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Repression Vladimir Rizov
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PALGRAVE STUDIES IN CRIME, MEDIA AND CULTURE
Series Editors
Michelle Brown
Department of Sociology
University of Tennessee
Knoxville, TN, USA
Eamonn Carrabine
Department of Sociology
University of Essex
Colchester, UK
This series aims to publish high quality interdisciplinary scholarship for
research into crime, media and culture. As images of crime, harm and
punishment proliferate across new and old media there is a growing rec-
ognition that criminology needs to rethink its relations with the ascen-
dant power of spectacle. This international book series aims to break
down the often rigid and increasingly hardened boundaries of main-
stream criminology, media and communication studies, and cultural
studies. In a late modern world where reality TV takes viewers into cop
cars and carceral spaces, game shows routinely feature shame and suffer-
ing, teenagers post ‘happy slapping’ videos on YouTube, both cyber bul-
lying and ‘justice for’ campaigns are mainstays of social media, and
insurrectionist groups compile footage of suicide bomb attacks for circu-
lation on the Internet, it is clear that images of crime and control play a
powerful role in shaping social practices. It is vital then that we become
versed in the diverse ways that crime and punishment are represented in
an era of global interconnectedness, not least since the very reach of
global media networks is now unparalleled.
Palgrave Studies in Crime, Media and Culture emerges from a call to
rethink the manner in which images are reshaping the world and crimi-
nology as a project. The mobility, malleability, banality, speed, and scale
of images and their distribution demand that we engage both old and
new theories and methods and pursue a refinement of concepts and tools,
as well as innovative new ones, to tackle questions of crime, harm, cul-
ture, and control. Keywords like image, iconography, information flows,
the counter-visual, and ‘social’ media, as well as the continuing relevance
of the markers, signs, and inscriptions of gender, race, sexuality, and class
in cultural contests mark the contours of the crime, media and cul-
ture nexus.
Vladimir Rizov
© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature
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The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication
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Acknowledgements
v
Contents
1 I ntroduction 1
2 C
inema 15
3 C
ities 45
4 C
ritique 71
5 R
oboCop101
6 M
inority Report131
7 B
atman159
8 B
lade Runner189
9 C
onclusion217
I ndex225
vii
1
Introduction
Overview
This book originated in a long-standing interest in visual culture and the
representation of criminal justice. From action movies to thrillers, police
procedurals to never-ending CSI series, true crime documentaries and
historical biopics of people on either side of the law, visual culture is satu-
rated with crime. Its narration is ubiquitous, as is its routine transforma-
tion into spectacle. A near-constant aspect of contemporary culture
appears to be the incessant, meticulous scrutiny of what, how, and where
crime takes place. In this book, I seek to demonstrate how this saturation
of crime media is integral to the reproduction of some of the biggest
problems in the criminal justice system. Issues such as police brutality,
police discretion, ‘justice’, or even order, are all key elements to such
representations.
This is not coincidental, as the representation of such issues in media
tends to sanitise them, individualise problems, and ultimately resolve
them neatly. The viewer is reassured that the problem was indeed solv-
able, the criminal was truly evil and beyond help, and if a police officer
did something wrong, then it was a matter of corruption or greed. There
is no need to ask further questions about changing the system—those
It is this book’s goal to take these four case studies and relate them to
actually existing crime control measures. By doing so, I seek to situate the
cinematic representations in relation to the history of actual policing and
demystify the ways in which popular cinema reinforces prevalent ideo-
logical constructions of justice. With regard to actually existing crime
control measures, each film will be discussed in relation to a specific
crime control measure or phenomenon. In Chap. 5, RoboCop will be
used to argue that policing has consistently relied on the construction of
a ‘dangerous class’ and racialization, and is best conceptualised as ‘vio-
lence work’ (Seigel, 2018). It will also be used to discuss the phenomenon
of private policing and its representation in the film. In Chap. 6, Minority
Report (2002) is used as a case of predictive policing. As such, at the core
of the chapter is a discussion of surveillance and social control. In Chap.
7, The Dark Knight Rises (2012) presents the problem of mass incarcera-
tion and the manner in which carcerality and punitiveness remain the
unchallenged foundation in many narratives of justice. The role of
Batman also allows for a discussion of the idea of vigilante justice and an
analysis of the ways in which it reinforces the criminal justice system just
the same. Finally, in Chap. 8, Blade Runner 2049 (2017) provides the
case of extra-judicial killing and assassination. A key example is the use of
death squads in conjunction to police strategies of pacification and
counterinsurgency.
