2012 - Kingshott - Revisiting Gender Issues Continuing Police Reform

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Revisiting gender issues: continuing

police reform
a
Brian F. Kingshott
a
School of Criminal Justice , Grand Valley State University , 275C
DeVos Center, 401 West Fulton Street, Grand Rapids , MI , 49504 ,
USA
Published online: 22 Oct 2012.
To cite this article: Brian F. Kingshott (2013) Revisiting gender issues: continuing police reform,
Criminal Justice Studies: A Critical Journal of Crime, Law and Society, 26:3, 366-392
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1478601X.2012.735004
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Criminal Justice Studies, 2013
Vol. 26, No. 3, 366–392, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1478601X.2012.735004
Revisiting gender issues: continuing police reform

Brian F. Kingshott*
School of Criminal Justice, Grand Valley State University, 275C DeVos Center, 401 West
Fulton Street, Grand Rapids, MI 49504, USA
Downloaded by [Istanbul Universitesi Kutuphane ve Dok] at 02:01 20 December 2014
This paper will discuss continuing police reform and gender issues and how the
organizational culture can be moved from misogynist to inclusive. In addition, it
will discuss how the community policing philosophy has caused special popula-
tions, (gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgender), who under the professional
model were often marginalized, can be dealt with in a manner devoid of bias or
prejudice. The role of police women in the twenty-first century will also be dis-
cussed in relation to the feminist writers’ perspective as the police accept that
their role has a duty of care and is not solely about crime fighting.
Keywords: police; gender; policewomen; law enforcement employment data
A history of women in policing in the USA

Following the introduction of the London (England) Metropolitan Police in 1829,
Sir Robert Peel wrote his Nine Principles of Policing (Appendix A). The develop-
ment of policing in the USA tended to follow the London model which introduced
a concept of societal support and cooperation and a duty of care. That underlying
duty of care was later to evolve with changing societal norms that was to accept
the emancipation of women and their role and contribution to society (Heidensohn,
1992; Pollock, 1995a; Schulz, 1995).
In the USA the development of policing followed a similar pattern. Many women
activists were motivated by a passion arguing that women contributed a positive,
feminine approach to addressing society’s ills. A literature review identifies that the
American Female Moral Reform Society campaigned for matron positions to be cre-
ated to provide appropriate care. In the mid-nineteenth century, women who were
working in the reformist movements started to turn their attention to the issue of
prison reform. Early advocates of criminal justice reform urged prison administrators
to hire women in order that they could stem the numerous reports of abuse that
incarcerated women faced by men guarding them in prison. It is argued that:
No civilian occupation in the USA (with the possible exception of firefighting) is more
identified with masculine stereotypes than policing, and no facet of policing is viewed
as more of a male preserve than uniform patrol. (Schulz, 1995, Introduction)
The history of women in policing represents a continuum of women’s involvement

in the police environment, first in their uniquely female role as matrons and today
*Email: kingshob@gvsu.edu
Ó 2013 Taylor & Francis

Criminal Justice Studies 367
in a unisex role with male colleagues as an officer. In a brief historical review, the
move from matron duties to a limited, specialized role based on gender, and the
roles associated with crimes against women and children, to the inclusive role of
police officer will be outlined.
In the early decades of the nineteenth century, female prisoners lived in poor
conditions and there was neglect and sexual exploitation by male prison staff. In
the period from the 1820s, volunteer Quaker women entered penal institutions with
the dual role of providing religious and secular training for women inmates. Their
concerns evolved into a new profession for women – prison matrons and until the
1870s, this remained the only position in corrections open for women. The demands
for women in policing can be traced to this period (Pollock, 1995b).

At the end of the Civil War (1861–1865), another group of women took the phi-
losophy of women’s role in societal order maintenance beyond the jails and prisons.
The new and emerging definition of municipal housekeeping encompassed virtually
all activities that placed government agencies into contact with women and children.
This included the emerging police agencies because there was a requirement for
those in police custody a duty of care. This was because police stations often
functioned in the role of homeless shelters. In that capacity, the majority of
those who sought refuge were women and their children. By societal evolution,
well-connected, upper-middle class women turned their attention to religious,
temperance, and benevolent associations. There was a need for women to care for
women and children in police custody; however, it was not until the 1880s that
police matrons had brought custodial care into police station as a societal and
organizational norm (Pollock, 1995b).
In 1845, New York City officials hired two women to work as matrons in the
city’s two jails. It was anticipated that the police administrators would hire matrons
for the police stations; however, the police department itself blocked this. The
development of women in the role of police remained static until Mary Owens
received the rank of police officer from the Chicago Police Department in 1893.
This was unusual because she was a widow whose husband had been an officer for
the department. This was achieved because, on occasions, a department would
employ widows as a type of death benefit for their husbands. In that period, police
departments seldom offered death benefits and hiring widows was a way of com-
pensating them, and the cost of employing females was cheaper than employing a
male (Schulz, 1995).
Mary Owens worked for 30 years for the department; she assisted on cases
involving women and children. This was a natural development because of societal
expectation of what women should be involved with and the empathetic maternal
duty of care associated with women. However, it was not until 1905 that Mary
Owens became the first woman to receive arrest powers. In that same year (1905),
Lola Baldwin was given police powers and put in charge of a group of social work-
ers in order to aid the Portland, Oregon Police Department during the Lewis and
Clark Exposition. She was the first woman to work as a sworn police officer in the
USA. This was because, Portland City leaders felt that some measures had to be
taken to protect the ‘moral safety’ of the young women of Portland. The program
was successful and this led to the introduction of the Department of Public Safety
in 1908 for the Protection Young Girls and Women, making Baldwin the director of
the program (Schulz, 1995).
368 B.F. Kingshott
1910–1920
In 1910, the Los Angeles Police Department employed Alice Stebbin Wells as a
sworn officer and she was referred to as the first woman to be called a police-
woman. However, there has been some disagreement as to who is more accurately
referred to as the ‘first woman police officer’ in the USA. There are many histori-
ans who have argued that Lola Baldwin should be considered the first police-
woman. The argument is academic and not that important because it is simply
semantics. The difficulty in asserting a ‘first’ is that from the onset, the job descrip-
tion for women officers was varied and often contained reference to tasks that fell
outside of traditional policing tasks. The allocated tasks were related to issues of
societal development, deprivation, and morality identified in the discipline of crimi-

nology, and now considered to be part of the discipline of social work rather than
law enforcement duties.
The role of women was considered that of matrons, social workers, and women
working for private organizations, all worked in positions of some authority for the
moral betterment of society. The policewoman’s movement overlapped and ulti-
mately obscured the matron movement by expanding and professionalizing
women’s roles within police departments. The policewomen who served from 1910
until the post-Depression years were not working-class immigrants, but, usually
upper middle class, college-educated social workers (Pollock, 1995b).
None of these women who pursued these roles had the same status as the men
working as police officers. These women did challenge the inequality and argued
for opportunities for women to pursue a career in law enforcement. This was part
of the emancipation of women and the struggle toward women’s equality. The Inter-
national Association of Policewomen was created in 1915 in an attempt to help
organize a broad base of support for women choosing a career in policing.
The societal development of the first two decades of the twentieth century saw
an acceptance that women’s inherent nurturing qualities should be harnessed and
focused on fixing societal problems associated with moral weakness. As a result,
numerous specialist women’s departments were introduced. These departments
focused the women employed to work on cases relating to women and children,
such as child abuse, runaways, minor larceny, and prostitution. In 1919, Gerogina
Robinson was the first African-American police woman employed by Los Angeles
Police Department.
1930–1940
The Great Depression of the 1930s saw changes in societal attitudes and percep-
tions. How employment was viewed changed and women’s employment suffered
because of this. The role of women was now perceived to be that of the homemaker
and mother: they should not be employed. A married woman who was employed
was seen as preventing a married man with a family from providing for his family.
As employment became scarce, women’s career aspirations suffered. During this
period, there was a change in how law enforcement officers perceived their social
role. In the mid-1930s, the FBI was formed, and law enforcement officers began to
project a role of ‘combatant of crime’, turning away from the idea that police
should work as social agents against moral decline or destitution. This was the
organizational norm of law enforcement until the introduction of the community
policing paradigm. In 1932, the International Association of Policewomen was dis-

continued until it was reinstated in 1956.
World War II brought societal changes and the war effort allowed women to
demonstrate that they could take on the previously male only roles of engineering,
truck driving, and aircraft pilots; roles were no longer defined by gender. The police
role was being challenged (Pollock, 1995a). More women were hired during the
war, but most of these women were limited in their role and confined to auxiliary
work. Their role during this period was to assist new men employed, who could
not join the military, in their duties. Their role was to be deployed as dispatchers or
clerical workers within the departments, whereas men still had patrol duties and
worked as the crime fighters. Women worked primarily as either helper to the men
or they worked for cases relating to women and children such as child abuse, run-
aways, minor larceny, and prostitution. The role that women police officers origi-
nally filled as social workers still strongly defined how women were used in the
police force.
After world war II

