SDD UNIVERSITY OF BUSINESS AND INTEGRATED DEVELOPMENT STUDIES

DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY AND POLITICAL SCIENCE

PROGRAMME: PhD IN PEACE AND CONFLICT STUDIES

STUDENT NAME: NOYUORO CHRISTOPHER

STUDENT ID: PG0239022

COURSE: MIGRATION AND REFUGEES REGIME

COURSE CODE: PSC 517

END OF FIRST TRIMESTER

TERM PAPER

ASSESSING THE DETERMINANTS OF ANTI-MIGRANTS ATTITUDES

TOWARDS IMMIGRANTS IN GHANA

LECTURER: DR. JOSEPH YAKUBU

1
 ABSTRACT
Due to the current refugee crises from political unrest, ethnic conflicts, natural resource

conflict and religious conflicts around the world there has been increasing opposition towards

immigration in both rhetoric and policy changes in the world especially in Ghana. There has

been negative anti migrants’ attitude towards immigrants in Ghana due to the consequences it

brings to the people. In order to address this phenomenon this paper builds off of several well

researched theories including how trade, cultural and national identity, economic security,

educational attainment, threat to culture, and the availability of information play a role in

developing one’s view on immigrants. Using data collected from the Ghana Statistical

Service Survey (GSSS) and a qualitative approach where I interviewed people to know their

views on immigrants in Ghana. The researcher used the purposive sampling technique to

select the respondents. The target population included men, women, children, immigration

officers, police and business people across six districts in Ghana. This paper sought to assess

the determinants of anti-immigrants’ attitudes towards immigrants in Ghana. The study

provides insight as to how policy changes may help address this issue.

Key Words: Anti migrants, Immigrants, Attitude, Migration and Determinants

INTRODUCTION
For many decades now, immigration has become an enduring feature of many societies in

the world. Migration is overtaking fertility as a main driver of population growth in some of

the key regions of the developing world. In addition, the number of migrants in the developed

world has grown at an average of 3.0% annually since 2000, far more than the 0.6% annual

population growth there (McKinsey Global Institute, 2016). Based on population projections

from the United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs (UN DESA), the

surplus of deaths over births after 2020 is projected to be significant enough to decrease

2
Europe’s population, despite continued positive net migration. Starting in the decade from

2030 to 2040, net migration is expected to overtake natural increase as the main driver of

population growth in North America.

In an analysis of international survey data collected by the International Organization for

Migration (IOM) from the Gallup World Poll for the period 2010–2015, 1.3% of the global

adult population, or 66 million people, were planning to migrate permanently within the next

12 months. In fact, 23 million adults are taking specific steps to realize their plans (Sides and

Citrin, 2008). Further, one in three adults surveyed plans to migrate to a developing country,

with the United States as the most popular destination followed by the United Kingdom,

Saudi Arabia, France, Canada, Germany and South Africa. Additionally, during the recent

refugee crisis, countries in the Middle East accommodated millions of people, and Europe

received around 1.5 million new asylum claims. Although there are important legal

differences among categories of migrants, in public perception the term typically is viewed to

also include refugees and asylum seekers (Sides and Citrin, 2008).

Public attitudes towards immigration have become a major societal issue. These attitudes can

influence policy makers, and settling into a supportive or rather more hostile environment

makes a difference for immigrants’ adjustment and mental health. Countries and individual

citizens vary widely in their views about immigration and immigrants. In social sciences, an

increasing number of empirical studies on these attitudes are being conducted, although

predominantly in Western societies (Sniderman, Hagendoorn, and Prior, 2004).

A host of factors appear to drive people’s attitudes towards immigration. They are difficult to

isolate and also tend to affect each other. In general, however, public attitudes differ

depending on contextual factors, migrant characteristics, and personal characteristics. First,

countries differ in their average support to immigration and their level of polarization. For

3
example, people in North America tend to hold more positive views towards immigration

than Europeans, and East Europeans tend to be more negative than West Europeans.

Furthermore, the public in some countries is consensually rather hostile toward immigration

(i.e., Czech Republic, Hungary), while other countries are internally quite divided (e.g., The

Netherlands, Norway), or consensually rather supportive (Canada, New Zealand) (Sniderman,

Hagendoorn, and Prior, 2004). There are various reasons for these country differences,

including the country’s immigration and emigration history, the political context, the

immigration and integration policies, the size of the immigrant population, and its

composition in terms of country of origin, religion, and level of educational and work skills.

