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The Politics of Marriage in Medieval India
The Politics of Marriage in
Medieval India
Gender and Alliance in Rajasthan
SABITA SINGH
1
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Acknowledgements
It has taken me fairly long to produce this work as I have been working
on this along with my teaching and family responsibilities. Along the
way, I have gathered many debts. I would like to express my gratitude
to the institutions as well as the individuals who have contributed to
the completion of this work.
My foremost sense of gratitude is to my supervisor, Professor
Dilbagh Singh. His immense patience with my delays, his confidence
in my capabilities, and his gentle guidance has made this work possible.
He especially helped me out with the interpretation of Rajasthani
language and script. I could always approach him for any kind of help.
I am also grateful to the Bikaner State Archives for making it pos-
sible to access material from there.The staff there was extremely coop-
erative and would take pains to make the requisite material available. I
also remain indebted to Rajasthan University, Jaipur, for allowing me
to take a peek at their dissertations and theses, which also familiar-
ized me with the kind of sources used. The other institute to which
I owe gratitude is the Nehru Memorial Museum and Library, where
I consulted most of the secondary sources used for this work. Similar
gratitude is felt towards the Jawaharlal Nehru University library for
facilitating consultation work.
My colleagues in Deshbandhu College, especially Anil Sethi, Amiya
Sen, and Bajrang Tiwari, constantly gave me helpful tips in terms of
what I should read and the areas that I could look into. I would also
like to thank R.P. Bahuguna with whom my association goes back
to MA days. He evinced a lot of interest in my thesis, encouraging
me and offering me helpful suggestions. I thank Hirdesh Kumar who
handled my typing work, and my daughter Sonjuhi who handled the
x Acknowledgements
corrections. I also feel immense gratitude towards my son Animesh and

Shikha Sethi who very joyfully helped with proofreading and prepar-
ing the final draft.
I am also very grateful to some of my very dear friends who provided
me with a lot of emotional support when I was going through some
tough times. Thank you Ranjana, Sunita, Mrinalani, Mona, Swaran,
Anuradha, Shobha, and Joyshree. I especially thank my children who
uncomplainingly accepted the fact that I was not available for them
for long periods. Lastly, I am grateful to my husband for providing the
facilities required for the completion of this work.
Abbreviations
EPW Economic and Political Weekly

IEHSR Indian Economic and Social History Review
MNK Muhta Nainsi, Nainsi Ri Khyat
MRPRVd Marwar Ra Pargana ri Vigat
PIHC Proceedings of Indian History Congress
Introduction
This work has been created against the backdrop of constructs of

monolithic cultural unity, political equilibrium, and the traditionaliza-
tion of Indian culture. It is also in the context of certain political hues
that project an essentialist view of Indian culture and try to valorize
‘indigenous’ society in a variety of ways without looking closely at the
relation between caste, gender, and the state.
The Politics of Marriage in Medieval India: Gender and Alliance in
Rajasthan: the title of this book requires an explanation of mainly two
aspects—the significance of studying the institution of marriage and the
time frame of ‘medieval India’ as I understand and use this category.
The study of marriage as an institution helps us understand some
basic aspects of society. It is an institution that defines much about a
person’s present and future. In fact, marriage practices are revealing of
various aspects of the society and its attitudes, as marriage is a social act,
involving more than two individuals hedged in by laws and customs.
These laws and customs are never static and undergo subtle transfor-
mations all the time. Both marriage and family are near universal social
arrangements that vary from group to group and change over time.
Since marriage carries many social and legal consequences, it simply
must be a public act and cannot be a private pact between husband
and wife.
It may seem that there is nothing more natural than the family as
a social unit. But if that were indeed the case, it would have stayed
in an immutable form throughout history. Instead, we have seen the
structure of the family change from clan to joint to single parent. Some
societies like the Spartans dispensed with the family altogether, with
the children and the elderly becoming a collective responsibility.
The Politics of Marriage in Medieval India: Gender and Alliance in Rajasthan.
Sabita Singh, Oxford University Press (2019). © Oxford University Press.
DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780199491452.001.0001
xiv Introduction
The history of marriage must be viewed at two levels. It is a piece