The 1950s saw an increase in the number of women in law enforcement in the
USA, though the overall number of women making up law enforcement officers
remained relatively low. The late 1950s and early 1960s, for some women, brought
about a change in how women police officers saw their advancement in the profes-
sion. There was a need not only to advance women in the profession through inte-
gration with the men but also to accommodate those women who wanted to work
in the same departments with men, doing the same work. This time period saw the
re-establishment of the International Association of Women Police and an increased
enthusiasm for the profession as a career distinct from that of social worker. All
these changes led to greater demands for equality and in 1968, Betty Blankenship
and Elizabeth Coffal of the Indianapolis Police department were allowed to go on
patrol duty as police officers without gender bias as to what they could deal with.
Milton, Crites, Gatesargaret, Mintz, and Georgette (1974) identified that in
1971, the number of policewomen on patrol in the USA were only about one dozen
and there were only a few women in police supervisory positions. In 1974, there
were close to 1000 policewomen on patrol with several hundred women sergeants,
lieutenants, and captains supervising male and female patrol officers and detectives.
This change was brought about for two reasons. First, the law initiated change
through legal actions in the courts and others came about because police administra-
tors had to modify their hiring and assignment practices before the courts did it for
them. In addition, some administrators saw potential benefits for their departments
and communities in having a workforce, more representative in race, ethnicity, and
gender of the communities being served.
This change in police administrators’ policy was because of the historical chal-
lenge to societal norms due to the civil rights movement of the previous decade and
the expanded role of women in policing must be seen in the context of the decade
that witnessed urban riots, campus demonstrations, and higher crime rates. These
issues raised many questions about the police mission, departmental policies and
procedures, and, perhaps more importantly, societies expectation because the police
were isolated from the community. Milton et al. (1974, p. v), asked:
370 B.F. Kingshott
Were the police isolated from the community? Was policing in fact simply a game of
‘cops and robbers?’ When should a department use ‘force’ and what oversight was
there? What were the alternatives to the use of force? Did the noncriminal aspects of
police work have any utility in fulfilling the primary mission of law enforcement?
How important was it to have community representation in police agencies? What
effect did the organizational structure of a police agency have on officer performance?
What kinds of people should be recruited as police officers?
There was also a challenge to the male police officers’ opined statement that polic-
ing was not a job for women. The Police Foundation asked whether women could
perform effectively as police officers and to improve police personnel. In addition,
the question was raised; would overall departmental effectiveness improve if the
recruitment and selection pools were expanded to include women?
The argument and counterargument were stated as follows. On the one hand, it
was said that women were too weak or too emotional to handle the tasks of patrol
officers. In addition, they could not command citizen respect, and their presence
would place fellow male officers in positions of danger. On the other hand it was
said that women could handle conflict situations better than men. They would dif-
fuse violence and be less threatening than men. Their presence would reassure citi-
zens and improve police–community relations. The integration of women into the
police department would challenge and change the police stereotype from one of
violence, coarseness, and insensitivity to one of responsiveness, understanding, and
empathy which supported the newly emerging police paradigm of community polic-
ing (Alderson, 1979; Milton et al., 1974; Palmiotto, 2000).
This was the catalyst for a change in policing that would have a dramatic effect
on women in law enforcement everywhere. The women’s movement as well as
advances in the law helped to change how women were able to meet and excel in
law enforcement throughout the 70s and 80s.
That development was assisted by the introduction of Title VII of the 1964
Civil Rights Act in 1972 which was expanded to include public agencies. As a
result, police departments were prohibited by law from discriminating against
women in hiring, recruiting, promotions, and working conditions. In addition, in
the same period, two laws, the Revenue Sharing Act (1964 amendments), and the
Crime Control Act (1973 amendments), both concentrated on withholding funds
from departments that discriminated. From 1960 to 1980, the percentage of women
in police agencies doubled and the greater numbers brought greater opportunities
and challenges. From the 70s into the 90s, women in law enforcement agencies
have worked for an equal role in all facets of policing, on patrol, in command posi-
tions, and in promoting and recruiting officers. However, it was not until 1985 that
Penny Harrington became the first woman to be named Chief of Police for a major
city, Portland, Oregon. It was nearly a decade later in 1994 that Beverly J. Harvard
became the first African-American woman to be made Chief of Police of Atlanta,
Georgia.
The 2000 status of Women in Policing Survey, conducted by the National Cen-
ter for Women and Policing, identified that women make up just 13% of all sworn
law enforcement officer. A decade later, surveys identified that women make up just
12% of all sworn law enforcement officers. Although the statistics were not drawn
from exactly the same source data, they are comparable and in 2011, the figure is
generally stated as being around 14%. Even accepting the higher figure, this still
raises the question why are women not better represented in law enforcement?
The problems encountered en route to acceptance as police officers

The resistance to the entry of women as fully fledged police officers is in part
related to the particular nature of police work and the anticipated impact of women
on it. Historically, police work was a male occupation that has developed its own
culture and subcultures, complete with ‘a distinctive set of values, norms, lifestyles,
and even language’ (Brinkerhoff & White, 1991, p. 68). The existence of such an
organizational culture and associated subcultures, with misogynist attitudes, is
enhanced by the fact that the ‘police operate in an aura of isolationism, secrecy,
strong in-group loyalties, sacred symbols, common language, and a sense of
estrangement’ (Holden, 1992, p. 160). There is a need for change, but the police
organization is reluctant to embrace change and when police reformers such as Wil-
son (cited in Walker 1977 p. 110) argued, that ‘a woman was not qualified to head
the juvenile unit. A male police officer would have wider police experience, would
understand the activities of other units, and thereby would be better able to secure
their cooperation … Moreover, men are less likely to become irritable and overcriti-
cal under emotional stress and are likely to be more effective as supervisors of
women’, the role of women in policing was denied. Such statements support and
allow misogynist attitudes to survive in the culture and will only be changed when
they are challenged and rejected (Kingshott, 2006, 2009; Kingshott & Prinsloo,
2004a).
The resistance identifies arrogance, ego, and misogynist attitudes by male officers.
‘The integration of women into police patrol work as co-workers threatens to

compromise the work, the way of life, the social status, and the self-image of the men
in one of the most stereotypically masculine occupations in our society’. (Martin,
1980, p. 79)
The combination of danger and authority, plus organizational pressure for efficiency,
has resulted in a unique ‘working personality’ characteristic of police (Skolnick,
1967). Faced with danger, they become suspicious; even paranoid, feared by ordin-
ary citizens, they often become isolated. Allegedly misunderstood, set apart from
the larger world, they turn to their occupational group for support, solidarity, physi-
cal protection, and social identity that is masculine. The job becomes a way of life
and the occupational group and its norms provide a morality and self-conception
from a masculine perspective. Those officers that do not adhere to the principal
norms of policing, as defined by the males, such as the rule of silence and the
requirement that an officer physically back up another officer, face ostracism, the
silent treatment, and outright rejection as a partner and fellow police officer
(Westley, 1970). The introduction of women police officers would change those
organizational norms: albeit for the better.
Discrimination and harassment

In the data collected and analyzed by Martin for the Police Foundation (1990), the
interviews identified that most women officers have experienced both sex discrimi-
nation and sexual harassment in the policing environment. Two-thirds of the women
interviewed identified at least one instance of discriminatory treatment (while deny-
ing their victimization); an additional 8% claimed victimization due to racially dis-
criminatory behaviors towards them.
372 B.F. Kingshott
Percent of women officers experiencing discrimination and sexual harassment

by year of entry
Year of entry Victim of sex discrimination (%) Victim of sexual harassment (%)
(N = 72) (N = 71)
Before 1975 83 77
1975–1980 73 76
1985–1986 27 67
Mean 67 75
Source: The Status of Women in Policing: Police Foundation, 1990, p.140, Table 8.1
The nature of the discriminatory behavior women reported ranged: from ‘typical
male lechery’ to constant open harassment by a supervisor determined to drive
women from the department. Descriptions of harassment recounted by the first
group of women on patrol indicated that frequently it was blatant, malicious, and
widespread (Police Foundation, 1990). In the face of such hostilities, the women
had to identify coping strategies to pursue their careers.
Women’s coping strategies