Second, in their immigration policies, countries often make distinctions between types of

migrants – Western and non-Western; European Union (EU) and non-EU immigrants,

African and Non-African and the public tends to do the same. Public attitudes are, for

example, more negative towards immigrants who are culturally less similar, such as Muslims

in Europe. Additionally, newcomers who are considered to have migrated voluntarily (i.e.,

labor migrants) face more negative public attitudes than involuntary migrants (i.e., refugees)

(Citron, Green, Muste, and Wong, 1997). Migrants who have chosen themselves to migrate

often elicit feelings of threat and anger, and therefore more negative reactions, whereas

refugees may elicit humanitarian concerns and feelings of empathy, and therefore more

positive responses (Citron, Green, Muste, and Wong, 1997).

Third, some sections of the population are supportive of immigrants and refugees, while other

sections are rather negative or even hostile. In general, more positive attitudes are found

among the higher educated and political liberals, who tend to have a more cosmopolitan

orientation, experience little competition and threat from migrants, and more strongly value

open-ness, change and cultural diversity (Citron, Green, Muste, and Wong, 1997).

Furthermore, the perception that migrants make a valuable contribution to society and the

4
experience of positive contacts with migrants are predictors of more favorable attitudes. In

contrast, stronger national attachment, feelings of relative deprivation, perceived economic

competition and cultural threats, and an authoritarian predisposition in which conformity to

social norms is central, explain anti-immigrant sentiments. Additionally, the perception that

immigrants are a burden on society and challenge the status quo, and the direct exposure to

massive increase in arrivals of refugees, increase hostility towards newcomers (Hainmueller

and Hopkins, 2014).

From a personal characteristic context interaction perspective, it can be expected that the role

of these personal factors be not uniform. Psychological characteristics will matter more under

some conditions than others (Hainmueller and Hopkins, 2014). For example, people with an

authoritarian predisposition are particularly prone to react with increased negativity towards

culturally dissimilar immigrants (non-Western, Muslims), who are perceived as normative

threatening, rather than towards culturally similar immigrants (Western, Christian). Another

example is that people who have economic concerns and worries about crime are more

negative towards Eastern European immigrants, whereas those who perceive cultural or

terrorism-related threats have more negative views towards Muslim immigrants.

Additionally, individual differences matter more for anti-immigrant attitudes when the

proportion of immigrants is higher, the economic situation is declining, and the ideological

climate in society is dominated by hierarchy enhancing and status quo preserving norms and

values (Sniderman, Hagendoorn, and Prior, 2004).

Furthermore, stronger national attachment tends to be associated with stronger anti-

immigrant attitudes in non-settler countries, but not in settler countries in which cultural

diversity is a constitutive norm of the national identity. Information about immigrants can

invoke both feelings of threat and countervailing humanitarian concerns, whereby the former

can override the latter, but also the latter can override the former (Sniderman, Hagendoorn,

5
and Prior, 2004). System justification motivations can be used by politicians and policy

makers to garner support for refugees (e.g., “Open hearts and welcoming communities: it’s

the Canadian way”).

In Africa in general, research has demonstrated that people tend to overestimate the number

of immigrants and refugees entering their country, and that subjective perceptions are much

more important for people’s attitudes than actual changes and events (Awumbila et al., 2008).

This means that how public policies are being framed and how immigrants are depicted in the

media and by politicians is important. It matters whether newcomers are described as a

potential threat to the host society or rather as making a valuable contribution and being in

need of help (Awumbila et al., 2008).

Apart from those with very strong positive or negative views about immigration, most people

are struggling with the challenges and uncertainties that the arrival of large numbers of

newcomers imply (Awumbila et al., 2008). Taking their concerns and doubts seriously is

critical for broadening public support for immigration and refugee settlement. Public

opposition to immigration can be a major social and political disruptive force and has

negative implications for the opportunities of newcomers. Understanding what drives

individuals to be positive or rather negative towards immigrants, and when and how the

various psychological determinants become less or more important for their attitudes, is

crucial for trying to avoid the divisive consequences of migration and increase the successful

accommodation of newcomers (Awumbila et al., 2008). Mass immigration is a global

phenomenon affecting most countries, and there is much at stake for societies, communities

and individuals, including the mental health of newcomers especially in Africa.

