Ziauddin Barani

UNIT 12 ZIAUDDIN BARANI*

Structure
12.0 Objectives
12.1 Introduction
12.2 The Background
12.3 Barani’s Writings
12.4 Barani’s Idea of History
12.5 Historical Facts/Bias in Barani’s Writings
12.6 Barani’s Idea of Kingship
12.7 Concept of Time and Chronology in Barani’s Writings
12.8 Barani: The Economist
12.9 Reason and Rationality in Barani’s Thought
12.10 Barani’s Idea of Low-Born-High-Born
12.11 Religion and History in Barani’s Writings
12.12 Summary
12.13 Keywords
12.14 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises
12.15 Suggested Readings
12.16 Instructional Video Recommendations

12.0 OBJECTIVES
The present Unit focusses on Zia Barani as historian and his ‘ideas’ on history and
history writing. After reading the present Unit, you will be able to:
• comprehend the background which influenced Barani’s historical writings,
• know major works composed by Zia Barani,
• understand Barani’s idea of history,
• identify Barani’s personal biases and objectivity,
• underline Barani’s idea of kingship,
• examine concept of time in Barani’s writings,
• analyse Barani’s views on rational sciences and philosophy,
• deduce Barani’s idea of high-born-low-born, and
• contemplate Barani’s views on religion and history.

12.1 INTRODUCTION
We have chosen Zia Barani to analyse the trends of history writings during the
Sultanate period, not just because he was a great scholar and a prolific writer, but
on account of his understanding of history. He is perhaps among the first Sultanate
chroniclers who talks about what is histroy?; what a historian’s job is in penning
down historical narratives? Unlike the general claim of European historiography
that there was an almost complete absence of historical consciousness, it was

* Prof. Abha Singh, School of Social Sciences, Indira Gandhi National Open University,
New Delhi 217
Indo-Persian Traditions Barani who actually writes and debates upon the theme ‘What is history?’ and
of History Writing ‘what is a historian’s craft?’ A long passage in his introduction to Tarikh-i Firuzshahi
has been devoted to the theme.
Barani’s writings intensely suggest the reflection of the contemporary
‘politico-cultural environment’. Bias and prejudices, particularly in his prejudiced
favouritism towards the high-born, emerge as key element of history writing of
Barani. Further, ‘absolute objectivity’ is difficult to find in Barani. Barani, while
interpreting the events, was extremely influenced by the contemporary environment.
So strong is the influence of the contemporary social realities and his personal
prejudices that often similar ideas/events of the two periods as interpreted by the
author, appear as mirror images. His every interpretation of the events was couched
as per the contemporary politico-social atmosphere. Interpretations are often coupled
with generalisations. Nonetheless, ‘causality’ is quite strong in Barani’s writings.
Historical consciousness in Barani’s writings was largely weaved around the
complexities of state structures. Therefore, you would find discussion on monarchy,
duties of a king, role of force and violence, emphasis on exclusivity of the idea of
the ‘high-born’ among the ruling class, etc. Barani’s writings not only reflect how
he viewed the past but also, at the same time, attempt to present how the
state/monarchy should act. Both these ideas get intertwined in Barani’s Fatawa
and Tarikh to such an extent that it is difficult to glean out which one was actually
influencing the other. Thus, both have to be read and linked/interpreted together,
keeping in view what Barani visualises and what was actually happening, of which
Barani was often the mook spectator. Nevertheless, Barani often modifies his
‘idealism’ for ‘political expediency’. Peter Hardy points out two important
characteristics of Barani’s writings: a) Barani puts his ideas propagated in Fatawa
in the mouths of historical figures in the Tarikh; and b) He praises Sultan Firuz as
the true Muslim and ‘best of the Sultans of Delhi’.