In any hostile environment there will be coping mechanisms and in the policing
environment women adopted a variety of coping strategies. Some women officers
were overwhelmed with feelings of helplessness or the desire to remain a ‘lady’;
accepted the stereotypic seductress, mother, pet, and helpless maiden sex roles into
which they were cast (Kanter, 1977). In contrast, other women officers who resisted
those sexual stereotypes were demeaned and labeled ‘dyke’ or ‘bitch’ (Martin,
1980).
Resisting gender role stereotypes is not new. Jurik (1988, p. 292) found that
women prison guards sought to ‘strike a balance’ between accepting the stereotypes
into which men pressed them and the ‘opposite but equally negative gender stereo-
type’. Their balancing strategies included projecting a professional image, demon-
strating unique skills, emphasizing a team approach, using humor to develop
camaraderie and thwart unwelcome advances, and using sponsorship to enhance
positive visibility. In a similar approach, police woman projected professionalism
by proving themselves physically capable, by showing courage and by skillfully
talking their way out of potentially violent confrontations. Humor was used to
effectively rebut unacceptable behaviors while avoiding a perceived and predictable
feminine reaction or ignoring the harassment directed towards them by misogynist
centered males (Police Foundation, 1990).
The meanings of acceptance

The term ‘acceptance’ has both positive and negative connotations usually based
upon gender assumptions. From the male perspective, the opposition for the entry
of women to patrol was centered on the argument that women could not handle the
physical aspects of the work or act with authority. Underlying these concerns,
which were based on assumption rather than fact, was the fear that the women
would make their work more difficult, dangerous, and less rewarding. Martin
(1980) identified that work group cohesiveness was threatened by the presence of
women inhibiting ‘male’ language (a euphemism for coarseness and profanity),
creating competition for female attention, and forcing men to relate to women in
new ways. To support an untenable position, it was cited that women were
unaggressive, undependable, and physically weaker, and, therefore, a liability.
Underlying their allegedly rational arguments was a diffuse anger at the weakening
of the traditional cohesive macho police culture, resulting in part, from gender and
racial integration within the organization.
The term ‘acceptance’ from a feminist perspective identifies that there are
opposing views about the extent and nature of the change. Some believe that it is
merely cosmetic; men have not altered their attitudes or underlying values and are
less confrontational and circumspect in their words and actions. Others assert that
blanket stereotyping and rejection has been replaced by greater willingness to

accept an individual woman on the basis of her role performance. The women who
see least change in men’s attitudes and behavior tend to stereotype the men as both
chauvinists and misogynist.
Do double standards still exist?

Sexual harassment among police officers is a problem (Gratch, 1995). Double stan-
dards related to gender role performance also affect language, sexual behavior and
innuendo, appearance, and demeanor. Women still face the language dilemmas of
whether to curse or not and whether to tolerate coarse and profane language from
their male colleagues. In addition, the dilemma exists as whether to challenge those
males who frequently refer, inappropriately, to women officers as ‘girls’ or call
them ‘hon’ or ‘sweetheart’. A male supervisor’s appearance or overweight condition
may be ignored in the interviews or role assessment: this is often not the case when
a female officer is under similar review.
‘In a profession sworn to uphold the law and defend the civil and constitutional rights
of all persons, it [is] the “ultimate paradox” that sexual harassment-a form of discrimi-
nation based on gender-occurs among the ranks of the police’. (Higginbotham, 1988,
p. 24)
Explaining the change

It is argued that the positive change over the past decades can be attributed to
changes in police departments’ formal and informal practices; personnel turnover
(retirement of older officers who resisted change); the formal and informal organiza-
tional culture and subcultures; and the law, public attitudes, and the changing gen-
der role norms in the society at large. These changes and the evolution of the
policing role and societal expectations have resulted in greater power and opportu-
nities for women and a reduction in tokenism and its detrimental consequences.
Department policies and practices

The changes that were initiated in the 1970s have continued to alter the occupa-
tional expectation, role, and work environment of police. These include: (1) the
move towards the professionalization of the police: it is no longer an artisan occu-
pation; (2) societal expectations of gender, sexual, racial, and ethnic integration in
an organization that is representative of the society being policed; (3) emphasis on
374 B.F. Kingshott
a policing paradigm that emphasizes community relations and the service aspects of
police work; (4) emphasis on the service role with de-emphasis on the violent and
physical aspects of the police role; and (5) creation of procedural safeguards
for police officers through police unions and Equal Employment Opportunity
legislation.
The impact of time

Many of the most outspoken opponents of women’s presence in police departments
have retired and change is linked to the cyclical nature of policing with 30 year
career cycles allowing for change to be a slow process. With the passage of time,
women officers have accumulated seniority; age and maturity also have reduced the
need to be accepted that the first generation of women sought. In addition, other
women viewed the change as a result of the combination of maturity, self-confi-
dence, rank, and the availability of mechanisms through which to assert legal rights
(Hale & Bennett, 1995). The passing of time will also be a factor in changing the
negative aspects (bias, prejudice, discrimination, misogyny, and bullying) of organi-
zational culture and emphasizing the positive aspects (support, empathy, sensitivity,
and encouragement) of that culture and personal and organizational ethics are an
important element of that change (Kingshott, 1999a, 1999b, 2000a, 2000b, 2000c,
2006, 2009; Kingshott & Prinsloo, 2004a, 2004b).
Change in the formal and informal culture of policing

The view of culture is that it is a social phenomenon: a combination of norms, val-
ues, and rules based on tradition and current practice that help people to provide
order in a given social group; the police organization is such a group (Crank, 2004;
Hale & Bennett, 1995; Kingshott, 2006, 2009; Kingshott & Prinsloo, 2004a). It is
because it requires s human action to enact culture, it has the ability to evolve and
change but will only do so within the conservative restraint that each generation
holds the culture in trust for the next. ‘The values, customs and acceptable modes
of behaviour that characterize a society or social groups within a society … that are
learned and internalized by people rather than being genetically transmitted’ (Marsh
& Keating 2006, p. 20).
There are three factors that play a significant role in sustaining a culture: the
selection process, the actions of management (policies and procedures), and
the socialization methods (Kingshott, 2006, 2009; Kingshott & Prinsloo, 2004a).
The socialization is the process through which employees learn the prerequisite cul-
tural values, norms, beliefs, assumptions, and required behaviors necessary for them
to participate as effective members of an organization (Kingshott, 2006, 2009;
Kingshott & Prinsloo, 2004a; Reuss-Ianni, 1993; Robbins, 1991). Employees learn
the organization’s culture through anecdotal stories, rituals, material symbols (uni-
form, gun, and badge), special language (dispatch codes), and terms that describe
policewomen (Kingshott, 2009; Pike, 1992). It is because male officers often per-
ceive females as sex objects, they are not comfortable socializing with female offi-
cers on the job; thus, there is a lack of camaraderie between men and women on
the job. This discussion on the socialization process and transmission of culture
supports researchers’ conclusions that the biggest obstacles to women in police
work are their peers and supervisors (Balkin, 1988; Golden, 1981; Horne, 1979;
Hunt, 1990; Martin 1992; Milton et al., 1974; Pike, 1992). The lack of acceptance
of women as patrol officers is not unusual: male officers are either reluctant or
unwilling to work with female counterparts (Hunt, 1990; Kingshott & Prinsloo,
2004a; Martin, 1992; Pike, 1992). The change in the organizational culture of the
police can be achieved when inappropriate behaviors are rejected, and organiza-
tional structures support ethical behaviors (Crank & Caldero, 2000, Kingshott,
2004a, 2006, 2009).
The optimal personality and management traits of a community police officer

