and
salt beds under shrimp culture. As a result, the land areas that were previously
occupied by other crops, especially rice, or remained fallow (grazing land), and
used for salt production has been brought under shrimp farming. Several
interest groups have emerged through the process of expansion of shrimp
farming.
Both rice and shrimp farming play a very significant role in the Bangladesh
economy. Rice is the staple food of its ever growing population while shrimp is
an important export item that has created a significant amount of employment
including employment for rural women. While rice production is primarily
determined by local market demands, shrimp production is dictated by
international market signals. Rice is produced by numerous small farmers who
use the bulk of their harvest for household consumption. Rice growers are based
in the rural villages in the vicinity of farming areas. Shrimp production, on the
other hand, is pursued by a relatively few larger farmers and entrepreneurs
where almost all farm produce is destined for export markets. Many of the
shrimp farmers are based in urban or semi-urban areas. More often they are
politically and socially powerful having close links with the local and regional
administrations, and ruling political party machineries. Shrimp producers and
other key stakeholders of the industry are much more organised and powerful
than rice farmers – who are in most cases are powerless and lack organisational
and financial abilities – and are capable of influencing relevant government
policy that would favour their exclusive profit motive without being considerate
to the surrounding socio-economic milieu like the rice producers.
An increasing volume of literature indicates the growing conflicts between
rice farming and shrimp culture in greater Khulna region. The conflicts relate to
those in resource use as well as the interests of various groups engaged in the
process. Some recent studies (Ahmed, 1996; Chowdhury, 1988; Das, 1992; Islam,
1983; Rahman et al., 1995) identified similar problems. The findings indicated
that owing to the effect of shrimp cultivation, the yield of both paddy and salt
decreased in Khulna and Cox’s Bazaar regions respectively as well as uneven
distribution of gains from shrimp culture.
As shrimp farming is perceived as a more profitable venture among primary
industry, namely crop production, it is expanding to other coastal areas,
particularly to the south-central coastal region of the country. In addition, fresh
water shrimp culture, which is more profitable than salt water shrimp farming
International and can be carried out both in fresh and tidal waters, has also made its way to
Journal of Social inland aquaculture. Fresh water shrimp-fish polyculture is practised in ponds,
Economics irrigation canals and closed rivers in old Noakhali district to a limited scale
(DANIDA, 1989). This emerging trend of shrimp aquaculture in the south-
25,2/3/4 central region and inland waterbodies would spread the above stated socio-
economic implications to other parts of the country which were until now
322 confined only to the coastal belt of Bangladesh.