The argument in each of the case studies, despite having its own sepa-
rate focus, is cumulative. Beginning with a historical overview of policing
as violence work that relies on racialisation and the repression of labour
in RoboCop, privatisation as the tool for increasing efficiency in ensuring
a crime-free world finds its logical progression in a system of total surveil-
lance in Minority Report. Through the construction of risk factors and
other signifiers of likeliness to commit crime, Minority Report straightfor-
wardly sets up as a consequence of its practices the problem of mass incar-
ceration. Depicting a point in time where this mass incarceration is an
established reality, The Dark Knight Rises poses the question of incarcera-
tion as a valid strategy. Carceral punishment, Batman’s narrative seems to
imply, is an inconvenience—a constant threat that could yet again raise
its head and disturb the peace for which Batman and the Gotham City
Police Department fight so hard on the streets of the Gothic city. All the
4 V. Rizov
respectively. The four case studies and each juxtaposition of film and
crime control measure constitute Part II and, respectively, make up the
subsequent four chapters. For the remainder of this chapter, I will outline
the contents and goals of the book with reference to its theoretical frame-
work in Part I and its ideological analysis in Part II.
may be imagined as a man [sic] who sets out to tell a story but, in shooting
it, is so overwhelmed by his innate desire to cover all of physical reality –
and also by a feeling that he must cover it in order to tell the story, any
story, in cinematic terms […]
tools for this task have been interdisciplinary and far-reaching. I have
frequently referred to historical accounts of both significant moments
and ones deemed insignificant. The result is perhaps an unconventional
analysis of film through the lens of history, urban sociology, and literary
criticism with a focus on the critique of crime control and ideology.
History is important, as any given conjuncture cannot be understood
otherwise than a moment in which multiple historical forces, material
conditions, and discursive formulations come together. Moments such as
these are always already sites of struggle, and my approach has been to
speak to the presences of these struggles in each instance of popular cul-
ture (cf. Frauley, 2010).
In this sense, cultural criminology and its inherent interdisciplinarity
has been key to my approach. It has expressed itself in an engagement
with the significance of the visual (both the image and the cinematic, for
the former, see Carrabine, 2012; for the latter, Rafter, 2007), narrative
(Presser, 2016; McGregor, 2018, 2020, 2021), and the affective conse-
quences of such experiences. Cultural criminology is interdisciplinary as
it draws on a multitude of disciplines, including urban studies, continen-
tal theory, cultural and human geography, and political theory among
others (Ferrell et al., 2015:8; cf. Rafter, 2014:130). More directly relevant
to the focus of this book, cultural criminology is in many senses a crimi-
nology of popular culture. As Rafter (2007:147) notes, it is important to
acknowledge ‘popular criminology as a criminological discourse in its
own right’, since popular imaginations already delimit or provide the
basis for understandings of crime and its control. Popular culture and its
discourse of crime control are, in fact, sources of ‘cultural information’
(Rafter, 2007:416; also, see Martin, 2018:44); as Katz notes, ‘as a cultural
resource, crime is far too valuable to be left to criminals’ (2016:235). For
Rafter, some of this ‘cultural information’ also ‘feeds into our ideologies
and other mental schemata’ (2007:416; cf. Jameson’s definition of the
former in terms of ‘a representational structure’, 2002:14). Presser
(2016:145), in her engagement the effect of culture, has drawn attention
to the ways in which ‘selves [become] realized through crime’, thus fur-
ther deepening engagement with culture and narrative in their generative
aspects. In this sense also, visual criminology, as the study of ‘the ways in
which all things visual interact with crime and criminal justice’ (Rafter,
10 V. Rizov
2014:129; also, see Brown & Rafter, 2013), is key to unravelling the ways
in which crime control is normalised, imagined on personal and struc-
tural levels, and reproduced. Throughout this book, I have sought to
utilise an approach described by Brown (2014:181) as a ‘visually attuned
criminology’ that engages deeply with political issues, questions of ethics,
and the social practices rooted in the production and consumption of
representations of crime control in visual narrative form. More specifi-
cally, the significance of the visual in diegetic and representative terms
will be made evident in the course of analysis. Namely, many instances of
policework, such as investigation, surveillance, or arrest, are explicitly
visual—RoboCop utilises a machine view of a Heads-Up Display (HUD)
and consistently scans multiple police networks and uses facial recogni-
tion, as do Anderton in Minority Report and Batman in The Dark Knight
Rises. In Blade Runner 2049, the protagonist, K, is rendered an obedient
subject by his very willingness to repeat excerpts from a narrative poem
while his gaze is transfixed on a camera. As multiple scholars have pointed
out (Rafter, 2007; Brown, 2014; Carrabine, 2012), the cultural aspect of
crime and its control cannot be separated from the visual, nor its narra-
tive representation. I follow this position and draw on the work of crimi-
nologists of culture on policing and crime control (such as Salter, 2014;
Wall, 2014, 2016, 2017, 2021; Wall & Linnemann, 2020; Linnemann,
2017, 2019; Linnemann & Wall, 2013; McClanahan & Linnemann,
2018; Fiddler et al., 2021; Alexandrescu, 2021; McHarris, 2021; Sze,
2021; Neocleous, 2021).
