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In Search of Lost
Futures
Anthropological Explorations in
Multimodality, Deep
Interdisciplinarity, and
Autoethnography
Edited by
Magdalena Kazubowski-Houston ·
Mark Auslander
In Search of Lost Futures
Magdalena Kazubowski-Houston ·
Mark Auslander
Editors
In Search of Lost
Futures
Anthropological Explorations in Multimodality,
Deep Interdisciplinarity, and Autoethnography
Editors
Magdalena Kazubowski-Houston Mark Auslander
School of the Arts, Media, Department of Anthropology
Performance & Design Brandeis University
York University Waltham, MA, USA
Toronto, ON, Canada
© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer
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Foreword
v
vi FOREWORD
the women feel confident with their new skills and roles. For many of the
participants Asselin describes, their motivation for reinvention calls on
imagined or possible futures where such skills might be needed.
Magnat’s chapter also shows how attention to sensory experience can
shed new light on familiar stories. Magnat’s chapter discusses how non-
discursive sensory experience allowed Indigenous People in the “new
world” to be rendered as colonized subjects, their use of voice and song
proving distinctly unsettling to the expectations embedded in the colonial
mentalities of Western settlers. Raised voices were experienced by colo-
nizers as threatening and dangerous, but also as evidence of the need for
control. Magnat demonstrates how notable philosophers and commenta-
tors used Western classifications of music to order Indigenous vocality into
a hierarchy of evolution. Understanding Indigenous song as performative
action is one way that political discourses can be decolonized, shifting
attention from the manner of performance to the desired (future) condi-
tions that songs might evoke and the reassertion of Indigenous modes of
being.
The book’s double focus on futures and imaginaries distinguishes two
dimensions that are innately attached but whose scholarship has been
remarkably distinct. The notion of imagination has lived its own life
throughout Western thought, particularly in philosophy and aesthetics,
with extended disputes over how to interpret Plato’s association of imag-
ination and representation, on whether art is technique or inspiration,
and in many discussions about the relationship between perception and
thought (see Cocking 1991). Warnock (1976) traces the idea of imag-
ination as a form of consciousness from Hume and Kant to Coleridge
and Wordsworth, highlighting the connection between image and imag-
ination in affording a means for thought. She casts doubt on Hume’s
separation of memory and imagination, for example, highlighting the
centrality of language. Yet much of this line of debate retains the connec-
tion between visual image and imagination, one that is rejected in anthro-
pology, where the aural and haptic imagination is very much included, as
amply demonstrated in this volume.
This trajectory can be seen as a foundation for anthropological elab-
orations of imagination, and notably Sneath et al’s (2009) commitment
to focusing on the technologies of imagination and the production of
imaginative effects. Distancing themselves from a notion of social imagi-
naries that appears to reproduce the limitations of the idea of culture, they
nevertheless focus on collective processes of imagination, rather than the
viii FOREWORD
to relatively little action, and only a very gradual shift in local, national,
or international policies or strategies in contrast to the rapid and radical
interventions in response to the COVID-19 pandemic. Perhaps the rela-
tively distant (although rapidly approaching) horizons of climate change
relate to a future whose shape continues to change, with new threats and
fears tumbling one after another into our collective consciousness, to be
rejected, denied, distanced, or acted on. The immediate consequences
of the global pandemic, on the other hand, radically usurp the imme-
diate future, raising doubt about the endurance of everyday life, of “nor-
mal” expectations of travel, of the acceptability of aspirations to fly long
distances for leisure or to travel across continents to have a conversation
(or “attend a conference”) while leaving the medium and more distant
future potentially to resume. For many, death suddenly appears imminent,
and health fragile, everyday life easily overturned and work re-evaluated.
The pandemic response has also hastened the adoption, for many, of
future-oriented or hitherto fantastical technologies, moving our sociality
online and bringing dramatic consequences in relation to the infrastruc-
tures required to support these online lives. Investment in data centers
suddenly seems more secure, expansion more likely, energy demands more
urgent, and the pattern and shape of energy distribution suddenly shifting.