12.2 THE BACKGROUND

Barani had the opportunity to live up to the reigns of eight Delhi Sultans, from
Ghiyasuddin Balban (1266-1286) to Firuz Shah Tughlaq (1351-1388). Nonetheless,
Barani lived contrasting lives. On the one hand, he had a fulfilling life and enjoyed
the patronage of Muhammad bin Tughlaq; in contrast, he died in abject poverty
and frustration.
Barani (1285-1358) belonged to a reputed family of scholars and officials from
Baran (modern Bulandshahr; hence the epithet ‘Barani’). Muaiyad-ul Mulk, father
of Barani, married the daughter of sipah-salar Husamuddin (who later rose to the
prominent position of wakil-i dar and later Hajib [chamberlain] of Sultan Blban).
Muaiyad-ul Mulk himself rose to the position of naib (deputy) to Prince Arkali
Khan, son of Jalaluddin Khalji. Under Alauddin Khalji, he was officer-in-charge
(naib-o-khwaja) of Baran. Barani’s paternal uncle Ain-ul Mulk held the office of
governorship of Kara and Awadh and later became the kotwal of Delhi during
Alauddin Khalji’s reign.
Barani himself received a good education in Arabic and Persian. He was an expert in
religious sciences and Islamic theology. He had a deep sense and understanding of
history. Barani was a man of ideas. He had close proximity to the then poet-scholar
218 laureates, Amir Khusrau and Amir Hasan Sijzi. He also adored the favour of the
famous Chishti saint Nizamuddin Auliya. He even had the honour of being buried Ziauddin Barani
near Nizamuddin Auliya’s tomb in the same complex next to his father’s grave.
He also enjoyed great respect in the court of Muhammad Tughlaq. Amir Khurd,
his younger contemporary, comments that he was a man of ‘elegant mind’ and
unparallelled in ‘courtly culture’. Amir Khurd also praises him for being a great
conversationalist.
Barani could enter royal service as late as 1334-1335 (in the 10th regnal year of
Muhammad bin Tughlaq; at the mature age of fifty) as a courtier (nadim; confidant)
during Muhammad Tughlaq’s reign and served Muhammad Tughlaq for a long
seventeen years. However, with Firuz Shah’s accession, Barani’s fortunes were doomed.
He was not only imprisoned in the fort of Bhatnair but could barely escape execution
and, thence, till his death, lived a life of utter financial distress and frustration. Barani
desperately tried to seek the attention and favour of Firuz Shah. He even, with that
intention in mind, dedicated his Tarikh-i Firuz Shahi and Akhbar-i Barmakiyan to
Sultan Firuz, even praising Firuz’s generosity in his Barmakiyan, but failed miserably;
even his desire to present the text to Firuz in person could not be materialised. It was
during this phase of oblivion that he wrote his plethora of literature.
To put Barani’s writings in a proper perspective we must analyse them against this
background. Barani was a scholar-theologian and deeply trained and ingrained in Perso-
Islamic culture. His entire set of writings reflects that training and his works should be
interpreted in that light. Another factor of importance was his close association and
position of dignity that he enjoyed during Muhammad Tughlaq’s reign, at the same
time, bitterest relationship that he shared with Firuz. Further, as courtier, he watched
the politico-administrative developments closely on a day-to-day basis.
Another important aspect of Barani’s Tarikh was that once he compiled his Tarikh (in
the fifth regnal year of Firuz’s reign), with no favours in the offing and instead received
criticism, he revised the text two years later and brought a comparatively enlarged
account of the first six years of Firuz’s reign. A comparison of these two versions
would be quite interesting, for in the later version, some events are abridged and some
enlarged, and at times, even emphasis and interpretation vary. In the first version,
Muhammad bin Tughlaq is presented by Barani in a favourable light, whereas in
Barani’s second version, under the changed circumstances and unfavourable
atmosphere, the tone appears to be quite mellowed down. Alauddin’s price control
measures too are quite brief in his first version, which he elaborated at length in his
second version. However, the details on urbanisation and construction activities of
Alauddin, which were given in detail, were quite abridged by Barani in his second
version. Even so, the first version describes in considerable details the literary
atmosphere in Delhi and Muhammad bin Tughlaq’s patronage to the literary culture of
the period. So also, Muhammad bin Tughlaq’s transfer of capital is missing from the
first version, but in the second version it is described in detail. All this suggests that in
Barani’s writings, particularly the comparison of the two versions of the Tarikh, how a
historian, while penning down a text, was heavily influenced by his own circumstances;
and that ideas are not static, hence biases had to be present, in spite of Barani’s own
claims to present the ‘truth’.

12.3 BARANI’S WRITINGS

Barani started the task of writing at the advanced age of sixty-nine and composed as
many as nine works after that. He consciously wrote for ‘eternity’ but also for ‘nobles 219
Indo-Persian Traditions and high-borns’ as well as for book-sellers. Barani composed a wide range of works.
of History Writing His Sahifa-i Nat-i Muhammadi or Sana-i Muhammadi is purely a religious text, penned
down in 1353-54 at the age of seventy. His composition, Hasratnama, was a sufi tract
which also contained recollections of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya. However, it survived,
in extract form only, in the collection of Amir Khurd’s Siyar-ul Auliya. He wrote
keeping in view the book-market Tarikh-i Baramaka, a history of the fortunes of
Baramakide family of wazirs, which Caliph Harun al-Rashid obliterated. Amir Khurd
also mentions Salat-i Kabir, Inayatnama-i Ilahi, and Maasir-i Sadat among his other
compositions, which do not survive to posterity.
Among his works, two are of utmost importance to students of history: Tarikh-i
Firuzshahi (1357) and Fatawa-i Jahandari (likely a post-Tarikh compilation; and
meant to be a conclusion to his Tarikh1). While Fatawa (lit. opinions) is on the art of
governance, written almost in the style of the Arabic ‘Mirror of Princes’, and was
written as an advisory by Sultan Mahmud of Ghazni to his sons and to the reigning
monarchs; Tarikh is purely a narration of historical events of ninety-five years ranging
from Balban to the early years of Firuz Shah Tughlaq’s reign. It was meant to serve
‘as a compendium of hints for God-fearing Muslim rulers’ (Hardy 1960: 39).
Check Your Progress-1
1) In what ways Barani’s Tarikh-i Firuzshahi’s first version is different from its
second version?
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2) Which of the following books Barani composed keeping in mind the book-market?
a) Tarikh-i Firuzshahi
b) Tarikh-i Baramaka
c) Hasratnama
d) Fatawa-i Jahandari
3) Which of the following books Barani contains recollections of Shaikh
Nizamuddin Auliya?
a) Hasratnama
b) Sahifa-i Nat-i Muhammadi
c) Salat-i Kabir
d) Inayatnama-i Ilahi