This approach is also rooted in what Jock Young (2011) has referred to
as the criminological imagination. Illustrative of this is Young’s evocative
list of ten ironies in criminology. He lists the following (2011:215–6): (1)
ontology; (2) the dyadic nature of crime and deviance; (3) socialisation;
(4) contradiction; (5) function; (6) seriousness; (7) selectivity; (8) decen-
tring; (9) counter-productivity; and (10) secondary harm. Although in
no way exhaustive, Young aptly outlines the ways in which criminology
is rife with contradictions. For one, it purports to study crime, while for
a long part of its history, it has ignored the ways in which crime is reified
as a construction through the very practices of criminal justice. More
than this, Young points to the multiple ways in which criminal justice
itself is unproductive in delivering justice, but productive in the sense of
1 Introduction 11
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2
Cinema
Cinematic Realism
The cinematic world of Len Wiseman’s Total Recall (2012) is a dystopia in
which there has been a global chemical war at the end of the twenty-first
century. In what can be summarised as a fascist fantasy, the United
Federation of Britain (UFB) has conquered western and northern Europe,
the only remaining inhabitable land in the Global North. The UFB also
controls the only other land that can support human life, the Colony,
located in three-quarters of what was formerly Australia. In an interesting
way, the imagined fascism of tomorrow is represented as both a reflection
of the colonialism of the past and the existing examples of European fas-
cism. The Nazi project of Fortress Europe is presented as a given and its
counterpart is the labourers of the Colony on the other side of the globe.
In a near literal parallel to the Global North and Global South divide, the
relationship between fascism and colonialism outlined so neatly by Aimé
Césaire is clear (2000). As Comolli and Narboni (1971a:30) argue, ‘the
cinema “reproduces” reality: this is what a camera and film stock are for —
so says the ideology.’ How this is done will be the focus of this chapter.
When Carl Hauser (played by Colin Farrell) walks onto his apartment
balcony in the beginning of the film, the camera looms above him at a
high angle and then dips down in a diagonal sweep, providing the audi-
ence with their first impression of the Colony. The camera remains
motionless for a single second, which is long enough to provide a vivid
spectacle of the Colony as a seemingly endless, dark, and dirty metropo-
lis. The Colony has been constructed along multiple vertical and hori-
zontal axes in order to exploit every conceivable space for human
habitation, creating a claustrophobic complex of interconnected low- and
high-rise buildings that block out the sun. A few seconds later, this
oppressive mass of criss-crossing stacked concrete strata is viewed from
street level and conditions in the Colony will later be contrasted with
those in the more affluent, albeit still overcrowded, UFB. The message is
implied, but clear—the individual subject is submerged in the plurality
of the metropolis, the camera itself representing the vertiginous experi-
ence outlined a century ago by Georg Simmel (1903). Even more so, the
implicit invitation for a Malthusian,1 that is, fascist, prejudice of ‘over-
population’ is not far behind.