of social history related to the whole pattern of customs, laws, relations,
and aspirations that lie at the centre of the history of family life. But it
is at every point deeply affected by the inner life full of variety—tragic
and comic, romantic and very unromantic, and a tale of joy, suffering,
and humdrum—most of it hidden from the historian’s eye. Therefore,
for the study of the institution of marriage, there are varied aspects that
need to be looked into, which will help reconstruct regional social
structures and cultures.The specificity of regional social reality persists,
adapts, and innovates, despite textual scriptural normative ordering and
historical upheavals. Two dimensions clearly emerge in this process.
First, we need to focus on the regional construction as distinct, but as a
part of wider holistic constructs of Indian society. Second, we need to
look at the significance of constructing a history based on actual folk
reality and actual documents, revealing the ongoing process of different
social groups of intra- and inter-relational levels.
Also, the time frame for defining ‘medieval’ needs an explanation.
For defining the period as medieval, there are no specific dates that
can be used for earmarking the beginning and end of the period, as
social and cultural histories cannot be defined by specific dates. But by
medieval India, I largely mean the India contemporaneous to the pre-
Sultanate and Sultanate, Mughal and post-Mughal period.Therefore, it
would approximately date from the eighth to the eighteenth centuries.
One of the most significant cultural legacies of around a thousand
years stretches in Indian history between the seventh and eighth centu-
ries and the eighteenth century. Medieval India, as it is constituted now,
is a large number of histories. The tripartite division of Indian history
based largely on dynastic history to the debate on feudalism with its
conceptualization of early medieval India, in some ways, expands the
temporal domain of medieval India, but more importantly, it empha-
sizes the search for transition in the socio-economic sphere. Important
and comprehensive developments during this period laid the foun-
dation of much that was to characterize medieval Indian social and
economic structures and to a large extent even state formation. The
1990s brought Indian historiography on the verge of another threshold
with emphasis on social and cultural profiles, power relations manifest
in everyday life within the family, interpersonal relationships, ideas
about gender, and the study of space and time in historical contexts.
Introduction xv
These problems by their very nature defy tight, temporal straitjack-

ets. Explanations along these lines may lead to a far more effective
questioning of the tripartite division than has hitherto been possible.
Also, historical changes are not uniform or identical in space and time.
Therefore, it not only requires us to re-examine our notions of peri-
odization, but it also does not allow any easy periodization. Transitions
often carried over features from one society to another. Therefore,
generalization about the nature of society in any given area is a very
complex matter. Hence, regional studies as well as studies covering
variations within the region are important.
The existing historiography regarding the social history of this
period and this region is extremely meagre. In fact, no work has been
done on the institution of marriage as such. There are some works
in which references have been made to marriage practices. As far as
the secondary sources are concerned, reference can be made to G.N.
Sharma’s Social Life in Medieval Rajasthan 1500–1800, the only modern
work where a broader study of the society of this region is attempted.
But his work is more of a simple portrayal of social life based on caste.
Besides, the author hardly throws any light on the middle and lower
castes. He has made some general statements, which are not empiri-
cally corroborated. Moreover, his account of marriage is quite sketchy
and therefore not very useful.
Shashi Arora’s Rajasthan mein Nari ki Stithi (1600–1800) is an
attempt to study the position of women of various sections of the
society. She has used copious archival data as corroborating evidence.
Despite this, she has tended to accept what G.N. Sharma has to say
and has not put forth any new concepts. She certainly has dealt with
marriage in a detailed manner, but only so far as it affected the position
of women, and does not go into the details of other aspects of the
institution of marriage.
Rekha Mishra’s Women in Mughal India 1526–1748 has also touched
on some aspects of marital alliances. Although she devotes one chapter
to the position of middle- and lower-class women, her main emphasis
is on the upper-caste women, and the information available to her is
not very satisfactory.
Another work on Rajasthan dealing somewhat with this aspect
is the book by Shanta Rani Sharma, Society and Culture in Rajasthan
c. 700–900. Her chapter, ‘Social Structure and Family, Marriage
xvi Introduction
and Position of Women’, although useful, follows more of a narrative