12.4 BARANI’S IDEA OF HISTORY

Barani had a strong sense of history. Barani clearly spells out what lessons history
teaches and what lessons one can derive from history. He argues that past events
have had a deep impact on future activities. He comments that Balban’s attempt to
consolidate his power by pursuing a policy of blood and iron resulted in the
destruction of his dynasty within seventeen years.
1
Irfan Habib (1998: 24) is of the opinion that it was composed after the Tarikh as a conclusion.
However, I.H. Siddiqui (2014: 206) believes that its frank style suggests that it was written
220 before the accession of Firuz Shah Tughlaq.
Barani was a true historian of his time. He mentions the continuity and changes in Ziauddin Barani
history. What are the duties of a historian? He talks about the historian’s craft. For
him, the craft of a historian differs greatly from that of a poet or a fiction writer.
Barani does not alter his first chapter (muqaddimah) in his first and second versions.
There, he is at his best as a thinker, a philosopher, a man of ideas, and a critical
historian. He delves into the methods and purposes of history writing. He
emphasises that a historian should not hide the wicked acts of kings and nobles,
nor even pursue flattery while writing the historical account. Extolling Barani as a
‘true’ historian Mohammad Habib (2016: 316) maintains that, ‘For Barani history
was not a record or a chronicle or a history; it was very definitely a science – the
science of the social order – and its basis was not religion or tradition but observation
and experience.’ In praise of Barani as a historian Peter Hardy (1960: 20) commends
Barani’s Tarikh as ‘vigorous and trenchant expression of a conscious philosophy
of history which lifts Barani right out of the ranks of the mere compilers of
chronicles and annals.’
Barani lived in an era when debate on ideas of history in the Islamic world started
emerging. Particular mention may be made of Zayd al-Baihaqi (1097-1169),
Muhammad ibn Ibrahim al-Iji (d. 1381-1382) and Shams al-Din Sakhawi (1427-1497)
who have talked in detail about the importance of the use of history. In his introduction
to Tarikh-i Firuzshahi Barani has dedicated a full section to knowledge of history
(ilm-i tarikh).
Barani puts knowledge of history (ilm-i tarikh) in the category of ‘transmitted
fields of knowledge’ (al-ulum al-naqaliya; manqulat). Barani gives precedence
to manqulat (knowledge based on human reason [aql]) over maqulat (al-ulum al-
aqaliya; rational fields of knowledge – mathematics, medicine, philosophy, logic
and astronomy). He argues that, the ‘affairs of the world cannot be known through
reason (aql)’. It ‘leads to doubt in the religion of the correct way and the community’
(Auer 2015: 216-217). History, for Barani, was closely related to manqulat. Barani,
in the construction of ideas on history, has, thus, largely relied upon Quranic
exegesis (tafsir), hadis (sayings and deeds of the Prophet), Islamic law (fiqh) and
the ways of the shaikhs (tariqat-i mashaikh). For him, knowledge of history and
hadis were twins. Particularly important in this context, argues Barani, were the
critiques/praises of the chain of narrators (isnad). How and in what circumstances
a particular hadis was narrated in the process of the establishment of their veracity,
all this very much forms part of history. According to Barani, ‘it is essentially the
knowledge of history that enables Muslims to understand the actions of the Prophet
and his companions’(Auer 2015: 213). For ‘Barani, history was first and foremost
beneficial because it is the means of profiting from…principally the prophets
(anbiya) and sultans (salatin), whose deeds are recorded in the heavenly books…’
‘Barani defines Quran as a historical text, and indeed, the Quran played a central
role in the development of Islamic historiography’ (Auer 2015: 212). ‘For him,
“observing the experiences of the miserable is a lesson for the prosperous. In
rejecting the bad character and evil behavior of the wretched, those of good
disposition find the protection of the favor of God”’ (Auer 2015: 212-213).
Peter Hardy believes that ‘Barani treats history as a branch of theology’.
However, rejecting Hardy’s argument, Nizami argues that, ‘What makes Barani
bracket the study of history with the study of ahadith is not the theological
content of the ahadith but the usul-i asnad…the principles of critique evolved
by the scholars of ahadith.’ Siddiqui points out that in his Fatawa and the first 221
Indo-Persian Traditions version of his Tarikh Barani seems hardly as didactic historian, instead his
of History Writing secular approach is evident. What he wrote in his Fatawa was impossible for
him to write in Firuz’s period when Muslim orthodoxy dominated. Thus, as a
historian, what Barani was pleading in the first version of his Tarikh, in the
second version, circumstances forced him to deviate from the basic principles
of the historian’s craft on which he was pleading.
Barani also believes that history teaches moral and ethical lessons. For ‘Barani
knowledge of history contributes to the abundance of reason (aql), discernment
(shuur), personal opinion (ray) and putting things in order (tadbir). According
to Barani, through the knowledge of history one gains personal experience
through the experience of others. By understanding the misfortunes of others
one develops vigilance’ (Auer 2015: 214).
Barani also applauds the advisory role of history. It, according to Barani, guides Sultans
to safeguard themselves against future challenges by taking lessons from the past
deeds. History teaches ‘acceptance’ and ‘patience’. Thus, for Barani, history serves
‘advice literature’ to posterity. Barani argues that, ‘History proves to them [sultans,
ministers and kings of Islam] the fruits of good conduct and the results of bad in the
management of worldly affairs. Thus sultans and rulers are induced to follow good
course of action, not to indulge in tyranny and oppression…’ (Hardy 1960: 23). Hardy
(1960: 39) argues that, ‘For Barani, the study of history is not the study of a purely
human past; Barani is not interested in all the peculiarities or particularities of the
human story…He sees the past as a battleground between good and evil…Barani
treats history as a branch of theology…Facts of history are what reliable religious men
have reported them to be.’
For Barani, the chief components of history writing are ‘truth’ and ‘trust’. He comments,
‘whatever the historian writes falsely will, on the Day of Judgement, be the cause of
his most severe punishment’ (Auer 2015: 215). Barani argues that while penning down
the history of the period, one should state ‘truth’ without ‘fear or favour’. Barani
acknowledges, ‘Whatever I have written I have written truthfully and honestly and
this history is worthy of credence.’ Peter Hardy (1957: 317) argues that, ‘The historian’s
“philosophy of history”, his view that religious orthodoxy is a guarantee of an historian’s
veracity suggest, however, that Barani’s conception of Truth is religious and ethical,
not historical.’