In Ghana, Government’s and the public’s attitudes towards migration, both historically and in

contemporary terms, has been largely ambivalent. In the colonial period and during the early

6
years of independence Ghana played host to many non-nationals mainly from other African

countries (Flahaux and De Haas, 2016). During the colonial period, the colonial

administration welcomed many migrant labourers from other African countries to facilitate

their development efforts. The trend continued soon after independence in the name of pan-

Africanism when the first president of Ghana championed the struggle for African unity

(Flahaux and De Haas, 2016). The romance between Ghana and other Africans ended with

the overthrow of the first president in 1966, which opened the floodgate for political

instability. In 1969 the country’s economy was in shambles and this was partly blamed on too

many aliens in the country who had taken over jobs meant for Ghanaians. The government

responded to this public outcry by passing the Aliens Compliance Order in November 1969,

which sent many undocumented non-nationals packing (Flahaux and De Haas, 2016).

At the internal level, migration has never been accorded any positive response either. Policy

response seems to portray rural-urban migration as the most important in terms of volume

and impact, although available literature points to the contrary. Urban unemployment is

blamed on the influx of migrants from the rural to urban areas. In terms of crimes and

conflicts, all the flashpoints in the cities and large towns tend to be the areas largely settled by

migrants. Examples are Nima and Sodom and Gomorrah in Accra and Aboabo in Kumasi

(Awumbila et al., 2008). Similarly, most of the areas prone to civil conflicts tend to be areas

where migrants settle in large numbers and where the conflicts come in the form of struggle

over land (Awumbila et al., 2008). Thus, the general outlook tends to be that migration is

viewed in negative light but other well renounced scholars and leaders like Kofi Annan,

Professor Atta Mills, J.J Rawlings and J.A Kuffour gave pro-immigration comments and

welcomed immigrants into Ghana (Awumbila et al., 2008). The governments, leaders and

stakeholders of immigration and development had undertaken several educative programmes

and enacted laws to help the Ghanaians develop good attitude towards immigrants but that

7
have not yielded the needed results. Thus, this paper assessed the determinants of anti-

migrants attituded towards immigration in Ghana and the strategies that can be taken to help

Ghanaians develop positive attitudes towards immigrants in Ghana.

LITERATURE REVIEW
Defining migration
Migration can be defined as the permanent change of residence or the movement of people in

space often involving a change in the usual place of residence. This usually brings about the

detachment from the organisation of activities at one place (the place of origin) and the

movement of the total round of activities to another place (the place of destination)

(Goldscheider, 1971). A migrant is, therefore, a person whose current usual place of

residence is different from his/her place of birth or previous place of residence. Thus,

migration has within its elements of both space and time or distance and duration. Spatially,

the movement must cross a definite geographical or administrative boundary. In terms of

time, there must be a permanent or sustained sojourn in the place of destination. The essential

character of migration is thus that it involves a change in place of abode, or place of “usual”

residence a taking-up of life in a new or different place. Statistically this is often captured in

terms of duration of stay at the destination. In the Ghanaian census all persons who were

staying outside their place of birth for six months or more were regarded as internal migrants.

Similarly, those who had stayed abroad for six months or more were regarded as emigrants.

The study of migration is important for two principal reasons. Firstly, migrants contribute

directly to population decrease in the source areas and an increase in the destination areas.

Secondly, migration tends to be selective in terms of sex and age. Thus, migration can

indirectly affect the productive capacity through its selective effect on age and sex

composition and can have significant demographic, social and economic impact on both

source and destination areas. According to Blomstrom et al. (1994) migrant is a citizen who

8
has voluntarily moved from his or her home country (country of origin) and has lived in

another country for more than a year. Thus, immigration is the movement of people from

their home country into another country.

African migration can be disaggregated into intra-regional migration and inter-regional

migration. According to the AU report (2016), intra-regional migration mainly takes place in

West, East, and Southern African regions whiles inter-regional migration is mainly from

West Africa to Southern Africa, from East/Horn of Africa to Southern Africa and from

Central Africa to Southern Africa and West Africa. The report indicates that the majority of

international African migrants in African countries are males (51%) whiles a high number of

females (49%) have migrated within the region (Flahaux and De Haas, 2016). The authors

report that majority of African migration is contained within Africa and mostly occur

between neighbouring countries. Migration between neighbouring countries provides a

platform for ease in integration since neighbours are more likely to have similarities in the

socio-political environment of neighbouring countries.

Immigration in Ghana has continued to the present times and these migrants can be

categorized into different types including refugees and asylum seekers, labour migrants,

students, tourists and visitors (IOM, 2006). The UNHCR (2009) reported that in 2008, Ghana

hosted the fourth-largest refugee population in West Africa as it hosted about 31,000 refugees

and asylum seekers. The report indicates that most of these refugees were fleeing violent

conflicts in Liberia, Sierra Leone, and Ivory Coast. Statistics show that, the refugee

population in Ghana rose from 11,721 in 2001 to 53,524 in 2005, later declined to 34,950 in

2007 and drastically within a short period to 18,206 in 2008 (UNHCR, 2009a). Currently,

Ghana now hosts about 13,216 refugees (UNHCR, 2018). The majority of these refugees are

Liberians and mostly reside in the Gomoa Budumburam camp, whiles other refugees can be

found in the Krisan Camp.