Concerns such as this, in view of the topic of this book, perhaps already
court controversy and invite a number of questions about cinema. The
most basic—what is it called? and what type of thing is it?—are fraught
with conceptual dangers. To take the second first, is the type of thing
under discussion a mode of representation, a medium of representation,
an art form, or some combination of the three? ‘Cinematic’ is often used
to identify the specific character of a visual narrative that is of interest in
this monograph. However, this need not be exclusive to film, as it can
easily be applied to multiple instances of remediation (Bolter & Grusin,
2000) with examples such as videogames (Girina, 2013), or even litera-
ture (cf. Huyssen, 2015). Aaron Smuts (2013) identifies two descriptive
uses of ‘cinematic’, general and specific. The former is synonymous with
‘film’ or ‘filmic’, that is, related to motion pictures, and the latter to ‘some
cluster of characteristics found in films featuring the following: expansive
scenery, extreme depth of field, high camera positioning, and elaborate
tracking shots’ (Smuts, 2013:82). The specific meaning was used to
distinguish cinema (the big screen) from television (the small screen) in
1
By Malthusian here, I point to the discourse of supposed ‘excessive reproduction of the poor,
which threatens access to resources by the rich’ (Tilley & Ajl, 2022:14n).
2 Cinema 17
the latter half of the twentieth century. In the context of the current
work, of interest is the general use, that is, ‘filmic’ and ‘cinematic’ as syn-
onymous and as referring to a mode of representation. I employ mode of
representation instead of medium because the mode of representation is
constituted by a variety of media, as this seeks to be inclusive of aesthetic
codifications that are not specific to a certain medium2 and is open to
understanding media as porous and part of a multi-directional process of
remediation in a historical, that is to say social and political, context. In
simple terms, the videogame God of War (Sony, 2018), with its one-shot
‘cinematography,’ is no less cinematic than Lady in the Lake (1947,
directed by Robert Montgomery).
To take the cinematic work with which we began this chapter, it is rela-
tively straightforward to claim that Total Recall provides a representation
of some combination of global inequality, neo-colonial policies, and
migrant labour exploitation. What if, however, we were to interpret the
work as an indictment of undercover policing practices? Or, alternatively,
if Wiseman were to state in an interview (based on, for example, the con-
clusion of the director’s cut) that the work was an endorsement of the
benefits of virtual reality? There are multiple interpretations possible, but
these interpretations, I shall argue, are more or less compelling to the
extent that they are evinced in the work itself, as well as the broader
frames of knowledge that inform it, which henceforth shall be referred to
as its ideological context. Even more so, I will seek to demonstrate in this
chapter, the very lacunae and omissions in a given film’s engagement with
a topic, regardless of authorial intention or not, are equally, if not more,
constitutive of a film’s message. Broadly, this project seeks to utilise a
reading of films both with and against the grain, thereby revealing the
ideological character of a given ‘text’ (Bewes, 2010).
The films which will be examined in the following chapters are all fic-
tional. The distinction between fiction and non-fiction is usually concep-
tualised as significant, but this delineation is not essential to the argument
presented here. For instance, there is no essential difference between
2
I point to Rancière’s refusal of “one of modernism’s main theses: [that] the difference between the
arts is linked to the difference between their technological conditions or their specific medium or
material” (2004:31; cf. Rizov, 2020).
18 V. Rizov
may be imagined as a man [sic] who sets out to tell a story but, in shooting
it, is so overwhelmed by his innate desire to cover all of physical reality –
and also by a feeling that he must cover it in order to tell the story, any
story, in cinematic terms – that he ventures ever deeper into the jungle of
2 Cinema 19
By doing so, they define a need to engage with the cinema of their time
by outlining a typology of films in relation to their relation to representa-
tion and ideology. With reference to the former, they reject the idea that
a film camera is impartial, but note that it registers ‘the vague, unformu-
lated, untheorized, unthought-out world of the dominant ideology’
(1971a:30). In a strict Althusserian framing, their editorial points to the
manner in which films express an imaginary representational structure
that obfuscates the audience’s real relationship to the conditions of their
existence. The typology consists of five main types: (1) films imbued with
ideology through and through (1971a:31–2); (2) films that engage with
political content with the goal of attacking ideology (1971a:32); (3)
films, which by virtue of their form and the critique they generate,
become political; (4) explicitly political films that nevertheless ‘unques-
tioningly adopt [the ideological system’s] language and its imagery’
(1971a:32); (5) films which present ideology straight in a sense that also
20 V. Rizov
the core of ideology. On the other side are Spielberg’s Minority Report and
Nolan’s The Dark Knight Rises. Both dystopian in setting and narrative,
but only partially critical of capitalism or criminal justice. The former
seems to have a problem primarily with the crime of homicide, but very
little interest in police killings or social murder. The latter’s reservations
regarding criminal justice and capitalism are, for the most part, a matter
of functioning within a system rife with corruption. In essence, all four
cases manifest an internal tension, which opens up the films to criticism
in a manner that most other films do not. In such terms, the four case
studies, as it will be shown, are not exclusively ideological or especially so,
but rather they are explicitly revealing of ideological tensions in the
notion of justice and repression. All films are ideological, not just the case
studies, but the selected four are especially relevant due to their engage-
ment with criminal justice.