Barani conveys that history teaches lessons. Particularly through his Tarikh-i Baramakah,
he tried to convey that Sultans should not ruin the old families, for that would inturn
affect the popularity of the Sultan, as was the case of Caliph Harun al-Rashid.
Check Your Progress-2
1) What is Barani’s idea of history?
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2) Do you agree with Peter Hardy’s analysis that ‘Barani treats history as a
branch of theology’?
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222 ........................................................................................................................
 Ziauddin Barani
12.5 HISTORICAL FACTS/BIAS IN BARANI’S
WRITINGS
Mohammad Habib comments that Barani’s Tarikh ‘has grievous shortcomings;
on some very important matters it has misled almost every later historian and yet
it is difficult to find any Persian history of medieval India that one can place by its
side’ (Habib 2016: 316). The reason for this shortcoming, comments Habib, is
mainly because Barani was primarily writing based on his observations and
experiences, rather than having access to any official archives or notes specifically
taken for the same. Mohammad Habib (2016: 319) argues that Barani ‘had nothing
but his memory and his pen, ink and paper’ while composing his Tarikh.
Barani forgets to mention Tarmashirin’s invasion of India. Mohammad Habib
argues that Barani’s brief and inaccurate account of Muhammad bin Tughlaq’s
token currency created so much misunderstanding that it led later historians to
brand him ‘stark mad’.
Barani’s Fatawa-i Jahandari was aimed to prescribe duties of ‘Muslim Sultans/
Delhi Sultans’ towards Islam which was written in the form of advices of Mahmud
of Ghazni to his sons and the kings of Islam. The similarity of tone in what is
written at a theoretical level by Barani in his Fatawa and what is reflected at a
practical level in his Tarikh has invited some severe criticism of Barani, whether
Barani’s writings represent the actual happenings of the period, or that at times
Barani has just attempted to put his ‘own ideas’ into the mouths of historical figures.
Syed Hassan Barani comments (1938: 96) that, ‘The multitude of sermons delivered
in the name of various persons are apparently all imaginary…’ A.B.M. Habibullah
(1941) also echoes the same concern: ‘It is author’s own mind that is mostly
projected in the book and not the actual past’. Peter Hardy (1957: 21) is also of the
same opinion that ‘Barani put his own ideas into the mouth of personages in the
Tarikh-i Firuzshahi’. Hardy quotes two conversations between Barani and
Muhammad bin Tughlaq, one pertaining to whether capital punishment is
permissible for kings! In both the Fatawa and the Tarikh he emphasises it is not
permissible. In another conversation Barani identifies loss of confidence of his
subjects in a king is as an ‘important disease’. In his Fatawa also he condemns
rulers who resort to the path of terror. In both of his conversations, however,
Muhammad bin Tughlaq had shown disagreement with him and decided to follow
the path of sword and punishment. Hardy argues that ideas that a true Muslim
king should discourage ‘innovations’ (which were largely professed by the
‘philosophers’) and people of low-birth (he was critical of appointing non-Turks
to high offices) and persons of ‘evil religion’ (he meant kafirs) should not be
appointed to higher positions find equal concern both in his Fatawa and his Tarikh.
Similarly, Peter Hardy argues that Balban’s ideas, as elaborated in Chapter VII by
Barani, were his and not of Balban’s.
However, if one accepts that Fatawa was post-Tarikh work, then one can infer that
Barani probably wrote Fatawa to present it in the form of advice to
Sultans/posterity on what an ideal and successful Muslim king should be like based on
the experiences he gained from the past eight Sultans’ reigns he had seen.
Barani’s desire to gain Firuz’s favour resulted in many twisted interpretations
and biases of Barani, particularly when one compares Barani’s first version
223
Indo-Persian Traditions with the second version of his Tarikh. In the first version, he was writing as a
of History Writing person who enjoyed the great favour of Sultan Muhammad bin Tughlaq; while
in the second (final) version, he revised his analogies and arguments to please
the then reigning Sultan Firuz. Thus, the second version is heavily loaded
with biased perspectives. Barani, who enjoyed the favour of Sultan Muhammad
bin Tughlaq, is full of praise for Muhammad Tughlaq’s acts in the first version
of the text. However, in the second version, either some of Muhammad
Tughlaq’s acts were abridged or interpretation perspectives were often changed.
Peter Hardy argues that while narrating Muhammad Tughlaq’s reign ‘he was
torn between a sense of gratitude towards a patron [Muhammad bin Tughlaq]
and a stern conviction of a duty to be performed to God and to man.’ Barani
believed that severe punishments and the appointment of worthless officers
would ruin the kingdom and weaken the Sultan’s authority, which Muhammad
bin Tughalq lacked, not knowing when to apply severity and when to be lenient.
Similarity is visible in describing Firuz Shah’s first six years of history in his
two versions. In the first version, it was very very brief and the entire four-
year account was provided by Barani in one chapter. In the second version, it
is much more detailed and spread over six chapters. In the first version, while
the account of the nobles of Muhammad bin Tughlaq is quite detailed and
speaks of the elimination of Muhammad bin Tughlaq’s favourite nobles by
Firuz; in the second version, he just speaks about his own confinement in the
fort of Bhatner which he discusses in much details in his Sahifa. Even his
concept of high-born/low-born is affected by that. In his first version, he was
not critical of Muhammad bin Tughlaq for appointment of low-born; he even
mentions about Aziz Khammar. However, in his second version, he voices
sharply against the low-born and provides a detailed list of low-born people
who received royal favours under Muhammad bin Tughlaq. In his first version,
Barani omits any reference to his regrets that he could not dare advise the
Sultan not to meet punishment against Sharia. However, in his second version,
he provides a detailed analysis as an apologist trying to prove ‘not guilty’. He
attempts to clarify that he was not part of Muhammad Tughlaq’s policy of
punishing the pious, and, instead blames people of ‘obscure origin’ responsible
for Sultan’s actions. Similarly, in his first version, he hardly presents Alauddin
in a bad light. He does not condemn him for his ‘indifference towards religion’
and ‘punishment to all irrespective of Sharia’. However, in the second version,
he calls Alauddin a tyrant, one who does not fear God.
Check Your Progress-3
1) Do you agree with Mohammad Habib that on some very important matters
Barani has almost misled later historians?
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2) ‘The multitude of sermons delivered in the name of various persons by Barani