4. Employment implications of shrimp farming

4.1. Overview and background information
The fisheries sub-sector provides 1.2 million full-time and 10 million part-time
employment (DOF, 1995) in fishing, fish trading, fish transportation, packaging
and other ancillary activities. It is estimated that about 8 per cent of the
population directly or indirectly rely on fishing and ancillary sectors for their
living (Ahmed and Imam, 1988). According to a World Bank estimate, more
than ten million rural people are involved in subsistence fishing (World Bank,
1989). In other words, about 10 per cent of the total population is engaged in
subsistence fishing. It is interesting to note that one-fifth of the members per
rural household carry out subsistence fishing (BFRSS, 1986).
Shrimp aquaculture has created a significant volume of employment both in
off- and on-farm activities in coastal areas in recent years through backward
and forward linkages. To appreciate the impact of Bangladesh’s shrimp
aquaculture on the employment opportunities in the coastal regions, one
requires an understanding of the related factors, viz. land tenurial pattern, rural
power structure and centre-periphery issues, that influence employment
pattern in the shrimp belt. Different factors that influence the employment
situations in the coastal belt and the genesis of employment generation by large-
scale shrimp farming are highlighted below.
4.1.1. Land tenurial arrangements. Like other parts of the country, there is an
uneven distribution of land in coastal regions. A significant proportion of land
is in the hands of a few large land owners. Over the past decade, the land
holdings of marginal and small farmers have declined while large and very
large farmers have acquired more land (DDP, 1985a); 50 per cent of the rural
population is effectively landless.
A study conducted by the Delta Development Project (DDP, 1985b) has
identified the following shrimp farm ownership and/or control pattern in
South-West Bangladesh:
• single or household operation on own land, using own/domestic labour
(negligible percentage of sample total area);
• single control on own or rented land, using hired labour (only 1 per cent
of sample total area);
• multiple owners, all or most of whom participate in, and hence control
the farming operations (32 per cent of sample total area);
 • small number of owners and local people farming shrimps on land which Coming out
is partly owned and partly rented (24 per cent of sample total area); and of their
• outsiders control shrimp farming, using rented land and hired labour homesteads?
with some local people participating (43 per cent of sample total area).
Guimaraes (1989) points out that this grouping is not exhaustive and sometimes
overlapping. Therefore, it is rather a continuum of possible patterns It is 323
important to note that category (1) ideally follows peasant mode of production
(Guimaraes, 1989), which accounts for a very negligible percentage of shrimp
farms. Both in south-east and south-west parts of Bangladesh, shrimps are
cultured in both private and government lands. Land tenurial pattern is similar
both in south-east and south-west when shrimps are grown in privately owned
lands (ESCAP, 1988).
4.1.2. Rural power structure. Rural power structure plays a prominent role in
shaping the shrimp industry. Because marginal and small farmers, and
sometimes medium farmers as well, lack power and are far from being
empowered, they have very little to determine/influence the lease terms for
shrimp fields. Shrimp culture by its inherent nature is more like community
farming which entails co-operation and co-ordination among surrounding
farmers and land owners. Shrimp farming requires more financial capital than
rice cultivation (FRI, 1994a). This is a natural barrier to the entry in shrimp
farming by marginal/small farmers. In general, marginal/small landowners are
somehow not welcome to engage in shrimp aquaculture as main stakeholders,
rather they are encouraged to rent out their land and to work as wage labourers
eventually. Given the uneven distribution of wealth and power in rural areas,
marginal/small farmers are often forced to either lease/rent out their land or join
large landowners’ farms with minimum incentives (ESCAP, 1988; Rahman et al.,
1995). In a typical peasant society possession of land is the basis of social
power. In some extreme cases, small farmers are driven out from their land
without even any lease money (Bichitra, 4 March 1983, quoted in ESCAP, 1988,
p. 53). The president of the Bangladesh Frozen Foods Exporters Association in
its 9th Annual General Meeting criticised the government policy for allocating
4-4.5 hectares of government shrimp land per marginal farmer, who generally
follows extensive culture. This reflects the standing of BFFEA that does not
favour the presence of marginal/small farmers as main stakeholders in shrimp
aquaculture. It is worth mentioning here that often members of BFFEA are also
large shrimp growers. This inherent mechanism of the shrimp industry has
accelerated the process of landlessness in coastal areas. Again unlike rice
culture, landless farmers are excluded in sharecropping arrangements for
shrimp farming where land owners prefer leasees who have some land and
related resources of their own. Subsequently existing landless and newly
emerged near-landless farmers from the process of shrimp farming are left only
to sell their labour in coastal regions (Guimaraes, 1989).
Among the types of ownership/control of shrimp farms, category 3 is most
common in the shrimp belt and constitutes 47 per cent of the total number of
International farms. Although outsiders (category 5) control one-fifth of all farms, they
Journal of Social occupy 43 per cent of total shrimp area (DDP, 1985b). The outsiders come to
Economics shrimp growing areas during the production season and take shrimp fields on
lease. Outsiders who do not have any shrimp fields, in many cases, take control
25,2/3/4 of land by providing capital and forming alliance with local big farmers and
thereby take a big chunk of profit from shrimp production (DDP, 1983, quoted
324 in ESCAP, 1988, p. 50).
4.1.3. Centre – periphery issues. The dominance of outsiders in shrimp
farming is a sensitive issue. Shrimp culture was turned into a commercial
proposition by outsiders in response to international demands (Rahman et al.,
1995). Local people, especially small farmers, express various reasons why they
do not welcome outsiders in shrimp production. Outsiders, who are based in
urban centers (towns/cities), entered into this industry because of its profit
potential. Basically, they are very powerful individuals having direct links with
government bureaucracy and political parties. They are very much concerned
about their private profitability only and are insensitive to local socio-economic
and ecological problems. This has led the local people to be very critical of
shrimp culture (Rahman et al., 1995). As stated earlier, in order to expand their
farm areas these outsiders normally take lands from local small landowners
through coercion. However, they pay rent money to the locals. In many cases
landowners do not get the lease money in time. Subsequently, increased
salinisation of land makes it difficult or uneconomic for marginal/small farmers
to grow any other crops, particularly rice, which leads them to either rent out
their land or start shrimp culture. Although the number of outsiders engaged in
shrimp production declined over time, the area under their control is still
staggering and creates social tension in shrimp belts (Rahman et al., 1995).