style and deals largely with the early medieval period.
The latest publication of Hembala Bhargav, Royalty, Feudalism and
Gender, as Portrayed by Foreign Travelers, does tackle the topic of mar-
riage in Chapter 2.This is merely a general survey of social institutions
and trends rather than a work of historical rigour based on sufficient
evidence. Chapter 3, ‘Gender and Status of Women’, follows the same
pattern. Although dealing largely with the eighteenth and nineteenth
centuries, it does not throw any new light on either marriage or the
status of women. Also, important issues such as sati and jauhar have just
been touched upon.
Here, it would not be out of place to go into the European writ-
ings on the history of marriage. History of marriage has long been
characterized by the great variety of approaches made to it. Why has
the study of the history of marriage become so popular in the West?
This results largely from the search for relevance in history. The rapid
and sensational changes in Western marriage customs and domestic
upheavals have turned historians to look at the past. This obviously
helps in putting the present world in perspective.
Social and cultural history plays the role of a master link between
the various elements in what is now a diverse discipline. We have long
been aware of the fascinating parallel studies of marriage by anthro-
pologists. In recent years, an eminent anthropologist Jack Goody has
brought these studies into the historical arena in his fundamental work,
The Development of Family and Marriage, in Europe.
From Mary Wollstonecraft onwards, one can discern a stream of
critical feminist writing, focusing successively on married women’s
property rights, access to divorce, and right to work and vote. Professor
Stone’s work, Family, Sex and Marriage in England 1500–1800 (London),
was a monumental work, vivid in style but with relative absence of
investigation.
The study of the history of marriage has been particularly illumi-
nated in two recent books by George Duby, Medieval Marriage and The
Knight, the Lady and the Priest. They are among the most influential
works of one of the best known social and economic historians. His
books are enchanting, full of rich and brilliantly presented evidence.
Of course, for the English and French historians, the evidence and
material is vaster and is almost readily available in a chronological order,
Introduction xvii
whereas, for us, the material is extremely scattered. But these limita-
tions can be turned into an advantage when one realizes that there is
sufficient material to turn scattered evidence into reconstructing some
orderly picture of the past.
The institution of marriage has to be viewed by examining such
things as the hallmark of medieval marriage. What were the political
and economic considerations and cultural determinants in the mar-
riage practices of our period, reflecting the style of life, behaviour,
norms, etiquette, and so on?
This work has been divided into five chapters in which I have tried
to deal with various significant aspects of marriage. In the first chapter,
a study has been made of the political and social structure of medieval
Rajasthan. Social and cultural history has to be related to the political
structure, as changes in polity lead to changes in society. I have handled
the phenomenon of emergence of Rajputs, as they have contributed
significantly to the distinctiveness of Rajasthan. Also, I have examined
how the emergence of the early Rajput clans led to the redefining
and reorganization of the political and social structure. State formation
being an ongoing process developed through distinct stages, and these
developments affected the social substructure of the region. Study of
these developments helps us understand the marriage network among
the clans.
The process of integration and transformation continued right up
to the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, with the possibility of the
resurgence of the erstwhile groups as well as their own kinsmen always
remaining. Besides, the rulers of various kingdoms also had to deal
with the Muslim rulers of Gujarat, Sultans of Delhi, and finally with
the Mughals, who conquered and conciliated them. To what extent
this altered the state structure has also been looked into. Whereas dur-
ing the early period of state formation, caste boundaries were quite
blurred, by the fifteenth–sixteenth centuries, caste distinctions acquired
importance both for marriage purposes and for systematization of
administration as reflected in the land revenue system.
A study of the caste structure of this region makes it clear that it
cannot be seen in terms of the fourfold varnas (castes). For the Rajputs,
it was the clan structure that was more significant and this governed
the marriage rules. Besides the Rajputs, the other dominant castes such
as Brahmins, Bhats, and Charans have been studied. The significance
xviii Introduction
of the role played by the trading community in this region throughout

the period has been examined. Role of other caste groups such as the
Jats and Kayasthas has also been examined and so has the role of the
tribals such as the Bhils and the Meenas. Ultimately, how the state
emerged stronger and started playing a significant role in maintaining
the caste boundaries of the society becomes evident.
In Chapter 2, ‘Socio-Political and Economic Aspects of Marriage’,
the motive behind marriage has been investigated, as this can change
from one historical period to another. This chapter largely pertains
to the elite and ruling class, for whom the motive behind marriage
was largely political. The political aspect of marriage was most pre-
dominant as compared to the socio-economic aspect. Throughout the
period we get examples of political marriages, although in the initial
period of state formation, when marriages were used for enlarging
one’s territory, ending enmity, and for increasing power and status, this
aspect was more evident. The reaction of women to such alliances, to
what extent familial relations were subordinated to political consider-
ations, and how such considerations led to the institutionalization of
the practice of polygamy have also been looked into. Also, we look into
how in a period of incessant warfare, the victor compelled the widows
and other women of the subjugated family to marry them—a way of
exercising power. How far did the notions of honour motivate matri-
monial alliances? What motivated the families to give their daughters
to the Muslim rulers despite the fact that by then they had started
adhering to strict caste endogamy? How did political marriages come
to play a significant role in the consolidation of Mughal rule? Lastly,
what was the degree of social acceptability of such marriages, and here
again the notion of honour played an important part in the degree of
opposition to the Mughal alliance. The major source that I have used
for this chapter is the Vat and Khyat (chronicles) which largely focuss
on the Rajputs.This has been done not by choice, but by the nature of
information available. Sources for the alternate castes are not available.
Despite the predominance of political motives, the rituals were
always observed. Chapter 3 has been divided into separate sections
under different headings such as ‘Interpretation of Marriage Rituals in
Medieval Rajasthan’. Under this, I have tried to examine how the cer-
emonies and rituals of marriage helped in maintaining the caste iden-
tity of the families, how the authority and superiority of a particular
Introduction xix
segment could be demonstrated through ceremonies and rituals on