in his Fatawa are apparently all imaginary’? Comment.
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224 ........................................................................................................................
 Ziauddin Barani
12.6 BARANI’S IDEA OF KINGSHIP
The king was central to Barani’s writing. In his analysis, however, the idea of
‘mutual obligation between the king and his subjects’ does not figure. In his Fatawa,
Barani applauds, ‘The King (padshah) is one of the wonderful creations of God;
and God is the Creator of things, both good and bad.’ Thus, ‘kingship in itself
could be good or evil according to the character of the king’ (Habib 1998: 26). So
dominant was the idea of the high-born that while representing Mahmud of Ghazni
and Balban (the so-called high-born) Barani presented the ‘royalty’ as ‘viceregency
of God’; the king was represented as ‘shadow of God’ (zillallah). However, in the
context of Jalaluddin Khalji, ‘Royalty is all deception and display. Although
externally it has ornamentation and trappings, inside it is weak and contemptible
(zar-zar)’. Then the real source of royalty was ‘power’ and ‘force’. Barani expresses
the anxiety of his period concerning the use of force and violence as a key factor
in sustaining the monarchy, while at the same time, it made the monarchy
‘vulnerable’. In fact, this is what Barani witnessed in India. However, Ibn Khaldun’s
idea of asabiyya (solidarity of the ruling class) finds no space in Barani’s writings.
Though both were concerned with the declining trend of dynasties, they had no
convincing solution for that.
To demonstrate the prestige of the monarchy, Barani emphasised the display of
pomp and splendour by the king, a construct probably developed by Barani after
looking at the success of Balban’s display of wealth and splendour. He quotes
Mahmud saying that display of pomp and splendour, though ‘repugnant in Islam,
and yet expedient for the ruler’. He puts similar words in Barani’s mouth, ‘unless
a king followed the custom of the Iranian Emperors (Akasira, Khusroes) in holding
court and in instituting strict ceremonial, he would not excite the necessary awe
(haibat) among his subjects, so necessary for obedience’ (Habib 1998: 26).

12.7 CONCEPT OF TIME AND CHRONOLOGY IN

BARANI’S WRITINGS
While Barani, as a historian, the clearly excels in the historian’s craft, in terms of
stating chronology and dates, Barani often falters. His concept of time does not
appear to be stagnant but keeps on changing; even chronology is often arranged
incorrectly. Dates are often either inaccurate or not given at all. Barani himself
admits in his Tarikh, ‘I have not cared as to which victory, rebellion, or event
came first and which came later, and I have not adhered to the chronological
sequence of events, so that wise men may obtain warning and wisdom by observing
the affairs of the state in their totality.’ The time mentioned of Malik Bahauddin’s
rebellion is stated wrongly by Barani. Problem becomes critical when wrong
sequence of events were described ‘in order of cause and effect’.