4.2. Employment generation

Shrimp farming on a commercial/larger scale has created a new employment
structure in the coastal regions of Bangladesh. Shrimp farming itself is less
labour-intensive than rice cultivation. But the overall labour requirement of the
shrimp industry (including employment opportunities in other ancillary
activities) is higher than that of rice production. To this end, it is logical to
assume that the shrimp industry would play a pivotal role in absorbing the
surplus rural labour force of the coastal areas. The existing situation does not
exactly follow this assumption. The whole employment pattern in the shrimp
industry is complicated. The departure of the traditional employment pattern
associated with the predominantly rice-based farming systems and subsequent
introduction of existing labour-use need a brief review for a sound appreciation
of the process.
In the past rice farming followed very much the peasant mode of production
using family labour. The landless farmers had access to land through share
cropping and other land tenurial arrangements which they could afford. In this
way, the rural labourers were engaged in subsistence farming and selling their
labour as well. However, there was always a group of seasonally unemployed
landless labourers even before the advent of wide-scale shrimp farming. Since Coming out
the arrival of commercial shrimp production, the poorer categories of farmers in of their
the coastal areas have been affected more adversely because their employment homesteads?
opportunities have been reduced (Rahman et al., 1995). Advocates of shrimp
farming argue that additional shrimp aquaculture-related activities have
created a significant volume of new and varied off-farm work options which
were non-existent before. In a recent study Alauddin and Tisdell (1996) report 325
that shrimp production has resulted in increased employment opportunities off
the shrimp farms and there has been an overall increase in employment.
In Bangladesh, aquaculture is still an emerging sub-sector within the fishing
industry with significant potential for employment generation. About 3 million
people are directly or indirectly employed in the fish and shrimp aquaculture
industry that includes fish and shrimp farming, and other ancillary activities
(ODA, 1990). An MPO estimate depicts that in 1983, shrimp aquaculture
generated 10.2 million person days of on- and off-farm employment for 51,000
hectares of shrimp area (MPO, 1986). Area under shrimp farming has increased
at a fast pace in recent years. It is conjectural to assume that volume of work has
also increased proportionately along the expansion of area and increased
shrimp production. Table I shows the estimated labour requirement for the
shrimp industry. Figure 2 depicts the projected growth of employment in
Bangladesh’s shrimp industry.
A closer look at the employment situations give rise to the following issues
that need to be taken into account in assessing the current state of affairs in the
employment sector:
• According to the MPO (1986) estimate, area under shrimp farming in
2005 is expected to be 135,000 hectares. As of 1994, already about
138,000 hectares of shrimp farms were producing shrimp crops.
Therefore, the estimated volume of employment by the year 2005 might
have already been created by 1994.

Labour requirement
(000 person-days)
Category of 1983 1990 2005
employment (for 51,000ha) (for 108,000ha) (for 135,000ha)

On-farm works 4,096 8,143 12,062

Shrimp fry collection 5,606 11,664 40,155
Transportation of shrimp
post-larvae 126 420 894
Beheading 303 1,296 3,037
Processing for export 91 1,161 3,302 Table I.
Total 10,222 22,684 59,450 Estimated labour
requirement for the
Sources: DOF (1990, 1994); MPO (1986) shrimp industry
International Labour requirement (‘000’ person days)
Journal of Social 60,000
Economics Key
On-farm works
25,2/3/4 Shrimp fry collection
50,000
Transportation of shrimp post-larvae
326 Beheading at depots
40,000 Processing for export
All activities