Yet despite the temporary reprieve in greenhouse gas emissions, all the
time, in the background, expectations about a “return” or “bounce back”
suggest the continuation of the structural forces that encourage capitalist
growth and climate catastrophe. Now, many people are discussing the
idea of “bouncing forward” rather than back, but it remains to be seen
whether the demonstration of global change we are living through at the
time of writing is one that allays fears about the changes needed to combat
climate change, or one that merely makes them even more palpable and
frightening.
Whatever the world will be like once this book reaches print or reaches
the library, the volume offers a welcome set of examples and ideas about
how future orientations are not only imagined but embodied. They
demonstrate the flexibility of future imaginaries, and the degree to which
futures can and do change, often radically, whether as cities are rebuilt
and redefined (Ringel’s chapter), as activists conjure the possibility of
remaking society, or as performers enact the restoration of the disap-
peared who they know must already be dead (Batchelor’s chapter). They
show us the fine line between knowing and not-knowing, the mech-
anism of re-imagining oneself, and the power of theater in reopening
FOREWORD xi
possibilities that have been closed elsewhere, and the vital role of humor
in both enabling transgressive imaginative thought and articulating it.
This is a volume packed with ideas that will inspire and invigorate new
ethnographic enterprises.
Simone Abram
Durham University
Durham, UK
References
Borofsky, R. 1987. Making History: Pukapukan and Anthropological Construc-
tions of Knowledge. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Cocking, J. M. 1991. Imagination: A Study in the History of Ideas. London:
Routledge.
Guyer, J. I. 2007. Prophecy and the near future: Thoughts on macroeconomic,
evangelical, and punctuated time. American Ethnologist 34 (3): 409–421.
Hobsbawm, E., and T. Ranger. 1983. The Invention of Tradition, Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.
Liao, S., and T. Gendler. 2019. Imagination. The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philos-
ophy (Winter 2019 Edition). https://plato.stanford.edu/archives/win2019/
entries/imagination. Accessed 29 April 2020.
Sneath, D., M. Holbraad, and M. A. Pedersen. 2009. Technologies of the
Imagination. Ethnos 74 (1): 5–30.
Warnock, M. 1976. Imagination. London: Faber and Faber.
Acknowledgments
We would like to thank Simone Abram for her invaluable insights and
editorial support.
xiii
Contents
Part I Multimodality
xv
xvi CONTENTS
Index 327
Notes on Contributors
xix
xx NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS
His SSHRC supported research explores the city of San Cristóbal de las
Casas, Chiapas, Mexico, as an interpretive space shaped by the local-global
tensions involved in tourism. His work has been published in Canadian
Theatre Review and Theatre Research in Canada, as well as in the edited
volume Dancing with the Zapatistas. He dreams of better, more just
worlds, but he is unsure of how we might make it there.
Eeva Berglund is Adjunct Professor in the Department of Design, Aalto
School of Arts, Design and Architecture. Her work deals mostly with
environmental activism, social movements, and the politics of nature. She
also teaches research methods. Since 2016, she has been exploring and
developing these with #Colleex collaboratory for experimental ethnog-
raphy, which is organized as a network of the European Association of
Social Anthropologists. She has a doctorate in social anthropology and
an M.Sc. in planning, both from the UK. Since 2010, she has lived in
Helsinki where she also participates in and tries to better understand
urban activism.
Dr. Denice Blair is the Director of Education at the Michigan State
University Museum. Her interests include learning in informal environ-
ments and primary source-based teaching and learning. Blair’s recent
research work has focused on issues of access in museums.
Alexandrine Boudreault-Fournier is an Associate Professor at the
University of Victoria. She teaches visual culture, visual anthropology,
and the anthropology of sound. She conducts research on electronic
music, media infrastructure, and digital data consumption and circulation
in Cuba since the year 2000. She wrote the book Aerial Imagination
in Cuba: Stories from Above the Rooftops (2019), co-edited the volumes
Urban Encounters: Art and the Public (2017) and Audible Infrastructures
(forthcoming), and is the Editor-in-Chief of the journal Anthropologica.