9
Post-Colonial History of Migration in Ghana
After independence in 1957, while Ghana continued to attract migrants from other African

countries due to its relative affluence, the influx from the north still continued unabated.

Internal population movement in Ghana continued after independence particularly rural to

urban migration (Awumbila et al., 2008). In 1960, roughly 23 percent of the population could

be classified as urban, the proportion was over 43 percent in 2000. Migration from rural areas

accounted for much of this growth, especially in the 1960s. This was largely due to the

growth of industrial activities in the urban centres in the 1960s. Thereafter, high rates of

natural increase in the urban population became a significant factor in urbanization

(Awumbila et al., 2008).

While those with skills and adequate level of education move to the national and regional

capitals, the less educated have continued to move instead to the mining and cocoa growing

areas. According to the 1960 Census Report, the Northern and Volta regions recorded net

losses of enumerated native born of 157,000 and 95,000 respectively, while Ashanti, Greater

Accra and Brong Ahafo imported over 10,000 people each. The 1984 Census Report,

however, revealed that Northern, Greater Accra and Brong Ahafo regions recorded net

increases in their shares of the total population, while the rest of the regions experienced

declines. Quite significant is Greater Accra’s share of the total population, which increased

from 7.3 percent in 1960 to 10 percent in 1970 and further to 11.6 percent in 1984

(Awumbila et al., 2018).

There has been a remarkable increase in the number of West Africans living in urban areas

since the end of the Second World War (Akerlof and Kranton, 2000). In Ghana for example,

the proportion of the population living in urban centres of more than 20,000 people, rose

from seven percent to 11 percent during the period between 1950 and 1960. As of the year

2000, 27.4 percent of Ghana’s 18.9 million people were living outside their places of birth.

10
Intra- and inter-regional migrants formed 9.9 percent and 17.5 percent respectively of the

total population (Ghana Statistical Service, 2002). However, there are remarkable variations

in terms of the proportion of the population formed by intra- and inter- regional migrants in

the total population of the regions.

Determinants of Anti-migrants’ attitudes towards Immigrants

There are many factors that determine anti-migrant attitude or sentiments towards immigrants

and these determinants include cultural and national identity, trade, economic threat/security,

educational attainment, cultural threat and availability of information on immigrants.

Cultural and National-Identity Issues

Both security worries and cultural and national-identity issues are key non-economic factors

affecting immigration opinions. Security concerns are related to the perception that

immigrants are more likely than natives to be involved in criminal activity (Akerlof and

Kranton, 2000). An interesting question is whether this belief is linked to an objective

situation due for example to a negative selection of immigrants to some countries, driven by

the type of immigration policy or whether it is driven by racist and intolerant feelings,

although I cannot distinguish these causes in the data. Cultural and national-identity issues

are related to the intrinsic side effect of immigration: the meeting, which often becomes a

clash, of people of different ethnic origins and cultures. The integration of immigrants in the

destination society may be perceived as a source of cultural enrichment on both sides, which

is what is captured by high values of the variable (Akerlof and Kranton, 2000). On the other

hand, immigration may feed cultural and national-identity worries, driven by the belief that

the set of values and traditions that characterize the receiving country’s society are threatened

by the arrival of foreigners. At the extreme, these types of concerns may just be the

consequence of the dislike of anything which is different, that is, cultural and racial

intolerance.

11
Cultural and national-identity issues due to migration are likely to be a key input in individual

preferences on the role of identity in economics (Akerlof and Kranton, 2000). A few survey

questions in the GSS data set, combined with external data on countries of origin of

immigrants, allow me to investigate the role of this set of issues. Two main factors influence

immigration preferences through the national and cultural-identity channel: first, the

individual attitude towards a culturally homogenous society, which I call monoculturalism, as

opposed to a multicultural community, labeled multiculturalism; and, next, whether

immigrants adapt successfully in the destination country’s society or not. The latter is a

function of how much immigrants and natives are culturally different. Thus, people that are

more attached to their country and culture usually are influenced by cultural identity and

national identity in their decisions and talks about immigrants. Also, anti-migrants usually

develop their attitudes towards immigrants because of cultural identity and national identity.