Moreover, the concept of ‘realistic’ representation once faced with the
discourse of ideology becomes a subject of critical and philosophical
inquiry for at least two reasons. First, the association between realistic
representation and mass consumption. In his essay, ‘Avant-Garde and
Kitsch,’ Clement Greenberg (1939) identified realistic representation in
art with populism, dumbing-down, and kitsch, which he regarded as the
consequence of mechanical reproduction and the drive for profit. Walter
Benjamin (2009:259) also remarked on the alienation that arises out of
this development, where humanity’s ‘alienation from itself has reached a
point where it now allows its own destruction to be savoured as an aes-
thetic pleasure of the first order.’ For Benjamin, the principle according
to which reality was stripped from its aura in photography was through
the incisions that the camera inflicts on the world. In the same essay, ‘The
Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction,’ Benjamin (2009)
compares a camera operator to a surgeon, who, in order to operate, must
break apart a person’s body, penetrate into it, and, ultimately, does not
address the one operated on otherwise than through the very operation
(see Gilloch, 1996:186). Understood this way, Benjamin is describing the
operation as a way of knowing, both of accessing and enacting knowl-
edge. In this sense, the second and most substantial reason for continued
interest in realism is in seeing it as an ideological effect of the encoding of
a given text as a representation. Broadly speaking, if as Etienne Balibar
22 V. Rizov
and Pierre Macherey note that ‘all literature must be realist, in one way or
another, a representation of reality, even and especially when it gives real-
ity an image outside immediate perception and daily life and common
experience’ (Balibar & Macherey, 1981:91), then ‘realism’ itself is ideo-
logical in the sense that it is both a quality of and an effect of the text, and
as such it is an expression of a representational structure that supposedly
says something about one’s place in the world. When one combines these
two reasons, the full significance of realistic representation is revealed:
any mode of representation that is characteristically realistic is a poten-
tially powerful tool for the education—or miseducation—of a mass
audience.
Birth of the Nation or Nazi ones such as Leni Riefenstahl’s The Triumph of
the Will as great cinematic works? For this monograph, the aesthetic or
formal judgement of greatness is of little consequence, but the matter of
formalism’s and aesthetics’ inseparability from politics and ideology is
highly pertinent. In simple terms, the greatness of a given film in terms
of formal qualities or aesthetics needs to be understood in relation to the
types of films in relation to ideology outlined by Comolli and Narboni
(1971a, b).
At the core of this consideration is the notion of justice. Both the
desire for it, on an ethical level, and that is to say formal level of narrative,
and on a social level. The characteristics of narrativity outlined above are
key ideological tools for the production of consensus as to what consti-
tutes justice. In a given text, such as the cinematic works that are explored
in this monograph, one of the key effects of its formal unity is its ethical
dimension. While McGregor (2021a:11) points to an attitudinal per-
spective when examining a given narrative’s ethical content or value:
Both the ethical and the political values of a complex narrative are a func-
tion of its attitudinal structure, the attitude that is embodied, enacted, or
endorsed by the framework and which the reader or audience is invited to
accept or adopt.