Alexandrine directed the film Golden Scars (2010), in part funded by the
National Film Board of Canada, and co-directed the films Guardians of
the Night (2018), Fabrik Funk (2015), and The Eagle (2015).
Alexandra Bourque is a sister survivor and owner of the “Brightly
Twisted,” business and studio in Detroit’s Corktown neighborhood. She
is the creator of the installation “Turned into Butterflies (Ten Feet Tall)”
in the exhibition, “Finding Our Voice.”
NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS xxi
xxvii
xxviii LIST OF FIGURES
Fig. 12.4 Windows are lit by projections from the outside. At first,
the images were not visible from the inside, but as the sun
sets and darkness emerges, the strength of the images
increased. The effect is not unlike that of stained glass
only here images strengthen as the sun sets rather
than the other way around. Motion media artist Wes
Nelson engineered all still and video projections 294
Fig. 12.5 Here, projections of drawings by Lebbeus Woods seen
in the background darken as night falls then fade
as the sun rises, underscoring the powerful but ephemeral
nature of sharing communities 295
Fig. 12.6 Final Sets of Images in Projections and Possibilities 296
CHAPTER 1
From February 2018 through January 2019, the Rubin Museum in New
York featured an immersive installation, R.T./S.R./V.S., by German artist
Matti Braun as part of a larger exhibit titled A Lost Future. This multi-
media assemblage of contemporary works explored how histories and
speculative futures are shaped by globalization, technology, and economic
development. Braun’s installation, inspired by the lotus pond from an
unproduced film—The Alien, by Bengali filmmaker Satyajit Ray—is a
room transformed into a lake. Visitors “search for a future” by traversing
haphazard paths composed of tree stumps sticking out of the water.
Because the floor beneath the reflective surface of the water is black,
walking from stump to stump feels vertiginous and mysterious; visitors
see their own reflections floating above unknown depths and possibilities.
Pathways meander until they eventually lead into the art worlds of other
M. Kazubowski-Houston (B)
School of the Arts, Media, Performance & Design, York University, Toronto,
ON, Canada
e-mail: mkazubow@yorku.ca
M. Auslander
Department of Anthropology, Brandeis University, Waltham, MA, USA
e-mail: markauslander@icloud.com
2019: 7–8). These works frequently engage with the future as problem-
atic and uncertain, displaced, or as a site of nostalgia and yearning (Guyer
2007; Hell and Schönle 2010; Piot 2010; Rosenberg and Harding 2005;
Wallman 1992). Even in recent studies on prediction (Puri 2015), divina-
tion (Stein Frankle and Stein 2005), and dreaming (Stewart 2012), the
future has been tackled predominantly through the lens of historicity
(Bryant and Knight 2019: 10). Charles Stewart (2012: 2), for example,
explores the future as part of historical consciousness—namely, as “basic
assumptions a society makes about the shape of time and the relationship
of events in the past, present, and future.” Anthropology’s neglect of the
future can also be attributed to the fact that the future is often problem-
atically associated with modernity and progress. In addition, some of the
approaches that emerged in 1990s and early 2000s failed to gain traction
because, rather than building their own theoretical basis, they primarily
supported existing theoretical turns (Salazar et al. 2017: 8–9).
Only recently has the future grabbed the attention of anthropologists.