such social occasions, and the continuities and additions to the mar-
riage samskars (lifestyles). An attempt has been made to look into the
rituals followed by various castes and also to analyse their significance.
Under the subheading of ‘Marriage Customs and Practices in
Medieval Rajasthan’, the significance of the engagement ceremony has
been looked into, such as notions of honour attached to it, especially
among the Rajputs, and how breaking of the engagement was per-
ceived by the people of different communities. I have also examined
the age of marriage in medieval Rajasthan, which has varied consider-
ably from period to period and caste to caste during the same period.
I have examined the concept of stridhan (gifts given to the bride)
and dowry and the effect these practices had on women in the subsec-
tion on ‘Dowry’. I have tried to understand the complexity of the mar-
riage gift in its historical perspective. What are the changes that have
occurred in the concept of dowry? What were the actual things given
as dowry, as it must have varied according to the status of the family?
Did the amount of dowry affect the status of the woman at her in-laws’
place? What happened in cases of inability to pay dowry? Why did
dowry keep gaining increasing popularity? Another significant aspect
that I have looked into is the tension and conflict that the payment of
dowry may have generated within the family of the bride, taking us
to the realm of interpersonal relationships. Besides this, the other cus-
toms and practices which have been examined, with special emphasis
on the ruling class (that is, Rajputs), are practices such as ‘hypergamy,
polygamy, and concubinage. What were the factors that were linked to
it and what were the various implications of such practices?
No work on the institution of marriage in Rajasthan would be
complete without reference to the practice of sati and widowhood
as, even today, Rajasthan continues to have the dubious reputation of
having cases of sati or bride burning. In Chapter 4, ‘Sati, Widowhood,
and Remarriage’, an attempt has been made to understand phenom-
ena like sati and jauhar in their historical context, as well as the much
talked about taboo on widow remarriages as these are seen as institu-
tional forms of women’s oppression. I have tried to locate sati in its
historical context, from the time of its earliest mention to its prac-
tice in our region during our period. What did the term sati denote?
How was the practice of sati in Rajasthan different from that in other
xx Introduction
regions? Which were the castes that practiced sati? Was it voluntary or
obligatory? Did it adhere to the ideal of sati savitri (a virtuous woman)
or were there other dimensions to it? An attempt has been made to
find out the actual political, social, economic, and religious factors
responsible for this rite. Examples of women becoming sati can be seen
throughout our period. What motivated these women to commit sati?
Were these individual acts or products of a sociocultural environment?
What kind of life did the widow lead during the medieval period? To
what extent was widow remarriage prevalent among various castes?
How did the state and society perceive remarriages? Did the widows
live like socially marginalized victims, as is made out in most works
of social anthropologists, or does the position of widows appear to be
any different from the general perception? What were the property
rights exercised by the widows, a crucial aspect in determining their
position?
In the last chapter, the study of marital and sexual morality in medi-
eval Rajasthan has been taken up. I have tried to show how sexuality
is defined by the society and culture. Was there was any religious phi-
losophy that marriages in medieval Rajasthan sought to convey? Was
there any moral or textual injunction that religion or the state upheld
for married men and women? What was the relationship between law
and social practice one of the ideal and the aberrant? How were the
marital disputes settled at that time? What were the legal and other
devices available, what was the extent to which it was resorted to and
the attitude with which it was viewed? What were the notions of
sexuality, marital and extramarital sex, and shame and honour? Besides
the case of fidelity between husband and wife, I have also looked into
the cases of domestic violence, rape, and incest. The cases of deviant
sexual behaviour were generally referred to as chamchori (deviant sexual
behaviour) and an attempt has been made to study cases of cham-
chori between same caste people, men of upper caste with lower caste
women, and vice versa; the reaction of the state in each case; the forms
of punishment meted out; and how the society perceived these acts.
EVALUATION OF SOURCE MATERIAL