Trade
A comparative analysis of individual preferences on trade versus immigration policy can shed

light on whether the variation in policy outcomes in these two dimensions originates from

differences in peoples’ attitudes (Rodrik 1997, p.29). Trade and immigration affect the

destination country’s labor markets in a parallel way. Both trade and immigration allow

countries to exchange services of factors of production indirectly and directly, respectively

thus changing labor market conditions and possibly altering the structure of factor returns

(Rodrik 1997, p.29). To the extent that changes in labor markets due to trade and immigration

are qualitatively similar, individual preferences on trade and immigration should be

correlated. Both trade and immigration affect the receiving country’s society but to differing

degrees. While it is true that trade creates social tensions through the pressure it exerts toward

“arbitrage in national norms and social institutions” (Rodrik 1997, p.29), still the societal and

cultural effects of immigration can be expected to be much more direct. Thus, ant-migrants

12
develop their attitudes towards immigrants due to trade and business issues in the country.

This is because the anti-migrants always think that immigrants are wrestling with them in

their own country in terms of business and trade.

Economic Threat/Security
While recent research points to economic threat and security as not the main determinant,

there is clearly some linkage between the economy and anti-immigrant sentiments. Rather

than being the main determinate research has found that opinion about immigration is largely

unrelated to economic circumstances but more closely linked to cultural and national

identities and the overestimation of immigrant numbers and consequences (Sides and Citrin,

2007; Sniderman, Hagendoorn, and Prior, 2004). This is a common theme among recent

research with many researchers finding that while economic threat and security play a role in

the formation of such attitudes it is not the best predictor (Sides and Citrin, 2007; Sides and

Citrin, 2008).

Additionally, it was found that contrary to the traditional model of labor-market competition

higher levels of educational attainment are correlated with less antiimmigrant attitudes,

regardless of employment status or sector of employment (Hainmueller and Hiscox, 2007).

While much of the recent research seems to disprove the idea of economic threat as the main

determinant there are studies that show correlation. A recent study has shown that overall, as

GDP rises so do average attitudes concerning immigration (Brenner and Fertig, 2006). Thus,

anti-migrants develop their attitudes towards immigrants due to econo0mic threat and

security. This is because the presence of immigrants in the country usually pose threats to the

economy because the governments diverts state resources meant for developing the country

to take of immigrants especially the refugees.

Educational Attainment

13
One theory that has seen considerable study is how the level of educational attainment

correlates to the formation of anti-immigrant attitudes. One such study that looked at how

educational attainment affects ones’ propensity to have an anti-immigrant attitudes was

conducted by Hainmueller and Hiscox. In this study Hainmueller and Hiscox found that

higher levels of educational attainment were associated with higher levels of ethnic and racial

tolerance as well as an acceptance of cultural diversity (Hainmueller and Hiscox, 2007). This

piece helped empirically show the validity for educational attainment as a determinant for the

rise of anti-immigrant attitudes.

Furthering the argument for educational attainment is a study, which found that those with a

primary education were much more likely to harbor an anti-immigrant sentiment than their

peers who went onto secondary education or further (Nikolaj Malchow-Møller, Jakob Roland

Munch, Sanne Schroll and Jan Rose Skaksen, 2009). Additional support for this is the work

conducted by Elisa Rustenbach which also found a positive correlation between anti-

immigrant sentiments and educational attainment (Rustenbach, 2010). Going beyond the idea

of simple education as the main determinant was a study which helped point that not only

educational attainment but also parental education on norms and differences were the main

determinants (Brenner and Fertig, 2006). This helps show it may not be only the educational

attainment but something about education that helps foster more tolerant views.

Existing research has shown that educational attainment plays a significant role in the

formation of anti-immigrant sentiments. Educational attainments fostered a higher level of

racial and ethnic tolerance amongst respondents (Hainmueller and Hiscox, 2007; Rustenbach,

2010; Brenner and Fertig, 2006). These findings were reiterated in an article that explained

how highly educated people in whitecollar jobs are significantly more likely to hold pro-

immigration sentiments (Haubert and Fussell, 2006). This higher level of ethnic and racial

tolerance was the same regardless if an individual was in a high skilled or low-skilled job

14
(Hainmueller and Hiscox, 2007). This furthers the idea that education level is imperative in

the formation of ideas and opinions about immigration regardless of an individual’s skill set

or place in the economy. Through analysis of these studies, it is clear that educational

attainment is a valid theory for being the main determinant of anti-immigrant sentiments

however it is important to look at a number of empirically supported theories. Thus,

educational attainment sometimes helps the natives to develop good attitudes towards

immigrants but at the same time influence the natives to develop anti-migrants’ attitudes

towards immigrants in the country.