For McGregor, this invitation has its provenance in the creator of the
work, or the agency of a given character. However, the gap between inten-
tion and consequence is crucial here, as the character of what a text omits
can determine its ethical content as much as what is present. While the
omittance can be intentional, it does not necessarily have to be so. For
instance, Foley points to a scene towards the end of Jane Austen’s Pride
and Prejudice, where Elizabeth Bennett is pouring coffee after dinner
while wondering whether Fitzwilliam Darcy will return. Foley notes the
surface elements of Bennett ‘performing the conventional female role’ as
well as the stakes of uncertainty ‘whether the foundering courtship
between these two tongue-tied lovers will resolve itself as both of them
clearly desire’ (2019:191). Foley aptly comments on the formal aspect of
narrative closure, where the general manoeuvre, in McGregor’s terms,
from is-but-ought-not-to-be shifts into is-and-ought-to-be. Remaining
2 Cinema 27
purely on the formal level, the ethical judgement can only be on the basis
of the actions of the characters and the codifications inherent to the genre
of the text. However, Foley’s analysis also acknowledges the omitted men-
tion of the origins of the coffee and the reality of oppression and exploita-
tion that has brought the commodity to Elizabeth Bennett’s table. It
would be naïve to assume that either author or character are aware or
even care about this, but the point stands that the foundations of the
world in the text (and of the author) are omitted completely. Such omis-
sions cannot be reasonably considered part of the narrative framework, as
they are what is clearly excluded from it. An interesting visual parallel can
be made to Zourgane’s observation that in images taken between 1956
and 1958 stored in the photographic archive of the French army, there
was a noted ‘absence of landmarks such as minarets and mosques, the
absence of Arabic script, the absence of specific buildings or villages that
have been razed’ (Zourgane, 2017:136). Omissions, thus, can also be
understood as erasures.
The aspects of narrativity bear even higher significance once under-
stood in the formulation of ethical problems of justice in extra-textual
social reality. One such example is the narrative of ‘police brutality.’ As
the term implies, the brutality seeks to designate something out of the
ordinary, an excess or a break in the status quo. It also tends to individu-
alise the perpetrator—the out-of-the-ordinariness is something that is
not characteristic to the entire system, therefore the perpetrator must not
be representative. As Dylan Rodríguez notes, the narrative of ‘police bru-
tality’ assumes ‘an abrogation of the police officer’s law-sanctified entitle-
ment to exercise state-legitimated violence’ (2021:149). Such a manoeuvre
seeks to obfuscate the numerous layers in which policing constitutes what
Micol Seigel refers to as ‘violence work’ (2018) and the ways in which it
functions almost exclusively on racialised, gendered and classed basis. In
this sense, the obfuscation directs attention away from the reality of ‘anti-
Black, racial-colonial state violence as unexceptional, [and the] physio-
logically and trans-generationally violent, systemic and sustained
conditions of modern socialities’ (Rodríguez, 2021:149). This point also
brings to the fore the distinction between particularity and universality,
as well as depth and surface. In simple terms, the ‘police brutality’ narra-
tive obscures the commonness of the phenomenon through
28 V. Rizov
Report with Philip K. Dick’s story of the same name; Nolan’s Batman
trilogy is both a multi-layered reading of a number of graphic novels, but
also other cinematic adaptations; and finally, Blade Runner 2049 as both
sequel to Blade Runner and in relation to Philip K. Dick’s novel Do
Androids Dream of Electric Sheep?.
Moreover, Althusser’s symptomatic reading is a practice rooted in his
understanding of ideology as ‘the imaginary relationship of individuals to
their real conditions of existence’ (2020:36). Jameson has neatly rephrased
this as a ‘representational structure which allows the individual subject to
conceive or imagine his or her lived relationship to transpersonal realities
such as the social structure or the collective logic of History’ (2002:14–5).
In yet another sense, ideology is understood as the readymade answers
that society provides to questions one might pose about the way the
world works. As Comolli and Narboni note, in relation to cinema, ‘the
film is ideology presenting itself to itself, talking to itself, learning about
itself ’ (1971a:30) and ideology ‘has all the answers ready before it asks
the questions’ (1971a:31). In practical terms, this has already been
implied by way of the discussion of omission and ‘police brutality’. The
solution, once the case of police violence has been individualised, is
clear—punish or discipline the individual police officer. Thus, it is impor-
tant to highlight that, for Althusser, ideology, as a representational struc-
ture that contains answers and permissible action, is manifested through
ideological state apparatuses (ISAs) such as media, religion, the family,
trade unions, etc. The ISAs are complementary to the repressive state
apparatuses (RSAs) such as prisons, police, schools and courts. It is not so
much that the RSAs are not ideological, in fact they are (e.g. one needs
an ideological notion of justice for a court or prison system to function),
nor that the ISAs are not repressive, they are as well (e.g. the heteronor-
mative family carries its own repressions within and without). In this
sense, the notion of ‘justice’ inherent to a narrative such as ‘police brutal-
ity’ is both ideological inasmuch as it represents the world in a way that
is distorted and repressive inasmuch as it perpetuates the working of the
system as it currently is. In Althusser’s own terms, if one ‘believes in
Justice, he [sic] will submit unconditionally to the rules of the Law, and
may even protest when they are violated, sign petitions, take part in a
demonstration, etc.’ (2020:41).