30,000

20,000

10,000

Figure 2. 0
Projected employment 1983 1990 2005
trend of the shrimp Year
industry
Sources: DOF (1990, 1994); MPO (1986)

• The MPO estimate has not included all avenues for employment
opportunities within the industry. Some other ancillary activities of the
industry have generated substantial volume of off-farm works, namely
delivery of ice to shrimp depots, manufacturing and supply of packaging
materials, production and supply of raw materials for farm construction
and maintenance, trading shrimp feeds and other agri-business
products, shrimp fry and harvested shrimp crop trading, shrimp feed
(e.g. snails) collection, specialised transportation of shrimp crops, and
working in shrimp hatcheries and feed mills. If we add up the labour
requirements for these activities, total employment generation of the
shrimp industry would be much higher.
• The MPO estimate of labour requirement is based on the shrimp farms
in the greater Khulna and Cox’s Bazaar regions. In recent years, shrimp
aquaculture has expanded to other parts of the country particularly the
south-central part of Bangladesh. In addition, fresh water shrimp culture
is gaining increasing popularity in inland waterbodies because of its
high profit potential. In this connection, any valid estimate of labour
requirement for shrimp aquaculture must take into account all shrimp
farming areas.
 • Finally, it is evident from Figure 2 that shrimp fry collection is the most Coming out
significant contributing activity to the total employment implication of of their
the shrimp industry followed by on-farm works. Establishment of homesteads?
private sector hatcheries, declining fry availability in brackish water
mainly due to rapid destruction of mangroves, non-discriminatory wild
catch of shrimp larvae and decreasing standing shrimp stock in deep
sea, and importation of shrimp fries from overseas in recent years may 327
have adverse effects on employment prospects for wild shrimp fry
collection.
There are 227 ice plants in Bangladesh (Hussain and Uddin, 1995). In addition,
about 200 firms are involved in the shrimp export trade (Begum and Banik,
1995). All these have employment implications for the shrimp industry.
As stated earlier, about half of the total shrimp farming area is controlled by
multiple ownership. Another 43 per cent of shrimp area is occupied by
outsiders. In the multiple ownership pattern farmers who own some lands are
included in shrimp farming, while some local land owners and influentials may
also join outsiders in the later pattern of shrimp farming. Thus landless farmers
are not encouraged in shrimp farming other than just selling their labour. By
the same token, local landless rural labourers are sometimes not even favoured
for work in shrimp farms. Existing literature portrays various reasons for these
situations, which include:
• mistrust of outsiders towards local people;
• negative attitudes of locals towards outsiders;
• outsiders think that if they hire labour from outside areas it is less likely
they would be able to unite against outsider shrimp growers;
• practices, (e.g. poaching shrimp crops) that are believed to be done by
local labourers, who can also act as part-time security staff etc. (for
details see Rahman et al., 1995).
Outsider shrimp producers prefer hiring labourers from outside areas. The
process they believe would increase profitability from shrimp farms. The
opponents of shrimp farming in coastal areas argue that outsiders hire
labourers from outside areas only to consolidate their power and strength so
that they can keep on producing shrimps without owning lands in those areas
and stay as lead stockholders in the shrimp industry. In sum, the outsiders’
control of large shrimp farms is the prime cause for social imbalance and
deteriorating law and order situations in rural coastal areas. This supports the
argument that although coastal shrimp culture has seen a rapid and unplanned
growth, it has suffered from conflicts that have stemmed from, among other
factors, increased negative social impacts and social unrest (FRI, 1994a; Pullin,
1995). This has serious implications for coastal employment structure leading
to two-way migration flow of landless labourers. Figure 3 sets out the two-way
labour migration in the shrimp belt of Bangladesh.
International Dhaka City - The National Capital
Journal of Social
Economics
25,2/3/4

328
District Town

District Town

Other Coastal
Khulna City

District Town
Bagerhat

Cox’s Bazar
Satkhira

Chittagong
Districts

City
Figure 3.
Labour mitigation flow
in the shrimp belt of
Bangladesh Shrimp Farms in the Coastal Belt