In view of the availability of copious archival and literary material
it has been possible to throw light on the institution of marriage in
Introduction xxi
medieval Rajasthan. The emergence of archival records from the mid-

seventeenth century onwards for the first time, including sustained
village-level revenue data, has been very helpful in reconstructing the
history of the period. Of course there are several gaps that remain,
given the wide time frame and scope and nature of the work.Yet, it has
been possible, to some extent, to construct a picture of the institution
of marriage during our period.
The archival material consists of the ‘Byah Bahis’, which record
the marriage of Rajput princess and aristocracy of all the states of
Rajasthan except for Jaipur. The bahis maintained by the merchant
community also record the marriage practices. These Byah Bahis are
therefore important sources of direct evidence.The Kagad Bahis record
what was happening in the village and was reported to the state. Any
offence being committed in the villages including deviations from the
norms of marriage were reported.
The ‘Adsattas’ are a pargana-wise record of ledgers of receipts and
disbursements and basically provide all the information to the Diwan’s
office regarding the revenue realization from all sources in the par-
gana. They also give us information on the taxes realized by the state
on marriage and fines imposed in case marriage norms were flouted.
These documents throw immense light on the role of the state in
regulating social and marital norms.
The ‘Chithiyats’ are official letters, which contain information on
many matters including marriage negotiations and disputes. While
reporting disputes, the genesis of the dispute is also mentioned and,
hence, it is extremely useful in constructing a more detailed picture.
The ‘Sanad Parwana Bahi, Jodhpur’ contains official orders passed
on various matters reported to the state and they contain decisions on
important social issues including marriage. Whereas the ‘Adsattas’ give
us limited information, the ‘Sanad Parwana Bahis’ go into details of
these issues and we get a wider range of information. Jodhpur Rajya ki
Dastur Bahi, published and edited by Vikram Singh Rathore, is also rich
in information. This gives us a great deal of information on marriage
customs and practices.
Besides these archival documents, there are several works of lit-
erature, which can be used in order to reconstruct the history of the
period. But the use of literature as historical evidence is not safe unless
one has meditated a little on their nature and purpose and studied their
xxii Introduction
status as documents and evidence. Hence, it is imperative to evaluate

and examine the nature of the literary evidence used.
Literature, whether written or oral, when used as a historical source,
may not provide what some historians tend to call ‘hard facts’. But
these sources do illumine our perspectives and historical assumptions.
The texts carry the perceptions of the past and of their authors, and
these perceptions frequently indicate contemporary concerns. Analyses
of these sources are likely to provide the kind of insights into social
history that may enable us to understand our past and, therefore, our
present better.
The literary source that I have used to the greatest extent is the
Khyat of Muhnot Nainsi.1 The Khyat, though not purely a literary
source, is a part of historical narratives. Writing of the Khyat has been
an old tradition in Rajasthan. Seeing that the Mughal emperors used to
get their tawarikh (histories) written, the Rajput rulers also introduced
the task of Khyat writing. Very soon, most rulers had Khyats written
under their patronage but some Khyat-kars did write of their own
inspiration, but the number of such Khyats was few. Fortunately, many
historians edited the Khyats and made our task easier.
Also, historians have generally been sceptical about genealogies and
have rightly maintained that they are not to be taken literally unless
there is other evidence to support them. Nevertheless, medieval studies
of genealogies indicate that genealogical patterns can be read as way
of representing society. Genealogies record social forms. They assume
importance at times of historical change and are often used to legiti-
mize the present.2
The writings of Muhnot Nainsi are considered to be the first among
the historical works of Rajasthan. His works are unique, and although
he followed the line of Abul Fazal, his treatment of the historical events
and the policies of the rulers is more objective than that of Abul Fazal.
Besides narrating the dynastic histories of all the ruling Rajput families
1 Muhta Nainsi, Nainsiri Khyat, ed. Badri Prasad Sakariya, 3 Vols. (Jodhpur:
Rajasthan Oriental Research Institute, 1984). The Khyat was first published
in 1962.
2 Romila Thapar, ‘Clan, Caste and Origin Myths in Early India’, Nihar
Ranjan Ray Memorial Lecture, Indian Institute of Advanced Study, Simla.