12.8 BARANI: THE ECONOMIST

Barani was strongly opposed to the idea of ‘free-economy’. Barani believed that to
ensure stability in social and political order, the regulation of the price curve was the
prime duty of the state that would benefit the material condition of the people in general.
Barani was perhaps inspired by the successful price control measures of Alauddin
Khalji, which he attributed to being in the interest of the common masses. Barani has
225
Indo-Persian Traditions described the price control measures of Alauddin Khalji with extreme precision and
of History Writing details with an intense level of factual correctness. He argues that, ‘the freedom given
to the traders would have encouraged them to hoard, create scarcity and then raise the
prices of essential commodity’ (Siddiqui 2014: 207). That would inturn lead to the
sufferings of the people. Barani views Alauddin’s price control measures as a solution
to ‘critical financial problem’ in the wake of a series of Mongol onslaughts faced by
the Sultanate which required large armies to be maintained and frontiers secured through
strong fortifications. Barani analyses that the success of Alauddin’s market control
measures rested upon ‘heavy agrarian taxation’ and ‘rigourous implementation’. Barani
analyses that ‘the low prices did not mean an enhancement of the real income of all; on
the contrary, they meant an increase in the real income of some and the diminution of
that of many’ (Habib 1984: 408).
His sixth chapter pertaining to Firuz Shah’s reign, where he has provided excellent
details of Firuz Shah’s laying of the canals, Barani looks at Sultan’s efforts in
terms of their long term implications and highlights its advantages to posterity. He
argues that it would be beneficial for the overall socio-economic growth of the
area.
Check Your Progress-4
1) State briefly Barani’s idea of kingship.
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2) Mention idea of time and chronology in Barani’s writings.

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3) Analyse Barani as an economist.

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12.9 REASON AND RATIONALITY IN BARANI’S

THOUGHT
Barani’s writings greatly reflect rationalist thought. Ironically, he avoided the company
of the rationalists of his time. He was born at a time when in the Islamic world there
was a greater emphasis on rationalist sciences (ilm-i maaqul). He was highly critical
of them. In his Fatawa, Barani claims that ‘rationalists/philosophers (falasifa) are fit
to slaughter’. Similarly, he applauds Mahmud for suppressing the Mutazilites. Barani
also criticises his patron Muhammad Tughlaq’s belief in maqulat (reason) and he
attributes this as the chief factor behind Muhammad Tughlaq’s harshness towards
theologians. Barani criticises Muhammad bin Tughlaq for ‘patronising philosophers,
neglecting the study of prophetic tradition’ (Hardy 1960: 37). Thus, for Barani, Sultans
should prefer traditionalists to rationalists/philosophers.
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Analogies and interpretation are strong elements of Barani’s historical narratives. Barani Ziauddin Barani
saw the destruction and replacement of dynasties by the sheer use of force (Balban
overthrew the Ilbarites; the Balbanites were overthrown by the Khalji nobles; while
the Tughlaq nobles replaced the Khaljis). Thus emphatically, in his Fatawa, Barani
argues in favour of the ‘dynastic’ rule: ‘If anyone acquires some power, he seizes a
territory by destroying its existing possessor and declaring himself king; thereafter, he
obtains nobles, supporters and courtiers,…But if he dies or is assassinated, another
person becomes king; he thereupon destroys “the establishments and families” of the
former ruler’s nobility and dependents to ensure his own firm position by bringing in
a “new” nobility; for were he to continue the older one, neither could he trust them,
nor they him’ (Habib 1998: 27-28).
Barani is highly critical of Balban’s policies as being too ‘bloody, bold and resolute’
(Hardy 1960: 30). He was highly critical of Balban’s cold-blooded murders of Sher
Khan (Balban’s cousin) and Tughril. Though his argument was couched in a religious
tone, it is against Sharia as well as he will have to be answerable before God on the
Day of Judgement for such acts.