In the past, transformation of traditional agriculture in rural Bangladesh has

initiated rural-urban migration flow. Unemployed “surplus” rural labour force
used to migrate to cities/towns for better work opportunities with a higher
wage prospect. In recent years urban-based industrialisation like the ready-
made garments industry has accelerated this process.
In contrast, the shrimp industry has generated a two-way migration flow.
Because of reduced on-farm employment opportunities, the majority of the
unemployed landless labourers migrate to urban areas in search for work.
Furthermore, as stated earlier, the tendency of outside shrimp growers of hiring
outside labourers has also forced them considerably to leave the rural areas.
Therefore, it has also apparently engendered urban-rural, more specifically
semi-urban-rural migration. Another interesting aspect to point out is that the
hired outside labourers could be from urban areas as their employers are, but
they may not be of urban origin. Again, most of the outside labourers are from
coastal towns, and labour flow from big cities to coastal farming areas is
minimal to nil, although some management personnel are from big cities. In
some cases, outside labourers hired by outside shrimp growers could be from
other shrimp farming areas who have migrated to urban areas with hopes of
securing jobs. In sum, the shrimp industry has displaced the rural labour force.
It has created a cyclic-flow of rural labour force encompassing rural, semi-rural
and urban areas (see Figure 3). However, the increased employment
opportunities in urban areas have failed to absorb all rural workers.
Consequently, urban unemployment rate is on the rise. Those who could not
find jobs are reluctant to go back to rural areas because of the absence of any
immediate employment prospect. While they keep looking for jobs, as an
alternative, they expect the female members of their families to work and make
a living for the families they left behind in search of a better future. This has Coming out
increased the number of split families in rural areas. of their
homesteads?
5. Employment for women
Shrimp farming has an important implication for employment of rural women.
It has entailed a new employment pattern for rural women. Under the previous
farming systems, which centred around rice cultivation, women used to work 329
in and around their homesteads. Their involvement in the agricultural sector in
addition to carrying out routine household duties did not normally require
them to go outside their homes. While they used to perform agricultural
activities, they had enough time to look after their children and do other
household works. Under the traditional values and norms, in a male
dominating society the women are not expected to go out of home to do any
work in order to earn their livelihoods. However, poorer rural women are
encouraged to undertake household chores in others’ families as a secondary
occupation to supplement household income. In subsistence rural households,
women are primarily full-time housewives. Nevertheless, rural women from
landless households always undertake odd jobs preferably inside the house or
within the homestead.
Before the advent of commercial shrimp farming in the coastal regions of
Bangladesh, there were times when local administration had to deploy police to
prevent destitute women and beggars from coming to Khulna city from
neighbouring urban and semi-urban areas. This situation is long gone. These
women are now working in the shrimp industry and earning their livelihoods
(Islam, 1996). In that regard, shrimp aquaculture has not only created
employment opportunities for rural coastal women, it has also accommodated
homeless, destitute women from the semi-urban and urban areas into gainful
employment.
As of 1993, women accounted for only 8 per cent of the total labour force in
Bangladesh (World Bank, 1995). Until recently Bangladeshi women who were
involved in off-farm agricultural activities, especially homestead-based tasks,
were not included in workforce statistics. There is a lack of statistics about
women labour force in Bangladesh agriculture. It is more prevalent in the
fisheries subsector. The introduction of the Bangladesh Fisheries Resource
Survey System (BFRSS) has been instrumental in collecting various data on the
fishing industry including workforce statistics on the aquaculture industry. It
will take some time to streamline all these information systems and to come up
with detailed information. Up until now there are no valid statistics on the
women labour force in the aquaculture industry, and available data vary widely
from one author/source to another.