(New Delhi: Manohar Publications, 1992), p. 5.
Introduction xxiii
of medieval Rajput states since their origin, his Khyat contains valuable
information about the social structure and polity of the seventeenth-
century Rajput states of Rajasthan.
Nainsi rose to the position of pradhan (village official) in 1658. But he
was less remembered as an able administrator and more for the texts he
penned. These are known as Munhot-Nainsi ri Khyat (completed 1665)
and Marwar-ra-Pargana-ri-Vigat. In fact, the Khyat is an unparalleled text
in throwing light on the royalty of Rajasthan. In the Khyat, Nainsi has
given sometimes detailed and sometimes summarized description of
Mewar, Dungarpur, Banswara, Devaliya (Pratapgarh), Marwar, Bundi,
Jaisalmer, and Sirohi, and of the Rajput families associated with them.
Out of these, the post-fourteenth century descriptions are more reli-
able than that of the earlier period. But as far as the Rathore clan
of Jodhpur is concerned, it neither gives a chronological history nor
does it throw light on all rulers. But this is done in the Vigat (literary
account of the past, a kind of a gazetteer).
There was also a tradition of writing Vigat in Marwar. The first
work of this nature, Marwar ra Pargana ri Vigat, was written by Muhnot
Nainsi in the latter half of the seventeenth century during the reign
of Raja Jaswant Singh. There is no doubt that this work was written
on the pattern of Ain-i-Akbari. Besides recording a systematic pargana-
wise account of Marwar, he gives details of the history of their ruling
families. As the Khyat does not provide complete chronological his-
tory of Jodhpur, this lacuna is more than made up by the informa-
tion provided in the Marwar ra Pargana ri Vigat in three volumes—an
incomparable piece of work. It is a gazetteer of Rajasthan in which
details of various villages in a pargana are given in such a way that it is
not available even in a modern gazetteer. The geographical, historical,
economic, and political and social information that we find here is not
only useful from a historical perspective but is also helpful in the study
of several modern problems.
As drawn extensively from the Khyat and Vigat, I feel it necessary
to provide some more details about Nainsi and the perspective with
which he has written his work. Nainsi was the Diwan of Jaswant Singh,
who was a contemporary of Shah Jahan. Nainsi’s father Jaimal was also
an important official during the time of Gaj Singh. Jaimal too reached
the rank of Diwan and it is possible that besides his own experience
Nainsi derived information from his father.The three volumes of Khyat
xxiv Introduction
cover a period between eighth and seventeenth centuries, almost the

entire period that I have taken up for study. Covering such a vast time
frame means that considerable part of the work must partly be based
on hearsay and partly on experience. But the salvaging factor is that
Nainsi is very clear about the information that he gives, whether it is
hearsay, parampara (tradition), or historical fact.
Also, Nainsi wrote for self-satisfaction rather than royal patronage,
therefore, to a large degree, the information that he gives us is objec-
tive. He does not hesitate to uncover or highlight the dark facts of
Rajput life either. We must remember that when Abul Fazal wrote his
text, he had several texts at his disposal from where he could study and
write, whereas Nainsi was largely busy with administrative tasks.
The Khyats of Nainsi are extremely significant as they describe
numerous incidents pertaining to the Rajput elite family. Besides,
there is also discussion on the political activities in the Khyats. There
is information on polygamy among the rulers, the rivalry between
co-wives, on sati and widow remarriage, and even on sexual morality.
Although Nainsi basically confined himself to the Rajput aristocracy
and their customs and practices, he does give reasonable information
about the other sections of the society. In fact, his Khyat is in the form
of a catalogue, and it is for us to analyse his narrative.
Another important source is the ‘Report Mardumshumari’, which
is an official compilation of customs and practices prevalent among
various castes and communities, including the tribals, who were resid-
ing in Marwar. This was written in the beginning of nineteenth cen-
tury. Although it is not contemporary, it has very useful and reliable
information on various customs and practices followed by each and
every caste residing in the state of Marwar. It also contains plenty of
information on nata and gharecha (remarriages).
James Tod, the first British agent appointed to Mewar, towards which
he was favourably inclined, is known as the chronicler of Rajput history,
but it is the Mewar interpretation of Rajput–Mughal relationship that is
reflected in his monumental volumes, Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan.
Tod’s account of the legend of Rana Pratap reflects the literary sources
and oral traditions current in Mewar in the early nineteenth century.
The Annals contain a stringent denunciation of those Rajputs who
bartered away their daughters and their ‘honour’ for Mughal power
and wealth. Rana Pratap by contrast is glorified for his refusal in the
Introduction xxv
face of adversity or temptation to sacrifice the independence of Mewar