There are no personality traits and attributes that define the ideal police officer, or
even if such an animal exists. However, it may be argued that following attributes
and skills are desirable:
(1) Understanding the nature of human systems: individual, group, organization,

community, and society, and their major interactions.
(2) Understanding the conditions which promote or limit optimal functioning
and classes of deviations from desired functioning in the major human sys-
tems.
(3) Demonstrate skill in identifying and selecting interventions which promote
growth and goal attainment of both the organization and the community
being served.
(4) Demonstrate competent problem analysis skills and to select those strategies,
services, or interventions that are appropriate to help the community attain a
desired outcome. Those interventions may include assistance, referral, advo-
cacy, or direct counseling.
(5) Demonstrate skill in planning, implementing, and evaluating interventions.
The officer will be able to design a plan of action for an identified problem
and implement the plan in a systematic way. This requires an understanding
of problems analysis, decision analysis, and design of work plans. This gen-
eric skill can be used with all social systems and adapted for use with individ-
ual clients or organizations. Skill in evaluating the interventions is essential.
(6) Consistent behavior in selecting interventions which are congruent with the
values of one’s self, the organization being represented, and the community
being served. This cluster requires awareness of one’s own value orientation,
an understanding of organizational values as expressed in the mandate or
goal statement of the organization, ethics, and an appreciation of the commu-
nity’s values and goals.
(7) The officer must be skillful in verbal and oral communication, interpersonal
relationships, and other related personal skills, such as self-discipline and
time management. It requires that the officer be interested in and motivated
to conduct the role that they have agreed to fulfill and to apply themselves
to all aspects of the work that the role requires.
The personality traits and attributes identified by the author are not gender spe-
cific and do not simply refer to the policing role. It may be argued that such per-
sonality traits and attributes can be used to effect in any organization and in any
role. It is accepted that the above list relates to the authors perceptions of optimal
376 B.F. Kingshott
personality traits and attributes and although the author had a police career of
32 years, it is acknowledged that the list may inadvertently introduce a personal
bias.
The literature review identifies other personality traits and attributes that should
not be ignored. The changes in traditional gender roles that have taken place over
the past four decades in our society have made it possible for women to enter tradi-
tionally masculine-typed fields, as demonstrated by the data contained within the
US Bureau of Statistics, Women in the Labor Force: A Databook (2009 Edition),
and includes law enforcement. However, despite numerous research findings that
show women police officers perform their job as effectively as men, men are still
believed to be more competent (Lunneborg, 1989; Martin, 1990). Men are thought
to have more of the directive, assertive personality traits necessary for the job of
police officer. Women, who are thought to possess more accommodating personality
traits, are believed to be less effective as police officers. This is not supported other
than by anecdotal, apocryphal misogynist rhetoric. Gerber (2001) argues that these
beliefs about men’s and women’s personalities reflect stereotypes that are held
within the larger society and that despite the social changes of recent years, that
relate to women’s occupational roles, people still believe that women and men have
different personality traits (Spence, Deaux, & Helmreich, 1985).
In the policing, there is power and status which raises the question do women’s
and men’s perceptions of their personality traits vary with their status? The status
model of gender stereotyping maintains that they do. Or do men and women really
have different personality attributes, as the gender-specific model contends? Gerber
(2001) argues that according to the status model, officers’ perceptions of their per-
sonality traits vary with their status. The critical test of the model involves individ-
ual status – the status of each officer vis-à-vis the partner. The status model predicts
that the high-status officer in each partnership type will be perceived as having
more instrumentally oriented (dominating and instrumental) traits and the low-status
officer will be seen as having more expressive traits. In addition, the status model
predicts that officers’ perceptions of their personality traits will be affected by group
status – the overall status of their partnership in relation to other kinds of partner-
ships. These behavioral nuances can become the norms of the organizational culture
if accepted and in a male dominated police service, they often are.
Gerber (2001) argues that men and women only appear to have different person-
alities because men have higher status than women. These status differences would
be particularly evident when a man and a woman work together as police partners.
The higher status man would act as leader in the partnership because men are more
assertive and decisive and that women are more accommodating and considerate of
others (Bem, 1974; Spence, Helmreich, & Stapp, 1973). Even women who work in
highly masculine-typed occupations such as policing are thought to have uniquely
‘feminine’ qualities such as warmth, concern, and accommodation to others.
Gerber (2001) in her study identified that police officers as a group, both female
and male, are characterized by very high levels of the instrumental traits – attributes
that often have been viewed as the defining characteristics for men (Spence et al.,
1985). These findings indicate that police officers are seen as decisive and assertive –
most probably because police officers need to possess these qualities in order to
enforce the law (Manning, 1997; Storms, Penn, & Tenzell, 1990). There is no
evidence that women in policing cannot be authoritative, autocratic, decisive, and
assertive when the situation demands it (Segrave, 1995).
The acceptance of women in the workplace

The role of women in society has significantly changed and this can be observed in
societal acceptance of new and challenging roles in industry, the arts, and humani-
ties. They are no longer constrained by rigid societal parameters that identified
‘appropriate female’ roles of parent and housekeeper. That statement is confirmed
by data from the US Department of Labor statistics. The personality traits and attri-
butes previously identified are demonstrable in the selected occupations that make
up Figure 1 (Appendix B). The selected occupations require skills that are transfer-
able to the community policing paradigm although it is accepted that the selection
may contain unintended inherent bias.
The community policing paradigm and developing twenty-first century policing

paradigms emphasize that the duty of care and focus on quality of life issues will
impact the crime rate and the fear of crime for citizens. The community policing
philosophy is inclusive, whereas under earlier policing paradigms, special popula-
tions (gay, lesbian, bisexual and transgender, prostitutes, ethnic minorities, the men-
tally ill, and the homeless) were often marginalized and discriminated against with
bias and prejudice rife in many police departments. It has been argued that under
the community policing philosophy, the police department should reflect the society
being policed where the police accept that their role has a duty of care and is not
solely about crime fighting. There should be ethnic, racial, religious, and cultural
diversity in the department. In addition, as society has approximately equal numbers
of males and females, should that also not be reflected within the department?
The statistics relating to women in law enforcement presented in Table 1
(Appendix B) were gathered from Bureau of Justice Statistics.
In order to identify any trends that may support or rebut the discussion on the
role of women in policing the employment data of women in law enforcement, both
sworn and support personnel were extrapolated from data that covered the years
2005–2009. A summary of the findings are provided and the full data set may be
found in Appendix B.
Summary of data
A historical review of percentages of women in law enforcement is of value. The
1960 census reported 5617 policewomen, comprising 2.3% of all public employed
officers. This represented a doubling of the 1950 figures and was the largest
increase (both numerically and percentage) since the creation of the concept and
title policewoman.
In the 1970s, the Police Foundation research on women in policing, along with
changes in federal civil rights legislation and emerging case law, made a pivotal
contribution to policing in America. The research concluded that women could
effectively perform patrol duties from which they had been excluded because of
their gender, although changes in the law were designed and introduced to eliminate
such discrimination.
At the beginning of the 1980s, the number of policewomen (a title that in many
jurisdictions was replaced by the unisex rank of police officer) had doubled but the
overall percentage increase was negligible and in 1981, women comprised just
5.5% of sworn personnel (Schulz, 1985).
A 1982 overview of the 10 largest departments (in order of department size)
had increased to 1405 (5.7%) in New York City; 457 (5.9%) in Philadelphia; 477
378 B.F. Kingshott
(11.3%) in Detroit; 323 (8.8%) in Washington, DC; and 62 (3.7%) in Boston, (Linn
& Price, 1985).
In the Police Foundation (1990) report, Martin (1990, p. 5) concluded; ‘Despite
the barriers we have overcome, women still comprise under 10% of all police
officers. Their representation in the supervisory and managerial ranks is even lower’.
As can be deduced from the data obtained from the US Bureau of Labor Statis-
tics Women In the Labor Force: A Databook (2009 Edition), women are accom-
plished members of the workforce showing diverse skills for the benefit of all.
Even with the selected occupations taken from that data that make up Figure 1,
their skill sets equals, and sometimes exceeds, that of their male counterparts. The
author posits that the skills listed in Figure 1 are ideal skills for policing. The rea-
son why the glass ceiling has limited women in policing is because of (1) the police
organizational culture and (2) the organizational structure and the policies and
procedures imposed on the personnel.
The problems encountered: now resolved?