Cultural Threat
Another theory postulated was the discrepancy between realistic threats to welfare and

symbolic threats to an individual’s worldview. This theory also found to discredit older

research by empirically showing that symbolic threats to ones’ worldview are considerably

more statistically significant in determining the prevalence of anti-immigrant attitudes than

realistic threats to one’s welfare and economic considerations (Kiehne, 2014; Sniderman,

Hagendoorn, and Prior, 2004).

The theory did not completely discredit the idea that economic threats to welfare are involved

in the formation of anti-immigrant sentiments however; it found that the symbolic threats are

much more significant. The theory that the symbolic threat to one’s culture is the main

determinant has been broached by a number of authors who have found empirical evidence

that supports its plausibility. In fact, it was found that how important values and identity are

to the public show a positive correlation between anti-immigrant attitudes (Sides and Citrin,

2007; Hainmueller and Hopkins, 2014). This is postulated as being the case since immigrants

are outsiders and therefore elicit hostility from natives who have a strong emotional

attachment to their homeland and people (Sides and Citrin, 2007).

15
 Additionally, it was found that there is more support that anti-immigrant views are

associated with values and beliefs that “foster animosity toward foreigners and foreign

cultures and that are most prevalent among less educated individuals” (Hainmueller and

Hiscox, 2007). Furthering the idea of a threat to culture as the main determinant was a study

that found that the clearest predictor of anti-immigrant sentiments came from a lack of trust

and societal integration from the introduction of new cultures (Rustenbach, 2010).

Availability of Information on Immigrants

The availability of information on immigrant numbers and consequences has shown to be

another indicator for the rise of anti-immigrant sentiments. It was found that different levels

of information affected sentiments towards immigration and showed how the public

throughout the European Union and around the world vastly overestimated the levels of

immigration in their own countries (Sides and Citrin, 2007; Sides and Citrin, 2008; Hopkins,

Sides, and Citrin, 2016). Following this finding the authors proposed that those who

overestimate levels of immigration are much more likely to harbor anti-immigrant sentiments

(Sides and Citrin, 2007; Hopkins, Sides, and Citrin, 2016).

Supporting this idea was another study that found that increasing the level of legitimate

information about the consequences and levels of immigration would help decrease the level

of anti-immigrant sentiments (Hainmueller and Hiscox, 2007). These findings were mirrored

in multiple studies with another finding that a larger part in forming the public’s opinion is

the availability of information (Nikolaj MalchowMøller, Jakob Roland Munch, Sanne Schroll

and Jan Rose Skaksen, 2009).

Another survey study also found that when respondents were asked about levels of

immigration and supposed consequences, they overestimated such numbers and were more

likely to have negative views about immigration (Sides and Citrin, 2008; Hopkins, Sides, and

Citrin, 2016). After respondents were given accurate information concerning immigrant

16
numbers and consequences, they were much more likely to be in favour of immigration

(Transatlantic Trends: Immigration, 2010).

METHODOLOGY
Based on quest to find out the factors responsible for anti-migrants attitudes towards

immigration in Ghana, I used data from the reports of the Ghana Statistical Service Survey

from 2018 to 2020. I also used documents from the Ghana Immigration head office, scholars

work and data from interviews on anti-migrants sentiments towards immigration in Ghana.

The data for this paper was collected from six districts across Ghana over the period of early

2015 to 2022. The sample size was 160 selected from the sixteen selected districts across

Ghana. This was done using convenience sampling technique. This allows me to use data

from a variety of districts, each experiencing slightly different conditions. The variables that

were analysed included educational attainment, trade, economic threat and cultural identity

and national identity and availability of information on immigrant numbers.

The researcher also collected data on each of these variables using qualitative approach. The

researcher collected the data through interview with respondents throughout the selected

districts in Ghana. I conducted an observational study using data collected in GSS survey

report of Ghana on the determinants of ant-migrants attitudes towards immigration in Ghana.

Conducting an observational study allows me to analyze the data found in each individual

district and then compare how each district relates to one another.