It surfaced assertively in recent debates on the cosmos, extraterrestrial
travel, and alien life forms and arguments that make room for hope,
anticipation, and speculation (Battaglia 2005; Doyle 2005; Valentine
2016, 2017). This interest in futurism and science fiction (Rosenberg and
Harding 2005), however, has rarely translated into an exploration of how
futures are imagined, anticipated, and lived in everyday contexts (Bryant
and Knight 2019: 12). The future also figures prominently in works
that grapple with urban planning (Abram and Weszkalnys 2013), world
mappings (Messeri 2016), scientific modeling of climate change (Hastrup
and Skrydstrup 2013; Kirksey 2015; Schneider-Mayerson 2015), envi-
ronmental politics (Mathews and Barnes 2016), biotechnology and the
life sciences (Helmreich 2009), economentality (Mitchell 2014), design
anthropology (Gunn et al. 2013; Akama et al. 2018), and the uncanny
(Lepselter 2005, 2016). Similarly, studies on the impact of globalization
on life opportunities have begun to seriously consider humans as future
makers (Appadurai 2013; Bear 2014; Miyazaki 2004; Nielsen 2014;
Pandian 2012; Wallman 1992). Anand Pandian (2012: 508), drawing on
his work with South Indian popular filmmakers, stresses the importance
of paying attention to the ways “the time yet to come” emerges and is
experienced in the present moment. He conceives of time as “the genera-
tive weave of what we feel and do, trespassing any clear line that might be
drawn between subjects and objects of anthropological research” (ibid.:
549).
6 M. KAZUBOWSKI-HOUSTON AND M. AUSLANDER
the wealthy possess a stronger capacity to aspire than the poor because
they have more resources, opportunities, and social and economic priv-
ileges. Unlike the poor, they can extract benefits from the future and
exchange their knowledge with others of their class (ibid.: 188). The
capacity to aspire “draw[s] on the habit of imagining possibilities, rather
than giving in to the probabilities of externally imposed change” (ibid.:
213). Individuals can improve their well-being by strengthening their
collective capacity to aspire (ibid.). Appadurai argues that anthropologists
need to redirect our attention away from humans as “bearers of the force
of history, custom, and habit” to “make the future as a cultural fact an
equally important part of [our] mission” (ibid.: 267). To craft a robust
anthropology of the future, we need to take into consideration the inter-
play between “imagination, anticipation, and aspiration” because, rather
than a neutral space, the future is “shot through with affect and with
sensation” (ibid.: 287). People’s everyday archives—as “critical sites for
negotiating paths to dignity, recognition”—“provid[e] a map for negoti-
ating and shaping new futures” (ibid.: 288). He sees hope as an integral
part of imagining futures, as it is ultimately hope that drives such imag-
inings (ibid.: 293). The ethics of possibility, he argues, constitutes “those
ways of thinking, feeling, and acting that increase the horizons of hope,
that expand the field of the imagination, that produce greater equity in
what I have called the capacity to aspire, and that widen the field of
informed, creative, and critical citizenship” (ibid.: 295).
Building on Appadurai’s insights, we have also been inspired by the
volume Anthropologies and Futures. Much like Appadurai, Salazar and
colleagues posit that an anthropology of the future should be “an engaged
anthropology that actively responds to the moral obligation for us to
implicate ourselves in futures” and that seeks to develop “a renewed, open
and future-focused approach to understanding the present, anticipating
the unknown, and intervening in the world” (Salazar et al. 2017: 3). The
editors call for reorienting anthropology away from its focus on the past
and its traditional approach of long-term fieldwork, both of which, they
argue, have largely curtailed the discipline’s engagement with futures. In
their view, anthropology can make a significant contribution to the study
of futures because of its critical theoretical positioning and “its capacity to
engage with a world and people at a depth and moral perspective” (ibid.:
4).
8 M. KAZUBOWSKI-HOUSTON AND M. AUSLANDER
modern” (ibid.: 4). For him, collective imagination can become “a staging
ground for action, and not only for escape” (ibid: 7). Vincent Crapanzano
(2004: 19) argues that the imagination ultimately allows us “to project
our ‘fables’ in a direction that does not have to reckon with the ‘evident
universe.’” And for Jean and John Comaroff (1999: 8) is a “civil society
[that] serves as a tool of the social imagination.” Others have defined
imagination as a ground upon which people can reinvent their temporal-
ities and identities apart from the constraints of their everyday realities
(Rapport and Overing 2000; Robbins 2010: 305–6).