5.1. Female labour force in the shrimp industry

By now the role of women in Bangladesh agriculture and aquaculture is well
recognised. In the past, i.e. until the advent of commercial shrimp culture, the
rural women used to perform various backyard-based agricultural/aquaculture
International activities like winnowing, threshing, parboiling, drying rice crop, grading,
Journal of Social processing and storage of agricultural produces, rearing livestock and poultry,
Economics kitchen gardening, fish culture in the backyard ponds/ditches. Shrimp farming
on a commercial scale has narrowed down the employment opportunities of the
25,2/3/4 male members of the households as its on-farm labour requirement is less than
that of rice production. This has forced women to go out of their homes and to
330 become income earning members. Although rural women are not encouraged to
be involved in on-farm activities of shrimp culture, they are now working in
ancillary activities of shrimp production, namely in shrimp fry and feed
collection, shrimp depot and processing industry for beheading, grading,
packaging etc. In other words, while their male counterparts got out of
employment from on-farm activities, they made their way into off-farm
ancillary activities. This process has saved many rural landless poor families
from starvation and hunger. Table II shows the estimated employment pattern
in the shrimp industry. It is evident from Table II that there are no women
working in on-farm activities, fry trading and transportation, and shrimp
van/boat operation.
The following sections describe the nature and extent of involvement of
coastal rural women in different sectors of the shrimp industry.
5.1.1. Shrimp fry collection. Shrimp fry collection is a major source of
employment for rural women. Mostly women from marginal and landless rural
families are engaged in this sector. All women involved in fry collection are self-
employed. It needs very minimal capital to purchase and repair the net. It
involves work sometimes in adverse weather.
There is abundance of fry during high tide. Men, women and children wait
on the river bank for high tide to catch wild fry. It is a seasonal work. Although
shrimp fries are available round the year in estuarine waters, their abundance
occurs during February to mid-April. Fry collection provides employment for
six to eight months for rural labour force as an individual or as part of family
labour (FRI, 1994a) During the peak season, each fry collector can catch on an

Number of working people

Types of activities Male Female Total

Fry collection 99,000 55,000 154,000

Fry trading and transportation 1,500 1,5000
On-farm works 225,167 225,167
Works in the shrimp depots 4,000 11,000 15,000
Shrimp van/boat operation 1,500 1,500
Table II. Works in the processing plants 2,000 3,750 5,750
Employment patterns Total 333,167 69,750 402,917
in shrimp aquaculture
in Bangladesh Source: Adopted from Karim and Aftabuzzaman (1995)
average 78 fries (FRI, 1994b). Almost all shrimp fry collectors are part of the Coming out
unskilled labour force. As a result, they are not aware of the adverse impact of of their
undiscriminatory catch of wild fries on the ecology and natural reserves. They homesteads?
destroy lots of other aquatic species in the process of fry collection.
There are 55,000 coastal women engaged in fry collection, constituting about
36 per cent of the labour force of fry collection and about 14 per cent of the total
labour force of the shrimp industry (Karim and Aftabuzzaman, 1995, cf. FRI, 331
1994a). According to a FRI (1994a) study 31-32 per cent of fry collectors in greater
Khulna and Cox’s Bazaar regions are females. Since fry collectors operate in
public water bodies in tidal areas, they can catch any time anywhere they want.
Fry collectors have open access to fry catching spots. A recent study portrays
that marine water fishing operates on the basis of “first-come first-choose a
fishing site” (Skagerstam and Brattstrom, 1991). Brackish water fishing follows
the same rule as that of marine water. Fry collection involves catching fries from
tidal waters, counting them and then placing them in earthen or aluminium pots.
5.1.2. Employment in shrimp depots. Works in shrimp depots include mainly
washing, de-heading, grading, peeling and icing shrimp crops. There are 1,500
shrimp depots in Bangladesh. These depots are located in the districts of
Satkhira, Bagerhat, Cox’s Bazaar, Jessore, Potuakhali, Barisal, Pirojpur,
Chittagong and Chandpur (Karim and Aftabuzzaman, 1995). It is important to
note that all these districts are not leading shrimp farming areas. Of equal
importance is that all these depots are not situated in the coastal shrimp belt.
According to an estimate, there are 11,000 women depot workers represent-
ing 73 per cent of the labour force involved in depot works (Karim and
Aftabuzzaman, 1995, cf. FRI, 1994a). A FRI (1994a) study reveals that 93-95 per
cent of depot workers in greater Khulna and Cox’s Bazaar regions are females.
In this sector of the shrimp industry, women largely outnumber male workforce.
5.1.3. Employment in processing plants. There are 115 processing plants
located in different urban and semi-urban areas of Bangladesh. It is estimated
that 3,750 females work in the processing industry representing 65 per cent of
the labour force involved in this sector. It is worth mentioning that since most of
the processing plants are situated in urban and semi-urban areas, women
working for these plants may not be exclusively from rural coastal areas. It is
highly likely that there would be a combination of female workers with rural,
semi-urban and urban origins.
In addition, a substantial number of women are engaged in shrimp feed (e.g.
snail) collection and production of raw materials (e.g. bamboo fences, bamboo
traps etc.) for farm construction.