12.10 BARANI’S IDEA OF LOW-BORN-HIGH-BORN

Barani not only avoided the company of the rationalist, but also looked down upon the
‘low-born’ (people of lower descent) and was a votary of ‘high-born’, people of
aristocratic-stock. He was critical of all such appointments. For him, ‘low-born’ were
not fit for ‘royal favours’. So the, Sultan must appoint people of ‘aristocratic birth’ to
all posts. He even went to the extent that, according to him, even children of
‘low-born’ converts should not be allowed to enter the madrasas (educational
institutions). Only aristocratic families are the ‘chosen’ ones by God to ‘rule’. For
justice and stability, the ‘existence of the high-born’ is required. He was mainly critiquing
the appointment of the so-called ‘low-born’ to higher offices by the Khaljis and the
Tughlaqs (particularly by Muhammad Tughlaq). For him, bazaar people (traders and
merchants) do not deserve royal favour. ‘Their appointment at high administrative
posts would result in instability, and disturbing law and order’, comments Barani
(Siddiqui 2014: 207). This is what I. H. Siddiqui terms an ‘elitist view of history’
(Siddiqui 2014: 220).
Barani was so bitterly against the ‘low-born’ that for him, even history written by
‘unknown parentage’ should not be ‘trusted’. He argues that Sultan who associates
with ‘low-born’ endanger the ‘stability of the realm and the supremacy of Islam’.
Citing appointment of Khusrau Khan Barwari, a Hindu convert, by Mubarak Khalji,
that ultimately led to Mubarak Khalji’s murder at the hands of Khusrau Khan,
Barani argues that Sultans should not promote ‘unworthy servants’.
Perhaps no other chronicler has shown such a deep sense of ‘bitterness’ against
the ‘low-born’ as is evident in Barani’s writings. One plausible explanation for
such bitterness appears to be the fact that, in spite of his scholarship and scholarly
family background, Barani had to wait a long time for royal favours which he
attributed to and blamed on the induction of ‘upstart low-born’ by the Tughlaq
Sultan, Muhammad bin Tughlaq. His analysis also points towards the fact that
during the Sultanate period, rise of the ‘low-born’ definitely led to social tensions
among the old aristocracy and the new recruits, which inturn disturbed the ‘social
equilibrium’.
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Indo-Persian Traditions
of History Writing 12.11 RELIGION AND HISTORY IN BARANI’S
WRITINGS
In Barani, like most other Muslim historians/chroniclers, the sense of attributing
everything to the Quran and Prophet is quite strong. Barani, himself trained in the
religious sciences of the time, believed in the rule of law based and governed on
Sharia (Islamic law) principles. Kings and theologians, as the ‘upholder of the Faith’,
were represented by Barani as the upholder of the sharia principles. He looked ‘kingship
and religion as twins’. Strangely, he ignored the centrality of the caliphate (khalifa) to
the Islamic polity. This could possibly be influenced by the destruction of the Baghadad
Caliphate by the Mongols in 1258.
In his Fatawa, ‘Mahmud advises his sons to ensure that muhtasibs or censors are
appointed to oversee sharia enforcement, the making of liquor suppressed, and
prostitutes, mistrels, etc. banished’ (Habib 1998: 33). However, he seems more practical
in his Tarikh and seems a little more flexible: ‘If the practitioners of sinful traders
retire to mean corners [and] their sins are not visible, such people should not be banned,
because otherwise many wicked persons, out of lust, would make inroads into men’s
harems’ (Habib 1998: 33).
He was the upholder of Islam and Islamic principles, so anyone who transgresses the
Islamic principles within Islam and the kafirs/zimmis needed to be punished. Shafi’i
principles advocated the conversion of all kafirs to Islam. However, Barani, in his
Sahifa-i Nat-i Muhammadi, argues that Iltutmish, at the advice of his minister, rejected
the idea, thus suggesting that it was political expediency rather than Islamic principles
that dominated the art of governance. However, more than kafirs, heretics
(rationalist philosophers) within Islam called for severe criticism of Barani.
Alauddin does not receive religious criticism in Barani’s first version. However, in his
second version, Barani condemns Alauddin for his indifference towards religions and
his disregard for Sharia. He criticises why people praised the Sultan for possessing
spiritual powers and prayed for him. He calls the Sultan, ‘a tyrant and wonders how a
man with no fear of God, could possess spiritual power’ (Siddiqui 2014: 210).
Check Your Progress-5
1) Why Barani was opposed to rationalist thought/philosophers?
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2) What was Barani’s idea of high-born-low-born?

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12.12 SUMMARY
Among the historians of medieval India, Barani stands out on account of his deep
sense of history. He was conscious of the duties of a historian. In his introduction
228 to his Tarikh, he elaborates in detail on what should be the focus of a historian. All
through his Tarikh, he insists on presenting the ‘truth’. However, though he talks Ziauddin Barani
about ‘objectivity’ and presenting an ‘unbiased’ history, his account is not free
from ‘biases’. The impact of his circumstances, particularly his last years of abject
poverty, had a deep impact on his writings as well as analysis. It is very much
reflected in the two versions of his Tarikh, where his interpretation and factual
details are changed and often modified. Barani was also conscious of his Turkish
lineage. In spite of his scholarship and elite background, he could seek royal favour
very late and, once again, towards the end, he was completely thrown out of favour.
All this he blames on favours given to the ‘low-born’. Throughout his Tarikh and
Fatawa, he was critical of the appointments of ‘low-born’ to high posts by the
Tughlaq Sultans and praised Balban for keeping a distance from them.
Though lacking in chronology and dating, Barani was quite strong in cause and
effect analysis throughout his writings. Barani was also a true traditionalist and
hated the rationalist sciences and philosophers. In spite of his strong sense of
history, all roads of historical analysis lead towards Quran, Shariat and Hadis.
That’s why Peter Hardy blames Barani for treating ‘history as a branch of theology’.