2 Cinema 31
Capitalist Realism
The primary purpose of this monograph is to demystify measures of
crime control in contemporary capitalist societies. To do this, the cine-
matic figure of the fallen guardian is argued to be a centripetal point of
the narrative framework—a point to which I return in Chap. 4; in order
to achieve this demystification, the critique expounded here can be sum-
marised as the clarification of the relationship between particular excep-
tional crime control measures and social control more generally. The
normalisation of an exceptional measure of crime control requires a
material context for its inauguration and an ideological justification for
its sustainment and reproduction. In consequence, matters of ideology
are of great concern here. Following in the footsteps of established Marxist
formulations, ideology is best understood as the expression of the ruling
class’s ideas to create a false understanding that there is necessarily rather
than contingently no alternative to these ideas. In Louis Althusser’s terms,
ideology, building on the work of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels in The
German Ideology (2000), is ‘the imaginary relationship of individuals to
their real conditions of existence’ (2020:36).
My concern with ideology here is twofold, with material conditions
and with social practices. First and foremost, my ideological analysis is
rooted in an engagement with a particular film’s representation of society,
the relations of production at the core of that society, and the struggle of
the classes that constitute the society. In this way, the goal is to illuminate
the role that guardians fulfil in these societies, the character of the various
enemies to whom guardians are opposed, and the extent to which vio-
lence against certain individuals or groups is legitimated or sanctioned by
the state. While the fallen guardian is an individual, they nevertheless
remain a stand-in for the state and its powers to use violence and disci-
pline. At a first glance, the ideological function of the guardian role is to
draw a distinction between the legitimate powers of the state, and law
enforcement in particular, and that which threatens the safety of society.
2 Cinema 33
Realism thus lies in the field of semiotics and is ‘the result of a discur-
sive practice’ in which discursive knowledge should be taken to mean an
‘articulation of language on real relations and conditions’ rather than a
transparent representation of those conditions (Hall, 1980:95). In other
words, despite its seeming transparency, realist representation is itself an
effect of a certain representational structure present in a given text. In the
terms articulated by Balibar and Macherey (1981), realism is an effect
that a text produces.
Regarding social practices, Raymond Williams (1977:212) aptly
defines realism as ‘that method and that intention that [goes] below [the]
surface to the essential historical movements, to the dynamic reality’ (cf.
Millington, 2016). This allows for an engagement with the case studies at
a greater depth than the level of their formal elements or the intentions
of the directors. Hall’s characterisation of the role of the media in relation
to ideology, which draws attention to the media’s role in the reproduction
of social relations by emphasising existing material conditions, is particu-
larly relevant here. Hall (1980:91) problematises the simplistic, linear
sender-message-receiver structure and proposes a more complex under-
standing of ‘production, circulation, distribution/consumption, repro-
duction’ instead. In this alternative articulation of media, Hall delineates
the importance of (1) the encoding of meaning, (2) the production of
‘meaningful’ discourse, and (3) the decoding of meaning. Encoding and
decoding are to be understood as separate ‘meaning structures’ that are
themselves determined by frameworks of knowledge, relations of produc-
tion, and technical infrastructures. In John Tagg’s (1988:3) terms, to
understand cinema in this way is to recognise the mode of representation
34 V. Rizov
(a) Hegemonic code: the receiver accepts the message in terms of the
reference-code in which it was encoded by the producer.
(b) Professional code: the receiver focuses on the technico-practical ele-
ments of the message, working within the hegemonic code.
(c) Negotiated code: the receiver accepts the hegemonic code as legiti-
mate, but recognises exceptions within this code, combining adapta-
tion and opposition.