or to submit to the degradation of uniting his family to the Tarter.
The intensity of the moral feeling in Mewar had come to be associ-
ated with the issue of Mughal Rajput marriages as well, reflecting in
Tod’s gloating account of Mewar’s renewal of marriage alliances with
Jodhpur and Amber.3
It is ironic that ever since their publication in 1829–32,Tod’s Annals
which were translated into Hindi in 1925 and are very widely known
in Rajasthan, have been regarded as a primary source concerning ques-
tion of Rajput history and tradition. However, the pervasive inaccuracy
of Tod’s historical account usually is not recognized, nor is the Mewar
orientation of the Annals generally perceived as such. The continued
influence of the Annals is a major factor shaping twentieth-century
Rajput attitude towards the Mughal–Rajput marriage alliances.
The Mewar tradition also shapes the writing of Vir Vinod by
Shyamaldas, often termed as the first modern historian of Rajasthan,
for its use of contemporary documents.4 However, Shyamaldas was also
an official in the Mewar court and he tried his best to get information
from other Rajput states. He also drew heavily (and uncritically) from
the literary sources, and incorporated the legend of Rana Pratap and
similar material extensively into his volumes. Shyamaldas’s discussion
of Mughal–Rajput marriages is defensive and not entirely consistent.
So long as the Rajputs and those who identify with them consider
events of sixteenth century to have a direct bearing on their own
standing, and so long as the marriage of their daughters to Muslims is
seen as dishonourable, the successful diplomacy of the Amber, Bikaner,
or Jodhpur Rajas, who were Akbar’s contemporaries, is likely to have
few modern Rajput defenders, even among the direct descendents
of Rajasthan. In such circumstances, a dispassionate examination and
interpretation of the historical record is difficult.The facts are grounded
too firmly to be denied entirely, but no matter how extensive the doc-
umentation, there still will be many who regard the Mughal–Rajput
marriage alliances as shameful skeletons in the closet of Rajput history
3 James Tod, Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, vol. 1–2 (New Delhi: Rupa
and Company, 1997), pp. 264–5, pp. 26–7. Henceforth Annals.
4 Rajkavi Shyamaldas, Vir Vinod—Mewar ka Itihas, 2 Vols, Udaipur
Rajantralaya,V.S. 1943/1886. Subsequently published in Delhi in 1986.

xxvi Introduction
to be shut away and forgotten.5 But relying too heavily on these liter-
ary texts would invariably limit the reconstruction of the past, as these
literary texts largely give us information about the politically dominant
class. Also, these texts contribute largely to the invisibility of women
which is now increasingly concerning historians.
The Rajwadi Lokgeet, edited by Laxmi Kumari Chundawat, besides
throwing light on contemporary social situation and feudal culture,
also gives voice to women. In fact, the sentiments highlighted through
these songs have not been understood by historians and littérateurs.
As an illustration, one can take up the story of Roothi Rani Umade
Bhatiani, daughter of Rao Loonkaran of Jaisalmer, who was married
to Rao Maldev of Jodhpur.Throughout her married life, she remained
aloof from her husband as she was upset over something, and this was
perceived as a matter of honour and Rajput pride. Nobody under-
stood her anguish, which is brought out in songs when she gives
message to other women: ‘[S]isters, please don’t bear grudges against
your husband for so long. I remained unhappy with my lover and all
my life my heart burnt, compared to this the fire of the funeral pyre
is cool.’ These lines were spoken when she was committing sati for
her husband.6
Rajasthan Vat Sangrah, which is a purely literary source, draws our
attention to the Rajasthani environment.The Vat reflects the life of the
people of North Rajasthan and Gujarat. Its special importance lies in
the fact that it sheds light on the social history of the region. We can
get a picture of the period earlier than eighteenth century in which
political, social, religious, and economic matters have been described.
Another significant fact about the information provided by the Vat
is that it does not contain any communal bias; if there were any battles,
the reasons were purely political and whoever participated in the
battle fought for their master and not in the name of any community.
The feudal culture, the valorization of certain values, the attitude of
5 Frances H. Taft, ‘Honour and Alliance: Reconsidering Mughal Rajput
Marriages’, in Idea of Rajasthan, Explorations in Regional Identity, vol. 2, ed. Karine

Schomer, Erdman, Joan L. Deryck O’ Lodrick, and Rudolph Llyod (New Delhi:
Manohar Publications, American Institute of Indian Studies, 1994), pp. 232–3.
6 Laxmi Kumari Chundawat, Rajwadi Lokgeet (Jaipur: Sheetal Printers,
1985), p. 9.
Introduction xxvii
avenging their honour, all these are reflected in the marriage practices
of the Rajputs. Of course the Vat largely gives information on the
Rajputs, but we also get information on the life of the Mahajans and
the Charans who had a very significant relationship with the Rajputs
and played an important part in the construction of Rajput society.7
I have also gone into the local sayings, that is, Rajasthani Kahawate.
Although one cannot situate the sayings and proverbs in a specific time
frame, they remain extremely significant as they give us an idea of a
specific region, its people, traditions and customs, and ideals and social
organization.
Besides these, there is also the folklore or folk literature, which
help us to join the past with the present. RajasthanVirgatamak Pavarhe
Sarachana Ewam Lok Parampara by Usha Kasturiya mirrors the culture
of that period and region. The main stream in the story is average
incidents and traditions. Any one historical event can absorb many
geographical local and cultural changes and then reach its present
shape. What in England can be called folklore can be called lokvarta in
Rajasthan. Lokvarta, however, is clearer in the picture it presents and
is more emotive.
In fact, the Pavarhes can somewhat be compared to the English ballad,
basically meaning songs that were sung along with dancing. Pavarhes
can also be sung but their story line is not simple and has several stories
strung together, therefore they are lengthy. In fact, some Pavarhes are
so long that they are even called Lok Mahakavya. The main points of
the Pavarhes are historical and because it was a part of oral tradition,
some historical facts were added on to it. When dealing with women,
centrality is given to her satitva (loyalty to her husband). Most of the
stories revolve around sacrifices made by the women. The newly-wed
wife of Galalang, Gogaji’s wife Kelamde, and Sultan’s wife Nehalde
are unforgettable characters. In fact, the story of Sultan and Nehalde
belongs to the fourteenth century when Muslim names became preva-
lent among the Hindus and are all mentioned in the Pavarhe. The new
sources and the reinterpretation of the old has enabled us to know
about the marriage practices of a wider social group.
7 Manohar Sharma and Shri Lal Nathmalji Joshi (ed.), Rajasthan Vat
Sangrah (Sahitya Academy, 1984), p. 12.