It would appear that many of the problems encountered have not been resolved and
at best have been minimized. The gender issues can be dealt with by: (1) changing
the organizational culture from one of bias, prejudice, and misogynist attitudes and
(2) change the organizational policies and procedures to be inclusive rather than
exclusive (Kingshott, 2006, 2009).
The police work environment is both internal (within the police buildings and
vehicles) and external (the policing environment within the community). Often, the
internal work environment is a hostile environment.
A hostile environment consists of unwelcome sexual behavior, such as ‘jokes’, car-

toons, posters, banter, repeated requests for dates, requests for sexual favors, refer-
ences to body parts, or physical touching that has the purpose or effect of
unreasonably interfering with an individual’s work performance or creating an intimi-
dating, hostile, or offensive working environment. (Women and Policing Organization)
Within the internal and external work environment, women often have to deal with
issues of sexual and gender harassment, which is different from gender discrimination.
Although gender issues can be dealt with under the remit of changing a negative
organizational culture to a positive supportive culture, change does not only relate
to gender issues but must address issues of bullying, prejudice, and bias towards
religion, ethnicity, and sexual orientation (Kingshott, 2006, 2009; Kingshott &
Prinsloo, 2004a). The problems are not limited to gender differences and a police
department that embraces diversity will be true society being policed (Alderson,
1979; Crank, 2004; Morrash & Ford, 2002; Palmiotto, 2000).
Gender discrimination
The gender discrimination in the work place is not new and not limited to law
enforcement personnel. The accusations of workplace discrimination, identified by
workers who file for legal recourse when they think they have been unfairly treated
based on their race, sex or other reasons, reached 99,922 in the year ended 30 Septem-
ber 2010 in contrast to 93,277 in the previous year. That was an increase of 7.2%, and
the highest level of new discrimination cases ever recorded (Rampell, 2011).
Gender discrimination occurs when the individual is subjected to unequal treat-

ment in the workplace on the basis of gender. The below lists are examples of what
may constitute gender discrimination in the law enforcement environment:
• Women are assigned to jobs that deal with child abuse, juveniles, sex crimes,
domestic violence, school programs and other ‘traditionally women’s jobs’
and are prevented from being assigned to SWAT teams, gang units, under-
cover work, narcotics, homicide and other ‘traditionally men’s jobs’. These
assignments are based on prejudiced stereotypes.
• There are problems with Consistency, Validity, and Adverse Impact of Physi-
cal Agility Testing in Police Selection is exclusive rather that inclusive

towards women.
• The tests for promotions or other job opportunities that are not skill/task
related are exclusive rather that inclusive towards women.
• Women may not receive equal consideration for specialized training, confer-
ences, specialty job assignments, etc. due to the perception that they will
marry and fail to return to the department so do not invest in their future.
• Pregnant women are not given light duty, but men who are injured off-duty
are often accommodates with light duty assignments (http://www.women-
andpolicing.org/workplace2~harrassment.asp).
Women bring a new dynamic to policing that is not focused on the inappro-
priate use of force but upon verbalization and empathy to resolve an emotive
issue. There are gender differences in police misconduct, unethical behavior, and
use of force whether those issues are measured by citizen complaints, substanti-
ated or unsubstantiated allegations, or civil liability payouts. The anecdotal evi-
dence of the inadequacy of women officers to ‘do the job’ is not supported by
factual evidence.
The biggest failure to retain women officers’ revolves around the issue of preg-
nancy and the issues that accompany a successful pregnancy. The 1993 Family and
Medical Leave Act (FMLA) established federal minimum leave requirements for pri-
vate, state, and local government employees, but falls short of the many issues that
women in law enforcement face when they become pregnant. Many department sim-
ply rely on the FMLA provisions and neglect to provide the necessary duty of care
which can be achieved with the specific policies and procedures that address issues
relating to the availability of light duty assignments, paid and unpaid leave benefits,
range qualification for pregnant employees, maternity uniforms, and other issues that
may relate to the individual. Pregnancy is a personal issue and that individuality
requires attention to specific needs and a flexible, fair, and transparent policy.
The US Supreme Court decision in UAW vs. Johnson Controls (decided 20
March 1991) ruled that employers were prohibited from adopting fetal-protection
policies that exclude women of child-bearing age from certain hazardous jobs. This
decision as well as others has established that employers are prohibited from forcing
a pregnant employee to take disability leave as long as the employee is still
physically fit to work. In addition, in relation to law enforcement, this also impacted
range qualifications and the use of firearms for pregnant female officers
(Automobile Workers vs. Johnson Controls Inc., 499 US 187 [1991]).
Other issues include, but are not limited to, removal of pregnant female officers from
their position without any accommodations made to allocate them light duty positions.
380 B.F. Kingshott
Discrimination on the basis of pregnancy, childbirth, or a related medical condition is

discrimination on the basis of sex. The FMLA provides agencies with a starting point
for developing leave policies. This law contains provisions on such issues as employer
coverage, employee eligibility, entitlement to leave, maintenance of health benefits dur-
ing leave, job restoration after leave, notice and certification of the need for FMLA
leave, and protection for employees who request or take FMLA leave.
Comprehensive policies
The most important first step a department can take is to develop comprehensive
supportive policies regarding pregnancy and childcare issues. It is suggested that an

agency policy should cover, but are not limited to, the following areas:
• Eligibility for and duration of pregnancy and child care leave: This should be
a flexible, fair, and transparent document.
• Light duty: One of the most critical components of a pregnancy policy is
inclusion of a light duty policy. Many pregnant women officers in law
enforcement positions will want the option of moving to a light duty assign-
ment at some point in their pregnancy. Without the option of a light duty
assignment, many women may have to take unpaid leave, creating financial
and emotional hardships that can be avoided through policies and procedures
that address this issue. The best light duty policies are flexible; have no time
limit on how long a pregnant woman can be assigned to light duty; leave the
decision as to when to commence a light duty assignment with the pregnant
officer and her physician; and stipulate that officers on light duty will con-
tinue to receive normal promotion and pay increases while in that status, and
that retirement benefits will not be affected.
• Range qualification: The US Supreme Court decision in UAW v. Johnson
Controls (decided 20 March 1991) supports the fact that the exposure to
lead poisoning may be harmful to the fetus. In addition, the noise from fir-
ing firearms may also be harmful. Policies should be introduced that
acknowledge these issues and are supportive of the officer. The range quali-
fications can be resumed when officers return to work, whereupon they can
be tested.
• Uniforms: Providing pregnant employees who wear uniforms on a day-to-day
basis with maternity uniforms is critical to making pregnant women feel val-
ued by their department. Alternatively, when the officer can no longer com-
fortably wear her standard uniform she should be given the option wear
normal maternity clothes. On this issue, the wishes of the employee should
be given the utmost possible consideration.
• Flexible duties and job share policy: When a female officer is ready to return
to duty there should be accommodations made because parental responsibili-
ties could impact inflexible duty scheme. Grampian Police (Scotland) operates
a Job Share Policy. Job sharing generally takes place where two people (of
either gender) voluntarily share the duties and responsibilities of an existing
full-time job. All jobs, unless specifically stated otherwise, are considered
suitable for job share. The salary and benefits of the full-time post are shared
between them in proportion to the percentage of hours each week. Such an
agreement reflects the intention of the department to offer more flexible work-
ing opportunities, especially for those who for one reason or another, are not
able to seek or continue with full-time work.
Women are valued members of the policing community and bring a dynamic
that is recognized by the community but not always by the police management.
Their special needs should be recognized and accommodations should be made.
The problem of accepting women into the police service would appear, from the lit-
erature review, to be global with bias, prejudice, misogyny, working environments,
shift systems, and a reluctance to allow job sharing for those officers who want to
take time out to raise a family.
Continuing the police reform