5.2. Working women in the shrimp industry: some observations

Generally speaking, all sectoral activities of shrimp production in Bangladesh
are dictated by international market demands. When there is a strong market
demand for Bangladesh’s shrimp crops, more often women workers have to
work hard in night shifts and for extended hours in order to meet shipment
deadlines. As Bangladeshi rural women are not accustomed to night works on
International their own, the risks of mishappening are not unfounded. Despite social norms
Journal of Social and values which, to a large extent, restrict their movements at night, they are
Economics forced to work after hours. Otherwise they would face termination from work,
against the backdrop of declining employment opportunities in the coastal
25,2/3/4 rural sectors, which they can not afford. There has been a number of reported
abuses and assaults in recent time in and around shrimp depots and processing
332 factories in coastal regions. In a male dominating society it is not a very
welcoming situation for the male folks. The simple logic is – male labour force
is out of work and are somehow compelled to allow their women folk for work
outside their homes for extended hours. However, there are some opposing
views to this connotation. Experts of “women development”, “equal
opportunity” and “women freedom” suggest that the process set in motion
towards achieving true liberalisation of women’s rights. They further argue
that the increased employment opportunities for coastal women in the shrimp
industry would provide them a solid platform to empower themselves.
However, women’s employment outside the homesteads, more specifically in
and around business or industrial centres in the presence of males, are still not
regarded as a respectful profession in rural Bangladesh. Male and female alike
in rural Bangladesh still preferred women to work in home-based activities.
It is often argued that by becoming active earning members in rural
households women have risen to the position of equal decision makers in their
day-to-day business. They have also been enjoying more buying power and
thereby more access to foods and clothing, and in some cases to some luxury
goods. But lower wage for females is an obstacle to this aspiration of the rural
women. Most women work as temporary employees in the depots and
processing plants. There are no formal employment contract arrangements,
which means they can be sacked at any time without being even given any
notice. Women are remunerated with lower wage for a given task than their
male partners. Women and children work in shrimp depots and processing
plants for cheaper wages (FRI, 1994a). There has also been reporting of
exploitations in terms of wage and employment contracts.
Another important aspect which impedes women is access to different
consumables is the total employment status of a household. It is particularly
fitting when other members, more specifically male members of the households,
are out of gainful employment. In that case the sole income by the female
members of the household is shared by all for meeting household expenditures
and even pocket money for their male partners. Expression of women’s rights
for their own income and the rights for spending money in their own way often
leads to domestic conflicts. Given the norms and values of rural Bangladesh,
from a social anthropological point of views, this situation might disintegrate
social fabric and inflict instability in family lives. A study conducted by FRI
(1994a) reports that despite increased employment opportunities for rural
women in coastal areas, their standard of living has not improved significantly.
But their living standard warrants immediate improvement since the bulk of
these women workforce are widows, divorcees, and oppressed rural poor.
 Often women work in unhygienic working conditions. There is no provision Coming out
of occupation health and safety. Workplace occupational safety systems are of their
almost non-existent in the rural industry sector. In the case of any work related homesteads?
accidents, female labourers are not covered by any insurance policy. They rely
on the mercy of their employers. On very rare occasions they are compensated
with a mere one-off payment for a workplace accident. There is no provision of
sick or maternity leaves. Most employers operate on the basis of “no work no 333
payment”.
It is interesting to note that although women are enjoying increased work
opportunities, none of them are in a central role. However, only a few women
own fresh water prawn farms in Bangladesh. Women who are self-employed in
shrimp fry collection, none of them has been involved in fry trading. Shrimp fry
trading to date is a male domain. Fry traders determine the price of wild fries.
There is a widely disproportionate profit margin between shrimp fry collectors
and traders. Shrimp fry collectors perform the hard part by collecting and
preserving fry catches from open water sometimes even in harsh weather, while