12.13 KEYWORDS
Al-Baihaqi Baihaqi (b. 994 CE) was a scholar of Shafai fiqh
(jurisprudence) and hadis and belonged to Asharite
school of Islamic theology. He contributed significantly
towards the traditional interpretation of hadis
Amir Hasan Sijzi He was the younger contemporary of Amir Khusrau
and Ziauddin Barani. He was also the disciple of
Nizamuddin Auliya. At Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya’s
request he penned down his Fawaid-ul Fuad (malfuzat;
discourses and conversations of the Shaikh). It covered
the discourses during the period from 1309 to 1322-
1323
Amir Khurd Amir Khurd (d. 1368-1369) is known for his biography
of sufis of his time, Siyar-ul Auliya. His father and
grandfather were disciple of Baba Farid Ganj-i Shakar.
After his grandfather’s death his father migrated to
Delhi. Amir Khurd was also born in Delhi. He became
the disciple of Nizamuddin Auliya and later that of
Nasiruddin Chirag-i Delhi. During Firuz Shah
Tughlaq’s reign he composed the said memoir
Hajib Amir Hajib was the chief Chamberlain. He was also
styled barbek. He was the master of the court
ceremonies. Hajibs were his assistants. All petitions to
the Sultans must be routed through them. Sultan always
had a few hajibs to his side
Mutazilites Speculative dogmatics of Islam. Its founder was Mutazila.
Abbasid Caliph rejected the philosophy of Mutazilites.
Several leading Mutazilites established later their own
schools of Sunni Islam. The most prominent among them 229
Indo-Persian Traditions was Abul Hasan al-Ashari who was the founder of the
of History Writing
prominent Asharite school of Islamic jurisprudence.
Tarmashirin Alauddin Tarmashirin, son of Duwa Khan, a Chaghatai
Khan, ruled over Transoxiana. He attacked Multan and
Sind and reached as closed as Meerut (1328-1329).
Muhammad Tughlaq, however, successfully repulsed
Tarmashirin’s attack
Tughril A member of Turkan-i Chihilgani (Group of Forty). He
was governor of Lakhnauti at the time of Balban’s
accession. He rebelled in the eighth regnal year of Balban
(1275) and assumed the title of Sultan Mughisuddin. The
revolt was finally suppressed and severe punishments
were meted out to Tughril and his supporters
Wakil-i Dar He was the incharge of the royal household. Salaries of
the royal household and all related payments were to
be passed through him. All royal orders had to be muted
through him

12.14 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
Check Your Progress-1
1) See Section 12.2
2) See Section 12.3; b)Tarikh-i Baramaka
3) See Section 12.3; a) Hasratnama
Check Your Progress-2
1) See Section 12.4
2) See Section 12.4
Check Your Progress-3
1) See Section 12.5
2) See Section 12.5
Check Your Progress-4
1) See Section 12.6
2) See Section 12.7
3) See Section 12.8
Check Your Progress-5
1) See Section 12.9
2) See Section 12.10
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 Ziauddin Barani
12.15 SUGGESTED READINGS
Auer, Blain, (2015) ‘Pre-modern Intellectual Debates on the Knowledge of History
and Ziy al-Din Barani’s Tarikh-i Firuzshahi’, Indian Economic and Social History
Review, vol. 52 (2), pp. 207-223.
Barani, Syed Hassan, (1938) ‘Ziauddin Barani’, Islamic Culture, vol. XII:1, pp.
76-97.
Habib, Irfan, (1998) ‘Ziya Barani’s Vision of the State’, The Medieval History
Journal, vol. 2 (1), pp. 19-36.
Habib, Irfan, (1984) ‘The Price Regulations of Alauddin Khalji – a Defence of Zia
Barani’, Indian Economic and Social History Review, vol. 21 (4), pp. 393-414.
Habib, Mohammad, (1950) ‘Sahifa-i Nat-i Muhammadi of Ziauddin Barani’,
Medieval India Quarterly, vol. 1 (3-4), pp. 100-106.
Habib, Mohammad, (2016) ‘Life and Thought of Ziauddin Barani’, in Mohammad
Habib, Edited by Irfan Habib Studies in Medieval Indian Polity and Culture: Delhi
Sultnate and Its Times (Delhi: Oxford University Press), Originally published in
Medieval India Quarterly, 1957 & 1958.
Habibullah, A.B.M., (1941) ‘Re-evaluatin of the Literary Sources of Pre-Mughal
History’, Islamic Culture, vol. XV, pp. 207-216.
Hardy, Peter, (1957) ‘The Oratio Recta of Barani’s Tarikh-i Firuz Shahi – Fact or
Fiction’, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, vol. 20, pp. 315-321.
Hardy, Peter, (1960) Historians of Medieval India (London: Luzac & Company
Ltd.).
Hasan, S. Nurul, (1957 & 1958) ‘Life and Thought of Ziauddin Barani’, Medieval
India Quarterly, vol. 3 (1-2) (3-4), pp. 1-12; 197-252; Later it was published as
The political Theory of the Delhi Sultanate, Allahabad, 1960.
Nizami, K.A., (1983) On History and Historians of Medieval India (Delhi:
Munshiram Manoharlal).
Siddiqui, Iqtidar Husain, (2014) Indo-Persian Historiography to the Fourteenth
Century, Chapter 9: ‘Zia uddin Barani: A Thinker Historian’ (New Delhi: Primus
Books).

12.16 INSTRUCTIONAL VIDEO

RECOMMENDATIONS
A talk on ‘Tarikh-i-FiruzShahi’ by Barani with Prof. Azizuddin Husain
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2oRpdMxeAt4
Ziyauddin Barani; Historian and Political Theorist
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FTeyUAnKPlg
Political Thought of Ziauddin Barni
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ROjlme3uer0

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