(d) Oppositional code: the receiver first detotalises the message and then
employs an alternative reference-code to retotalise it.
It is important to note that the first three of Hall’s four codes all accept
what Mark Fisher (2009:2; cf. Dean, 2020) calls ‘“capitalist realism,” or:
[…] the widespread sense that not only is capitalism the only viable polit-
ical and economic system, but also that it is now impossible even to
imagine a coherent alternative to it’. In Fisher’s cultural criticism of
music, film, and popular culture, reality itself is stripped down to its
essence as the product of the capitalist imperative. Fisher (2009:2) sees a
culture in which the ‘world that it projects seems more like an extrapola-
tion or exacerbation of ours than an alternative to it’ in music and film.
His examples include gangster rap, gangster films, and dystopian fiction,
all of which seem to ‘have stripped the world of sentimental illusions and
seen it for “what it really is”’ but in Hall’s terms fail to respond to the
hegemonic systematic distortion in the oppositional code (Fisher,
2009:11). Fisher (2018) maintains that capitalist realism is both a belief
and an attitude. The belief is that there is no alternative to the capitalist
mode of production and that all other economic systems are simply
impractical. The attitude adopted to this belief is one of resignation, a
fatalism in which the best-case scenario becomes the containment of cap-
italism’s worst excesses. Fisher (2009:12) describes the effect of this com-
bination of belief and attitude as the creation of a culture of ‘interpassivity’.
Robert Pfaller (2017:55) defines interpassivity as a form of engagement
with an artwork that demands neither activity nor passivity on the part of
the observer, but where the experience or sensation of the engagement is
delegated by the observer to something or someone else ‘in the sense of
delegated pleasure, or delegated consumption’, such as canned laughter
in a television sitcom. This has a political effect and should be recognised
as a political tool; in other words, it is an illustration of Marcuse’s descrip-
tion of the ideological effect where ‘true and false are predefined’ as much
as what is funny or sad (1965:95). Fisher (2009) mentions Frank Miller’s
graphic novels and how their hyperbolic saturation of violence is repre-
sentative of the stripping of the world of sentimental illusions. In The
Dark Knight Returns, for example, Miller (1986) appears to strip the
American metropolis of any illusions of community and conviviality to
38 V. Rizov
reveal a viscerally violent reality at its core. This kind of narrative realism
could not be separated from the justification of Reaganomics and the
replacement of a culture of correctionalism with a culture of control,
both of which occurred in America in the 1980s (see Davis, 1992;
Garland, 2001).
As the case studies will reveal, ‘capitalist realism’ primarily focuses on a
world in which ‘a stripping back of the state to its core military and police
functions’ is central (Fisher, 2009:2). A re-examination of Mad Max:
Fury Road through the lens of ‘capitalist realism’ supports Fisher’s claims
regarding contemporary culture. The film performs anti-capitalism, anti-
patriarchy, and climate change commentary for the audience, allowing
the audience to interpassively delegate its ethical judgement to the screen.
As Marcuse, Hall, and Fisher show, popular culture represents reality as
much as it reproduces it.
The task of this monograph is to develop a critique of the logic of
crime control practices through an analysis of their cinematic representa-
tion. The danger in this task lies in what Marcia Landy (1994:11)
describes, in a framework inspired by the work of Antonio Gramsci, as
the extremes of ‘economism’ and ‘ideologism’. The former privileges the
‘linear analyses of events’ at the expense of questioning the very condi-
tions that cause the events or even considering the interrelated nature of
economics, politics, social order, and subject formation (Landy, 1994:15).
The latter fits into contemporary neoliberal narratives of individualism,
responsibility and agency; as such, it is liable to omit the configuration of
social forces and practices, as well as the economic influences on subjec-
tivity. With respect to Mad Max: Fury Road, the former approach would
explicate the ethical movement of the narrative through a discussion of
water and fuel shortage, that is, the role of natural resources in the primi-
tive tributary economy of Joe’s society; the latter would place the empha-
sis on Furiosa’s individual qualities as the leader of a rebellion, an agent of
anti-patriarchal liberation and personal redemption. The ground between
these two approaches is the starting point of the analyses proposed in the
following chapters.
As Marcuse (1965) points out, both extreme explanations already
make sense, because they are automatically and immediately given to the
film’s audience as intelligible in relation to established knowledge, that is,
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