fry traders reap the most benefit from the sector. This is one type of exploitation
where women are not getting their fair share for their hard work. Furthermore,
establishment of new private sector hatcheries will leave a severe strain on
employment for women in fry collection. Although only a few shrimp fry
hatcheries are in operation now, fully operated increased number of hatcheries
will create increased unemployment in the shrimp belt since the bulk of the
post-larvae shrimp fry will come from hatcheries.
A question arises: while outsider shrimp producers prefer outside workers in
shrimp farming, why not they hire outside workers for what local women are
doing? First, they consider that most of the ancillary activities, for example
beheading, grading, icing and packaging are best suited for women. These are
less physically demanding and mostly indoor works. So depot and processing
plant owners can get the job done by women with less money. It is a well
established fact that in Bangladesh female labourers get less wage than their
male counterparts in the same situations. This is because females are
considered physically weaker than males. In addition, industry leaders feel safe
employing local females realising that they will never be able to confront their
employers in a united front. This does not approve the statements of the
advocates of women freedom. The only way females in a male dominating
society can free themselves from any form of discrimination and exploitation is
through empowerment – a catch phrase of recent vocabulary. Through
participation in more economic activities they become more active income
earning members in the households and can enjoy more participation in the
decision-making process and thereby more freedom in their lifestyles.
Again, if this is the case why do not depot and processing factory owners
hire outside female workers? The argument is although it is feasible to hire
outside male workers, it is difficult in the case of outside female labourers. Male
outside labourers often live in watch tower, thatched house near shrimp farms,
which is less than practical for their female counterparts. So they employ local
International women labourers. By doing so depot and processing plant owners also
Journal of Social minimise some social tensions to some extent that culminate over the issues of
Economics employment in the shrimp industry.
25,2/3/4
6. Concluding comments
Bangladesh has experienced a rapid expansion of shrimp farming in the coastal
334 regions in recent years. The increase in both area and production has been
influenced by the financial profit motive of rural farmers coupled with high
international demands for shrimps and ecological congeniality for shrimp
aquaculture. In the past the traditional farming systems in the coastal belts of
Bangladesh centred around rice crop. In contrast, the introduction of shrimp
aquaculture on a larger/commercial scale has developed shrimp-based farming
systems. Shrimp farming itself is less labour-intensive than rice cultivation,
especially when extensive methods of shrimp culture are practised. Hence, it
has reduced on-farm employment opportunities for rural landless. Neverthe-
less, shrimp production requires a substantial volume of labour in off-farm
ancillary activities, namely shrimp fry collection, shrimp feed collection, and
shrimp processing and packaging for export. Most of this off-farm work is
performed primarily by rural women. This process has engendered a major
shift in rural employment and occupational structure in the shrimp belt.
Shrimp production has enabled rural women to earn more cash income and
to become more active income earning members in rural households. While
they used to contribute to their share of agricultural work in the homestead
before the shrimp cultivation was introduced, now they work mostly outside
their homes. This has forced them to stay outside of their homes for longer
hours, which limits their time for household duties, more specifically looking
after children. All these factors together have implications for the socio-
economic changes in the rural society. One relevant question that arises is: are
rural women empowering themselves in this process? This paper explores the
relationship involving the process of shrimp production and the status of rural
women in Bangladesh. Furthermore, it examines whether the terms of
employment and working environment conflict with existing values and norms
of rural society. Finally it investigates the extent to which rural women have
extricated themselves from various forms of discrimination and exploitation.
The findings that emerge indicate that a range of factors including rural
power structure, centre-periphery issue, rural-urban migration determine the
pattern and extent of employment. It is unclear whether greater employment
opportunities for rural women have empowered them or have helped extricate
them from various forms of discrimination and exploitation.

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