There are those, however, who recognize that imagination—part and
parcel of experience and perception—is difficult to pin down (McLean
2007: 6), as it constitutes a “thinking feeling [involving] the mutual
development of thought and sensation, as they arrive together, pre-what
they will have become, just beginning to unfold from the unfelt and
unthinkable outside: of process, transformation in itself” (Massumi 2002:
134). Some approaches, drawing on Kant’s understanding of imagination
as pervasive and processual, consider imagination as an outcome rather
than a condition and focus on the “technologies of the imagination” that
generate, without determining, such outcomes (Sneath et al. 2009: 19).
These approaches stress that the diverse technologies of the imagination
frequently afford random and unpredictable imaginings and that ethnog-
raphy’s focus on the peculiarities of the everyday is imperative to studying
and analyzing the workings of these technologies (Sneath et al. 2009: 22,
25).
Building on these latter perspectives, we inquire into the diverse imag-
inative effects, outcomes, and technologies of imagination. We engage
with imaginations, imaginaries, and imaginings in their plural forms as
a multiplicity of emergent, dynamic, shifting, intersubjective, embodied,
and affective experiences, modes of being and expression, processes, and
actions. We argue, however, that imagination cannot be reduced to a
positive force, intentionality, or strategic action because it plays out some-
where between intent and outcome, freedom and constraint, hegemony
and resistance, private and public, and real and fantastical. This is evident
in Kazubowski-Houston’s chapter in this volume, for example, which
demonstrates how imagination as an agentic action can operate unpre-
dictably through absence, magical thought, and the lived experience of
grief. Consequently, the capacity to aspire cannot be seen as tied solely to
the politics of possibility—it can also express itself in different registers,
moods, and sensibilities.
12 M. KAZUBOWSKI-HOUSTON AND M. AUSLANDER
For young Swedish climate activist Greta Thunberg, for example, the
capacity to aspire dwells in hopelessness, dejection, panic, and fear. She
asserts, “Adults keep saying we owe it to the young people to give them
hope. But I don’t want your hope, I don’t want you to be hopeful. I
want you to panic, I want you to feel the fear I feel every day” (The
Atlantic, September 20, 2019). Thunberg’s words resonate even stronger
today in the world of the COVID-19 pandemic and the global panic.
Our capacities to aspire, our desire to live to see a “normal” future again,
seem to be vested in our very ability to harness fear and panic for the
good of all. Brian Batchelor’s chapter in this volume, for example, by
describing a public street-performance memorial that calls for the return
of the disappeared normalistas in Mexico, demonstrates how the capacity
to aspire can be tied to the politics of impossibility.
Expressions of the capacity to aspire can also possess many unpre-
dictable and messy consequences, contingent on specific historical and
political particularities playing themselves out in and through individual
and social lives. Felix Ringel’s contribution, for example, brings to light
how people’s capacities to aspire can be vested in seemingly conservative
efforts aimed at sustaining the status quo. This volume, consequently, is
concerned not only with the different registers, moods, and sensibilities
through which people express their capacity to aspire but also with the
capricious consequences of their actions.
The goal of an interventionist anthropology of the future is not neces-
sarily to build people’s capacities to aspire—as all people, even the most
underprivileged, possess their own dreams, aspirations, and goals. In
fact, the chapters in this collection demonstrate that our interlocutors’
imaginings of the future can be incompatible with, and even radically
challenge, our own notions of intervention. Marek Pawlak’s chapter,
for example, which is based on his study of Icelanders’ anticipations of
the future in the post-2008 economic crisis era, reveals how people’s
imaginaries of the future can clash with our own in ways that cannot
be easily anticipated. We acknowledge that these notions, in much of
the current anthropological theorizing, largely equate intervention if
not exclusively with strategic action then at least with “a standpoint of
self-aware commitment” (Horton and Kraftl 2009: 17). While in some
cases we, indeed, might be able to assist our interlocutors in mobilizing
resources to bring their aspirations to fruition, more often than not, we
cannot easily overcome the systemic inequalities that impact people’s lives.