RESULTS AND DISCUSSIONS

With reference to interview conducted, observation, the GSS data and scholars works, show

the results focusing on the determinants of anti-migrants’ attitudes towards immigration in

Ghana. As expected, the researcher found that individuals with a taste for multiculturalism

17
are more likely to be pro-immigration and thus, have pro-migrants’ attitudes, while the

opposite is true for respondents with a preference for a more homogeneous society, in terms

of customs and traditions. Such people who have much interest in their culture tend to have

anti-migrants attitudes in the country. I investigated how these two variables

monoculturalism and multiculturalism interact with the degree of cultural difference between

natives and immigrants. The researcher looked at differences based on the main language

spoken and on religious affiliation in the origin and destination countries and the researcher

explored the role of past colonial relationships. The only significant results of this analysis

relate to dissimilarities in religious affiliation which contains the interaction terms between

religious difference and, respectively, monoculturalism and multiculturalism. The researcher

found out that, while the marginal effect of monoculturalism does not change with religious

difference, individuals with a taste for multiculturalism are negatively affected in their

immigration opinion by bigger dissimilarities between natives and immigrants in religious

terms. Thus, this makes anti-migrants to develop negative sentiments towards the immigrants

in Ghana. Through the interview conducted, the researcher found out that anti-migrants

always regard immigrants to be people with varied cultural backgrounds and religious

affiliations thereby posing threat to their culture and religion, hence, they develop negative

attitudes towards immigrants in their country.

In addition, the data collected on culture and national identity give information on cultural

and national-identity issues. In particular, national pride and cultural pride, which are

negatively and significantly related to pro-migration sentiments, quantify the extent of

individual attachment to the nation, the latter indicator in a stronger form than the former one.

The results are consistent with the basic intuition that individuals who feel closer to their

country’s identity or their cultural identity are more likely to have anti-migrant attitudes

towards immigrants in Ghana. The GSS data on immigration revealed that more patriotic and

18
nationalistic individuals are less likely to be in favor of immigration and always have anti-

migrant sentiments towards immigrants in Ghana and therefore, will do everything possible

to resist immigration in Ghana. On the other hand, people that are less patriotic and

nationalistic tend to have pro-migrant attitudes towards immigration and tend to also resist

anti-migrant sentiments or comments towards immigrants in Ghana. Thus, the people of

Ghana especially those in immigrants’ prone areas like Accra, Kumasi, Bawku, Tumu and

Wechau who are patriotic and loyal citizens are mostly having anti-migrants attitudes towards

immigrants.

Furthermore, the researcher investigated how preferences toward trade and immigration are

related to each other. Based on the two ordinal measures of attitudes by the GSS data and the

interview conducted, the country-specific percentages of respondents in favor of trade are

much higher than for immigration. The two variables are also positively and significantly

correlated in three districts using the intuitive method of analysis. This evidence is consistent

with the intuition that a few common factors affect both types of preferences, while some of

the forces at work in anti-immigration attitudes are absent or softened in the case of trade.

One of the strongest results of this paper is the skills cleavage in preference formation over

immigration policy. This finding is reminiscent of a parallel one in O’Rourke and Sinnott

(2001) and in Mayda and Rodrik (2003). These two scholars show that attitudes toward free

trade are significantly and robustly correlated with individuals’ human capital levels, in

accordance with the predictions of the Heckscher-Ohlin model. Skilled individuals are more

likely than unskilled ones to be in favor of trade liberalization in skill-abundant countries, and

less likely in skill-scarce countries. This result is consistent with the evidence, documented in

the literature (Faini and Venturini 1994 and Coppel et al. 2001), that import-competing

sectors rely heavily on migrant labor. As is intuitive, workers in non-traded sectors feel

shielded from foreign competition working through trade but not from labor-market

19
competition of immigrants. Thus, the GSS data revealed that citizens of Ghana usually

become hostile towards immigrants because of trade. Through the interview conducted, the

respondents stated that, the immigrants come in to Ghana to compete with them in their

business which always make goods and services costly in the country. From the respondents,

this kind of unhealthy competition in terms of trade always make the natives to dislike

immigrants.

Lastly, based on the data collected, it showed that availability of information on the number

of immigrants and the expenditure of government to take care of immigrants or employ them

in the sectors of Ghana make many patriotic citizens to develop anti-migrants attitudes

towards immigrants or immigration in Ghana. According one of the respondents, the

availability of enough information about the activities of immigrants and their gifted skills in

helping the country to benefit from immigration influence many hard-working people in

Ghana to develop pro-migrants’ attitudes towards immigrants in Ghana.