The question raised is what is police reform? Police reform relates to the need to
change working practices to meet the expectation of the society being policed. That
will require both organizational change and by extension changes in the formal and
informal organizational norms exhibited and followed by the organizational member
(Hale & Bennett, 1995). A literature review identifies that the police organization
rank and file have not been the source of significant reform ideas. Innovation has not
been a bottom-up process within police organizations: police reform has not been
self-generated. The reform has been instigated by individuals, or events, that have
occurred in the policing environments. Included in that organizational reform are the
societal and cultural changes that have occurred in the society being policed.
Changes in the gender role socialization of youth have somewhat eased the tran-
sition to police work, as understood from media reports, for the newer cohort of
women. Men’s prior socialization gives them an advantage over women when they
enter police work. Males are more likely to have played ‘cops and robbers’ as
youngsters, have fantasized about police work, used firearms, and participated in
contact sports, which introduced them to the police subculture such as the con-
trolled use of force, teamwork, and group loyalty. Females on the other hand may
have the advantage of skills in verbal manipulation but not physical assertiveness
(Martin, 1980). Although these differences remain, the definitions of acceptable
‘masculine’ and ‘feminine’ behavior have expanded and increasingly overlap
(Appier, 1998). Males now learn that sensitivity, empathy, and expressiveness are
desirable traits devoid of gender bias. Increased public acceptance of women offi-
cers has diffused some of the men’s fear that females would be resisted by citizens
and thus undermines the authority of the officer (Block & Anderson, 1974). Instead,
male officers discovered that citizens often feel less threatened by a female officer
and that their presence defuses situations (Merlo & Joycelyn, 1995). The move
towards a policing paradigm that emphasizes service as well as law and order
maintenance fulfills societal expectations.
Conclusion
The advantages of increasing the role of policewomen in the twenty-first century are
the provision of a broader range of qualified applicants for police posts which will
enhance our ability to protect and provide services to the community. Moreover, the
police forces have moved closer to the philosophy of the community policing model
382 B.F. Kingshott
by reflecting more broadly both the ethnic, racial, and gender composition and the
values of the society being policed (Alderson, 1979; Palmiotto, 2000).
The problem of accepting women into the police service would appear, from the
literature review, to be global with bias, prejudice, misogyny, working environments,
shift systems, and a reluctance to allow job sharing for those officers who want to
take time out to raise a family (Brown, 1996; Hazenberg, 1996; Nestertsova, 2000;
Pagon, 1996; Pagon & Lobnikar, 1996, 2000; Price, 1996; Richter, 2000). Police
reform must address these issues because women have proved that they are not only
competent in all aspects of police work and in all supervisory and management roles,
but they bring a caring and empathetic dynamic to the organization that benefits the
organization and the communities’ they serve.
Acknowledgment
This paper is dedicated to the memory of my dear friend, and former editor, Roz Muraskin.
Notes on contributor
Brian Kingshott is an Associate Professor in the School of Criminal Justice at Grand Valley
State University and was a Senior Officer in the Devon & Cornwall Constabulary from 1970
to 2001. His research interests relate to women in policing, police ethics, and organizational
cultures and terrorism.
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Appendix A. The nine principles by Sir Robert Peel

(1) The basic mission for which the police exist is to prevent crime and disorder.
(2) The ability of the police to perform their duties is dependent upon public approval
of police actions.
(3) Police must secure the willing cooperation of the public in voluntary observance
of the law to be able to secure and maintain the respect of the public.
(4) The degree of cooperation of the public that can be secured diminishes propor-
tionately to the necessity of the use of physical force.
(5) Police seek and preserve public favor not by catering to public opinion but by
constantly demonstrating absolute impartial service to the law.
(6) Police use physical force to the extent necessary to secure observance of the law
or to restore order only when the exercise of persuasion, advice, and warning is
found to be insufficient.
(7) Police, at all times, should maintain a relationship with the public that gives real-
ity to the historic tradition that the police are the public and the public are the
police; the police being only members of the public who are paid to give full-time
attention to duties which are incumbent on every citizen in the interests of com-
munity welfare and existence.
(8) Police should always direct their action strictly towards their functions and never
appear to usurp the powers of the judiciary.
(9) The test of police efficiency is the absence of crime and disorder, not the visible
evidence of police action in dealing with it.
These principles listed above may have been Sir Robert Peel’s principles. However, the
Metropolitan Police’s founding principles and de facto the founding principles of all other
modern (post 1829) UK police forces was summarized by Sir Richard Mayne (the first com-
missioner) in 1829 in the following terms:
The nine principles by Sir Richard Mayne
(1) To prevent crime and disorder, as an alternative to their repression by military

force and severity of legal punishment.
(2) To recognise always that the power of the police to fulfil their functions and
duties is dependent on public approval of their existence, actions and behaviour
and on their ability to secure and maintain public respect.
(3) To recognise always that to secure and maintain the respect and approval of the
public means also the securing of the willing co-operation of the public in the
task of securing observance of laws.
(4) To recognise always that the extent to which the co-operation of the public can
be secured diminishes proportionately the necessity of the use of physical force
and compulsion for achieving police objectives.
(5) To seek and preserve public favour, not by pandering to public opinion; but by
constantly demonstrating absolutely impartial service to law, in complete indepen-
dence of policy, and without regard to the justice or injustice of the substance of
individual laws, by ready offering of individual service and friendship to all mem-
bers of the public without regard to their wealth or social standing, by ready exer-
cise of courtesy and friendly good humour; and by ready offering of individual
sacrifice in protecting and preserving life.
(6) To use physical force only when the exercise of persuasion, advice and warning
is found to be insufficient to obtain public co-operation to an extent necessary to
secure observance of law or to restore order, and to use only the minimum degree
of physical force which is necessary on any particular occasion for achieving a
police objective.
(7) To maintain at all times a relationship with the public that gives reality to the his-
toric tradition that the police are the public and that the public are the police, the
police being only members of the public who are paid to give full time attention
to duties which are incumbent on every citizen in the interests of community wel-
fare and existence.
(8) To recognise always the need for strict adherence to police-executive functions,
and to refrain from even seeming to usurp the powers of the judiciary of avenging
individuals or the State, and of authoritatively judging guilt and punishing the
guilty.
(9) To recognise always that the test of police efficiency is the absence of crime and
disorder, and not the visible evidence of police action in dealing with them.
Retrieved February 1, 2011, from http://www.magnacartaplus.org/briefings/nine_police_

principles.htm
386 B.F. Kingshott
Appendix B. Data file
(Numbers in thousands)
Occupation 2007 2007 2008 2008
Total Percent Total Percent Percent
Employed Women Employed Women Change
Management, professional, and related occupations 51,788 50.6 52,761 50.8 + 0.2
Management occupations 15,486 37.5 15,852 37.4 - 0.1
Human resources, training, and labor relations specialists 793 71.1 803 70.7 - 0.4
Tax examiners, collectors, and revenue agents 62 57.1 58 64.2 + 7.1
Tax preparers 104 62.2 105 66.6 + 4.4
Financial specialists, all other 52 60.5 78 57.0 - 3.5

Psychologists 185 64.4 176 66.9 + 2.5
Community and social services occupations 2,265 60.7 2,293 60.3 - 0.4
Counselors 686 65.9 674 68.0 +2.1
Social workers 673 82.0 729 61.4 - 20.6
Miscellaneous community and social service specialists 317 63.2 303 63.2 No change
Legal occupations 1,668 51.5 1,671 51.9 + 0.4
Lawyers 1,001 32.6 1,014 34.4 +1.8
Judges, magistrates, and other judicial workers 68 43.3 54 43.6 +0.3
Paralegals and legal assistants 347 88.4 346 87.7 -0.7
Miscellaneous legal support workers 253 77.5 257 74.5 - 3.0
First-line supervisors/managers of police and detectives 116 14.5 117 14.7 +0.2
Detectives and criminal investigators 135 23.2 139 19.2 -4.0
Police and sheriff's patrol officers 669 13.7 674 14.7 +1.0
Private detectives and investigators 86 31.1 89 39.4 +8.3
Office and administrative support occupations 19,513 73.4 19,240 74.8 +1.4
First-line supervisors/managers/office&admin support workers 1,629 73.4 1,641 71.2 -2.2
Bookkeeping, accounting, and auditing clerks 1,490 90.3 1,434 91.5 +1.2
Source: Current Population Survey, U.S. Department of Labor, U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics.
Women in the Labor Force: A Databook (2007 Edition) www.bls.gov/cps/wlf-table11-2008.pdf
Current Population Survey, U.S. Department of Labor, U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics.
Figure 1. Employed persons by detailed occupation and sex 2007& 2009 annual averages.
Notes: U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics: Women in the Labor Force: A Databook (2009
Edition). http://www.bls.gov/cps/cpsaat11.pdf.
Percent of officers who are women