Overstating the power of anthropology—or any academic discipline—to
1 INTRODUCTION: IN SEARCH OF LOST FUTURES 13
directly affect lives will only serve the mandate of neoliberal academia,
which masks its entrepreneurial intent with narratives about social justice
and transformation (Kazubowski-Houston 2018: 418).
The chapters in this volume show how intervention can unfold in the
field in ways that are not always intended, foreseen, or accounted for.
Ethnographic research may have major transformative potential, but its
effects might not be easily accessible, apparent, or understood. In Search
of Lost Futures stresses the importance of paying attention to how futures
are made and unmade beyond a goal-oriented action. It foregrounds
intervention that does not adhere to an explicit understanding of poli-
tics and change (Horton and Kraftl 2009: 14) but instead takes many
different forms; for example, they can emerge from the depths of quiet,
affective, and embodied practice (Kazubowski-Houston 2018). In fact,
the contributors to this volume demonstrate that intimate, embodied
imaginings can be central catalysts—not merely effects—of geopolitical
processes. Imaginings may constitute an important intimacy politics (Pain
and Staeheli 2014) that builds bonds of reciprocity, undoing customary
divisions between the global and the local, the private and the public, and
the real and the fictional.
These politics may, at times, provide the only possible means through
which people can work toward a dignified life. Rajat Nayyar’s audiovi-
sual ethnography of death and dying conducted in a salvation home in
Kashi, India, for instance, lays bare how such intimacy politics can stage
themselves as practices of care that strengthen kinship ties and familial
bonds, albeit in ways that cannot be easily ascertained. Magnat’s imag-
inary ethnography of heightened vocality also reveals that intervention
can work as an affective force of chanting and singing, constituting an
important, if not always apparent, form of subverting power.
The challenge lies in figuring out how to go about crafting sustainable
and politically feasible futures from the multiplicity of diverse and not
always compatible imaginings. Here, we follow Salazar and colleagues’
(2017: 17) call for “creating generative forms of not knowing with
others, which might involve imagining, planning, designing, enacting,
intervening, or anticipating the future on an everyday basis.” This call
for “not knowing with others” strongly reverberates in Berglund and
Kohlata’s ethnographic research, which involved collaborating with mate-
rialist activist communities in northern Europe and fully opening oneself
up to their collective initiatives of imagining the future on the ground.
However, we are also mindful that looking to our interlocutors for
14 M. KAZUBOWSKI-HOUSTON AND M. AUSLANDER
ground, in the stories people tell us, in how they tell these stories
(through actions, gestures, movements, speech, and so on), and in how
they live and enact these stories in their everyday lives. It is a traversing
anthropology. Like Matti Braun’s immersive installation, it is vertiginous.
It leads us through unknown depths and possibilities. It pays attention
to what futures may sound like, smell like, and feel like. It accounts for
those experiences that go beyond words because it is through those expe-
riences that futures frequently stage themselves within the galleries of our
imaginations.
Our work hearkens back to one of the foundational texts of modern
anthropology, Marcel Mauss’s The Gift ([1954] 2011). In this work,
Mauss famously argues that in precapitalist or archaic societies, gift rela-
tionships manifested themselves as total social facts and structured a
vast range of social practices, states of being, aesthetics, and spiritual
conceptions. The gift carried with it a double obligation: to acknowl-
edge the gift and to reciprocate at some future point in time through
a counter-presentation that would be roughly equivalent to, but not
precisely identical to, the original gift. Even the seemingly disenchanted
modern contract, Mauss maintained, contains within it the buried spirit
of the gift, implicating networks of persons in bonds of reciprocity that
are inherently future-oriented. Many of the essays in this volume could be
read as explorations of struggles in contemporary communities to reclaim
that buried, future-oriented spirit of the gift, to reenter into the ethos
of seemingly lost but life-giving economies. In diverse locales around the
world, even under seemingly inescapable neoliberal structures, individ-
uals and emergent collectivities are actively imagining and reconstituting
dramas of future-oriented reciprocity, insisting that there is more to life
than the frozen, sterile tallies of the balance sheet.
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PART I
Multimodality