CONCLUSION
In this 21st Century world, the issue of immigration cannot be sidelined or relegated to the

background because the spilt over effects of migration affects every country in the world. The

current migrant crisis in Ghana is a prime example of why more needs to be done in order to

understand how anti-immigrant attitudes are fostered. By better understanding what drives

the formation of anti-immigrant sentiments more could be done to combat their rise. Anti-

immigrant attitudes foster anger and resentment at wide swaths of people and encourage the

formation of exclusionary groups and legislation. Having a better understanding of the

determinants of anti-migrants attitudes, would allow policy makers to pursue policies that

mitigate the effects of such sentiments. The findings from my research support my

hypotheses and show that educational attainment, availability of information, culture identity,

national identity, and trade are significant in the development of anti-migrant attitudes

20
towards immigrants in Ghana. The results which I have found help support the evidence that

previous authors have theorized however since they were all included many factors, I was

able to look at a number of prevailing factors and show that there is not one single variable

that needs to be fixed to mitigate the effects of anti-immigrant attitudes. Rather than a single

variable or problem that needs addressing to stem the formation of anti-immigrant attitudes, a

multi-faceted approach is necessary.

These results can help policy makers and leaders develop comprehensive strategies that are

focusing on increasing education and knowledge about the impact and level of immigration

while also encouraging cultural immersion to familiarize citizens with other peoples and

cultures. Education, the availability of information, cultureal identity and trade could all be

addressed through this way. Since all of these variables have been found to be significant

creating programmes that only address one aspect of an anti-immigrant attitude will not be

sufficient towards the goal of eradicating anti-migrant attitudes but a multi-faceted approach

is needed where all stakeholders should be involved in fighting anti-migrants’ attitudes

towards immigrants in Ghana.

References

Akerlof, G. A. and Kranton, R. E. (2000). Economics and identity. The Quarterly Journal of
Economics, CXV:715—753.
Adepoju, A. (2005a). Patterns of migration in West Africa. At home in the world, 24-54.
Adepoju, A., & Van der Wiel, A. (2010). Seeking Greener Pastures Abroad – A Migration
Profile of Nigeria. Ibadan: Safari Books Ltd.
Awumbila, M., Benneh, Y., Teye, J. K., & Atiim, G. (2018). Facilitation of intraregional
labour
migration in the ECOWAS region. ACP Observatory on Migration and Migration
Policy
Centre of the European University Institute.

21
Awumbila, M., Manuh, T., Quartey, P., Tagoe, C. A., & Antwi-Bosiakoh, T. (2008).
Migration
Country Paper – Ghana. Paper prepared under the McArthur Project, African
Perspectives
on Human Mobility Programme, International Migration Institute, Oxford.
Citrin, J., Green, D., Muste, C., and Wong., C. (1997). Public opinion toward immigration
reform: The role of economic motivation. The Journal of Politics, 59(3):858—881.
Coppel, J., Dumont, J.-C., and Visco, I. (2001). Trends in immigration and economic
consequences. OECD Economics Department Working Papers No. 284.
Eades, J. S. (1994). Strangers and traders: Yoruba migrants, markets, and the state in northern
Ghana (Vol. 11). Africa World Press.
Hainmueller, Jens, and Daniel Hopkins. (2014). "Public Attitudes Toward Immigration."
Annual Review of Political Science, vol. 17, 10 Feb. 2014, pp. 225-49,
https://web.stanford.edu/~jhain/Paper/ARPS2014.pdf. Accessed 25 Feb. 2017
HAINMUELLER, JENS, and MICHAEL J. HISCOX. (2010) “Attitudes toward Highly
Skilled and Low Skilled Immigration: Evidence from a Survey Experiment.” The
American Political Science Review, vol. 104, no. 1, pp. 61–84.
www.jstor.org/stable/27798540.
Transatlantic Trends (2010). Immigration." trends.gmfus.org 2010,
<trends.gmfus.org/files/archived/immigration/doc/TTI2010_English_Key.pdf>.
10 Dec. 2016.
Jack Citrin, Donald P. Green, Christopher Muste, and Cara Wong (1997). "Public Opinion
Toward Immigration Reform: The Role of Economic Motivations," The Journal of
Politics 59, no.3 (Aug., 1997): 858-881.
Sides, John, and Jack Citrin (2008). "Immigration and the Imagined Community in Europe
and
the United States." Political Studies Association, vol. 56, no. 1, Mar. 2008, pp. 33-56,
onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2007. 00716.x/abstract. Accessed 25
Feb. 2017.
Sides, John, and Jack Citrin. (2007). “European Opinion about Immigration: The Role of

22
 Identities, Interests and Information.” British Journal of Political Science, vol. 37, no. 3,
2007, pp. 477–504. www.jstor.org/stable/4497304.
Sniderman, Paul, Louk Hagendoorn, and Markus Prior. 2004 "Predisposing Factors and
Situational Triggers: Exclusionary Reactions to Immigrant Minorities." American
Political Science Review, vol. 98, no. 1, Feb. 2004, pp. 35-49.

23