State police or highway
Year Local police Sheriffs' offices patrol
1987 7.6 % 12.6 % 3.8 %
1990 8.1 15.4 4.8
1993 8.8 14.5 5.4
1997 10 15.6 6.3
2000 10.6 12.5 6.5
2003 11.3 12.9 6.7
2007 11.9 11.2 6.5
Report title: Women in Law Enforcement, 1987-2008, NCJ 230521
Data sources: Law Enforcement Management and Administrative Statistics Survey, 1987, 1990,
1993, 1997, 2000, 2003, 2007; Federal Bureau of Investigation Uniform Crime Reports, 1987,
1990, 1993, 1997, 2000, 2003, 2007
Figure 2. Percent of full-time sworn law enforcement officers who are women among local
and State police departments, and sheriffs’ offices, 1987–2007.
Note: Data on state highway patrol and state police agencies were obtained from the Federal
Bureau of Investigation’s Uniform Crime Reports.
Data on local police departments and sheriffs’ offices obtained from the BJS Law
Enforcement Management and Administrative Statistics (LEMAS) series.
Summary of Data
The Full-time Law Enforcement Employees by Population Group
Year Female Male Female Male

Officers Officers Support Support
2005 11.60% 88.40% 61.80% 38.20%

2006 11.80% 88.20% 61.80% 38.20%
2007 11.70% 88.30% 61.50% 38.50%
2008 11.90% 88.10% 61.60% 38.40%
2009 11.70% 88.30% 61.00% 39.00%
Figure 3. Percentage of Female Personnel in Full-time Law Enforcement.

Note: [Extrapolated from Table 2(74) 2005: Table 3(74) 2006: Table 4(74) 2007: Table 5
(74) 2008: Table 6(74)2009 prepared by FBI.
Source: http://www2.fbi.gov/ucr/cius2008/police/population_group.html.
Table 1. Percent and number of full-time sworn officers who are women, by federal law
enforcement agencies employing 500 or more full-time officers, 1998 and 2008.
Percent Number
Agency 1998 2008 1998 2008
Internal revenue service, criminal investigation 25 32 848 835
The US postal inspection service 15 22 513 516
Federal bureau of investigation 16 19 1,816 2,428
National PARK Service – ranger division 15 19 230 263
The US capitol police 18 19 189 303
USDA forest service 16 16 97 103
Federal bureau of prisons 12 14 1,545 2,304
National park service – the US park police 9 13 62 72
Bureau of alcohol, tobacco, firearms & explosives 12 13 211 333
State department, bureau of diplomatic security 8 11 33 113
Drug enforcement administration 8 10 261 421
The US fish and wildlife service 10 9 84 50
Veterans health administration 9 8 24 248
Note: Does not include the US Customs and Border Protection and the US Immigration and Customs
Enforcement because these did not exist in 1998. The US Marshals Service and the US Secret Service
did not provide 2008 data on the sex of officers and the Pentagon Force Protection Agency and Admin-
istrative Office of the US Courts did not provide 1998 data on the sex of officers; these four agencies
are also excluded from the table.
Report title: Women in Law Enforcement, 1987–2008, NCJ 230521
Data sources: Census of Federal Law Enforcement Officers, 1998 and 2008
In general terms, over a 10 year cycle, the number of full-time sworn officers in federal law enforce-
ment agencies’, employing not less than 500 full-time officers, remained static or rose insignificantly.
Table 2. (74) Full-time law enforcement employees (percent male and female, 2005).
388
Percent law
enforcement Percent Percent
Total law employees officers civilians
enforcement Total Total Number of 2005 estimated
Population group employees Male Female officers Male Female civilians Male Female Agencies population
Total agencies 969,070 73.1 26.9 673,146 88.4 11.6 295,924 38.2 61.8 14,291 279,200,617
Total cities 561,844 74.9 25.1 431,590 88.3 11.7 130,254 30.6 69.4 10,832 187,432,928
Group I (250,000 and over) 202,230 70.4 29.6 151,870 83.0 17.0 50,360 32.6 67.4 70 53,583,154
1,000,000 and over (group I subset) 110,340 69.0 31.0 81,899 81.8 18.2 28,441 32.0 68.0 10 24,885,884
500,000–999,999 (group I subset) 52,384 73.2 26.8 40,358 83.9 16.1 12,026 37.4 62.6 23 15,331,041
250,000–499,999 (group I subset) 39,506 70.8 29.2 29,613 84.8 15.2 9,893 28.8 71.2 37 13,366,229
Group II (100,000–249,999) 66,461 73.3 26.7 50,111 88.7 11.3 16,350 26.1 73.9 180 27,066,683
Group III (50,000–99,999) 63,134 76.1 23.9 48,687 90.8 9.2 14,447 26.4 73.6 411 28,032,707
Group IV (25,000–49,999) 61,199 77.9 22.1 48,052 91.5 8.5 13,147 28.0 72.0 769 26,455,091
Group V (10,000–24,999) 68,958 79.3 20.7 54,925 92.7 7.3 14,033 26.9 73.1 1,791 28,385,387
Group VI (under 10,000) 99,862 79.4 20.6 77,945 91.6 8.4 21,917 36.2 63.8 7,611 23,909,906
Metropolitan counties 280,410 69.7 30.3 165,011 86.8 13.2 115,399 45.4 54.6 1,264 63,938,833
Nonmetropolitan counties 126,816 72.1 27.9 76,545 92.3 7.7 50,271 41.5 58.5 2,195 27,828,856
B.F. Kingshott
Suburban areaa 438,747 73.1 26.9 288,835 88.9 11.1 149,912 42.7 57.3 7,354 118,418,670
a
Suburban area includes law enforcement agencies in cities with less than 50,000 inhabitants and county law enforcement agencies that are within a Metropolitan Statis-
tical Area (see data declaration). Suburban area excludes all metropolitan agencies associated with a principal city. The agencies associated with suburban areas also
appear in other groups within this table.
Table 3. (74) Full-time law enforcement employees by population group (percent male and female, 2006).
Percent law
Total law enforcement Percent Percent
enforcement employees Total officers Total civilians Number of 2006 estimated
Population group employees officers civilians Agencies population
Male Female Male Female Male Female
Total agencies 987,125 72.9 27.1 683,396 88.2 11.8 303,729 38.4 61.6 14,336 283,238,660
Total cities 569,149 74.8 25.2 436,908 88.2 11.8 132,241 30.6 69.4 10,872 189,942,258
Group I (250,000 and over) 203,153 70.4 29.6 152,315 83.0 17.0 50,838 32.5 67.5 71 53,957,412
500,000–999,999 (group I subset) 52,047 73.3 26.7 40,490 84.1 15.9 11,557 35.5 64.5 23 15,413,225
250,000–499,999 (group I subset) 39,337 71.2 28.8 29,598 85.1 14.9 9,739 29.1 70.9 38 13,463,376
Group iI (100,000–249,999) 66,660 73.0 27.0 50,019 88.3 11.7 16,641 26.9 73.1 181 27,081,536
Group III (50,000–99,999) 66,017 76.1 23.9 50,896 90.6 9.4 15,121 26.9 73.1 423 29,029,089
Group IV (25,000–49,999) 63,074 77.9 22.1 49,616 91.5 8.5 13,458 27.6 72.4 788 27,199,664
Group V (10,000–24,999) 69,994 79.2 20.8 55,907 92.5 7.5 14,087 26.6 73.4 1,818 28,813,877
Criminal Justice Studies
Group VI (under 10,000) 100,251 79.3 20.7 78,155 91.7 8.3 22,096 35.7 64.3 7,591 23,860,680
Suburban areaa 459,698 72.9 27.1 302,210 88.7 11.3 157,488 42.6 57.4 7,438 121,334,744
a
Suburban area includes law enforcement agencies in cities with less than 50,000 inhabitants and county law enforcement agencies that are within a Metropolitan Statis-
tical Area (see data declaration). Suburban area excludes all metropolitan agencies associated with a principal city. The agencies associated with suburban areas also
389
390
Percent law
Total law employees officers civilians Number 2007
enforcement Total Total of estimated
Population group employees Male Female officers Male Female civilians Male Female agencies population
Total agencies 1,017,954 72.8 27.2 699,850 88.3 11.7 318,104 38.5 61.5 14,676 285,866,466
Total cities 581,888 74.8 25.2 446,669 88.2 11.8 135,219 30.6 69.4 11,112 192,561,315
Group I (250,000 and over) 203,771 70.2 29.8 152,594 83.0 17.0 51,177 32.1 67.9 71 53,815,350
1,000,000 and over (group I 113,693 68.5 31.5 83,852 81.7 18.3 29,841 31.3 68.7 10 25,220,230
subset)
500,000 to 999,999 (group I 51,812 73.2 26.8 40,163 84.0 16.0 11,649 35.9 64.1 23 15,276,719
subset)
250,000 to 499,999 (group I 38,266 71.4 28.6 28,579 85.4 14.6 9,687 30.1 69.9 38 13,318,401
subset)
B.F. Kingshott
Group II (100,000–249,999) 69,425 72.9 27.1 52,329 88.0 12.0 17,096 26.5 73.5 181 27,270,252
Group III (50,000–99,999) 68,944 76.0 24.0 53,271 90.4 9.6 15,673 27.0 73.0 441 30,331,106
Group IV (25,000–49,999) 64,503 77.9 22.1 50,728 91.4 8.6 13,775 27.9 72.1 806 27,684,136
Group V (10,000–24,999) 70,372 79.1 20.9 56,134 92.3 7.7 14,238 26.9 73.1 1,826 28,984,708
Group VI (under 10,000) 104,873 79.3 20.7 81,613 91.6 8.4 23,260 36.3 63.7 7,787 24,475,763
Suburban areaa 471,974 72.5 27.5 302,867 88.8 11.2 169,107 43.3 56.7 7,594 121,917,604
a
Suburban area includes law enforcement agencies in cities with less than 50,000 inhabitants and county law enforcement agencies that are within a Metropolitan
Statistical Area (see data declaration). Suburban area excludes all metropolitan agencies associated with a principal city. The agencies associated with suburban areas
also appear in other groups within this table.
Percent law
Total law employees officers civilians Number 2008
enforcement Total Total of estimated
Total agencies 1,024,228 72.8 27.2 708,569 88.1 11.9 315,659 38.4 61.6 14,169 286,237,461
Total cities 581,504 75.0 25.0 449,896 88.1 11.9 131,608 30.2 69.8 10,915 193,548,068
Group I (250,000 and over) 203,685 70.9 29.1 156,445 83.0 17.0 47,240 30.8 69.2 75 55,781,739
1,000,000 and over (Group I subset) 109,612 69.5 30.5 84,091 81.8 18.2 25,521 29.2 70.8 10 25,543,437
500,000 to 999,999 (Group I subset) 54,659 73.5 26.5 42,616 84.0 16.0 12,043 36.4 63.6 24 16,218,619
250,000 to 499,999 (Group I subset) 39,414 71.2 28.8 29,738 85.2 14.8 9,676 28.2 71.8 41 14,019,683
Group II (100,000–249,999) 69,458 72.8 27.2 52,273 88.1 11.9 17,185 26.3 73.7 189 27,940,012
Group III (50,000–99,999) 68,260 75.9 24.1 52,341 90.5 9.5 15,919 27.8 72.2 437 29,817,070
Group IV (25,000–49,999) 64,319 77.8 22.2 50,650 91.4 8.6 13,669 27.2 72.8 807 27,597,191
Group V (10,000–24,999) 69,817 79.1 20.9 55,767 92.2 7.8 14,050 26.9 73.1 1,807 28,634,261
Criminal Justice Studies
Group VI (under 10,000) 105,965 79.2 20.8 82,420 91.3 8.7 23,545 37.1 62.9 7,600 23,777,795
Suburban areasa 475,575 72.5 27.5 309,689 88.5 11.5 165,886 42.6 57.4 7,412 121,966,483
a
Suburban areas include law enforcement agencies in cities with less than 50,000 inhabitants and county law enforcement agencies that are within a Metropolitan Statis-
tical Area (see data declaration). Suburban areas exclude all metropolitan agencies associated with a principal city. The agencies associated with suburban areas also
appear in other groups within this table.Note: No 2008 police employee data were received for the state of West Virginia.
391
392
Percent law
Total law employees officers civilians
enforcement Total Total Number of 2009 estimated
Total agencies 1,021,456 73.1 26.9 706,886 88.3 11.7 314,570 39.0 61.0 14,614 289,417,471
Total cities 584,672 75.4 24.6 452,037 88.2 11.8 132,635 31.5 68.5 11,218 195,945,107
Group I (250,000 and over) 206,064 71.6 28.4 157,079 83.2 16.8 48,985 34.2 65.8 75 56,942,042
500,000–999,999 (group I subset) 56,824 74.6 25.4 44,603 84.5 15.5 12,221 38.3 61.7 25 17,183,941
250,000–499,999 (group I subset) 37,461 71.7 28.3 28,500 85.4 14.6 8,961 27.9 72.1 40 13,884,957
Group II (100,000–249,999) 67,620 73.0 27.0 51,236 88.1 11.9 16,384 25.9 74.1 188 27,843,405
Group III (50,000–99,999) 67,603 76.1 23.9 51,954 90.6 9.4 15,649 27.9 72.1 439 29,972,217
B.F. Kingshott
Group IV (25,000–49,999) 64,238 77.8 22.2 50,701 91.4 8.6 13,537 26.7 73.3 815 27,953,975
Group V (10,000–24,999) 70,228 79.4 20.6 56,342 92.2 7.8 13,886 27.6 72.4 1,839 29,047,897
Group VI (under 10,000) 108,919 79.4 20.6 84,725 91.5 8.5 24,194 37.2 62.8 7,862 24,185,571
Suburban areasa 471,235 72.7 27.3 308,436 88.6 11.4 162,799 42.6 57.4 7,561 122,719,200
a
Suburban areas include law enforcement agencies in cities with less than 50,000 inhabitants and county law enforcement agencies that are within a Metropolitan Statis-
tical Area (see data declaration). Suburban areas exclude all metropolitan agencies associated with a principal city. The agencies associated with suburban areas also

2012 - Kingshott - Revisiting Gender Issues Continuing Police Reform

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This article was downloaded by: [Istanbul Universitesi Kutuphane ve Dok]

On: 20 December 2014, At: 02:01

Criminal Justice Studies: A Critical

Revisiting gender issues: continuing

To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1478601X.2012.735004

PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE

Revisiting gender issues: continuing police reform

A history of women in policing in the USA

The history of women in policing represents a continuum of women’s involvement

Ó 2013 Taylor & Francis

for women in policing can be traced to this period (Pollock, 1995b).

societal development, deprivation, and morality identiﬁed in the discipline of crimi-

policing paradigm. In 1932, the International Association of Policewomen was dis-

After world war II

The problems encountered en route to acceptance as police ofﬁcers

‘The integration of women into police patrol work as co-workers threatens to

Discrimination and harassment

Percent of women ofﬁcers experiencing discrimination and sexual harassment

Women’s coping strategies

The meanings of acceptance

blanket stereotyping and rejection has been replaced by greater willingness to

Do double standards still exist?

Explaining the change

Department policies and practices

The impact of time

Change in the formal and informal culture of policing

The optimal personality and management traits of a community police ofﬁcer

(1) Understanding the nature of human systems: individual, group, organization,

The acceptance of women in the workplace

The community policing paradigm and developing twenty-ﬁrst century policing

The problems encountered: now resolved?

A hostile environment consists of unwelcome sexual behavior, such as ‘jokes’, car-

Gender discrimination occurs when the individual is subjected to unequal treat-

cal Agility Testing in Police Selection is exclusive rather that inclusive

Discrimination on the basis of pregnancy, childbirth, or a related medical condition is

supportive policies regarding pregnancy and childcare issues. It is suggested that an

take time out to raise a family.

Continuing the police reform

organization and the communities’ they serve.

and male prisons. Sociological Inquiry, 58, 291–305.

Heights, MA: Allyn & Bacon.

Appendix A. The nine principles by Sir Robert Peel

The nine principles by Sir Richard Mayne

(1) To prevent crime and disorder, as an alternative to their repression by military

Retrieved February 1, 2011, from http://www.magnacartaplus.org/brieﬁngs/nine_police_

Appendix B. Data ﬁle

Financial specialists, all other 52 60.5 78 57.0 - 3.5

Percent of officers who are women

Year Female Male Female Male

2005 11.60% 88.40% 61.80% 38.20%

Figure 3. Percentage of Female Personnel in Full-time Law Enforcement.

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