1 Political and Social Structure of
Medieval Rajasthan
To understand the social and political structure of medieval Rajasthan

in all its uniqueness, one needs to begin by studying its geographical
features and how they affected the historical development and the evo-
lution of its political structure.We are so familiar with Rajasthan as the
name of a state, with distinct boundaries going back through British
Rajputana to the Mughal Suba of Ajmer, that we tend to forget that
it does not make a natural geographical region. In fact, differences in
geographical features give rise to variation in the human organization
which became significant historically.
As far as the geographical features are concerned, the most striking
feature of Rajasthan is the Arawali range of hills, which running from
northeast to southwest divides it into two distinct natural regions. To
its west and northwest lie Bikaner, Jaisalmer, Marwar, and Shekhawati
region of the former Jaipur state—mostly arid and sandy. On the east
and southeast are the alluvial plains and the plateau region covering
Mewar, Kota, Bundi, and Jaipur excluding Shekhawati. To the west of
the Arawali are deserts and to its east the plateau region spreads from
Chittor to Bijolia, Mandalgharh, Bundi, and Kota. Locally known as
the Uparmal, this area is comparatively well watered and fertile with
black soil on the flat hilltop.
This distinctive feature of Rajasthan exercised profound influence
on its history. The arid and dreary desert served as an effective obstacle
to invasions from the western side. The inaccessible hills and sands
provided a means of defence, which was lacking in the plains. But the
region east of the Arawalis was easily approachable and with no natural
The Politics of Marriage in Medieval India: Gender and Alliance in Rajasthan.

Sabita Singh, Oxford University Press (2019). © Oxford University Press.
DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780199491452.003.0001
2 The Politics of Marriage in Medieval India
barriers standing on the way, it fell successively under the sphere of

Saka, Kusana, and Gupta political influence, which can be seen in the
terracotta sculptures of Rajasthan. The resistance put up by the Rajput
rulers against the rulers of Delhi was possible as much to the nature
of the land they inhabited as their fighting capabilities. The secluded
mountain areas also enabled the Bhils and Mers to survive and retain
their distinctive culture. It might be relevant at this point to recon-
sider the established notion of isolation of Rajasthan because of its
harsh climatic and geographic realities imposed by the vast Thar desert.
Rajasthan has long been viewed as providing a safe refuge in the face of
invasions, but this is only one truth. That it was an isolated backwater
needs to be examined, as the imperial Gurjara Pratihara began from
Bhilmala and Jalor, both in the arid part of Rajasthan, before spreading
out to make the ancient city of Kanauj its capital.
Many features commonly identified with Rajasthan today are present
over more extensive areas of north and west India. Although it was in
Rajasthan that the Rajputs first appeared on the Indian scene during
the early medieval period, they rapidly extended their political control,
over much of North India in the following centuries.Yet, it is Rajasthan
which is consistently identified with Rajputs and Rajput ethos.
Deeply set in the minds of historians of all hues is the association
of medieval Rajasthan with the Rajputs. This is so deeply set indeed
that one tends to forget that the earliest reference to the Rajputra, in
a sense other than that of a prince, comes not from the records of
Rajasthan, but occurs in the Bakhshali manuscript (seventh century)
from North West Frontier Province, in the sense of mercenary soldier
and as Irfan Habib points out in the Chachnama (eighth century) of
Sind, in the sense of an elite horsemen.1 There is no proof, therefore,
that Rajasthan was the fountainhead of these ‘knights of Indian feudal-
ism’ in spite of the legendary sacrifice at Abu from which various clans
of the Rajputs are said to have sprung.2
The second misconception arises out of a tendency to treat the
Rajputs as a homogeneous race or community. Hence, the suppositions
1 Irfan Habib, ‘The Peasant in Indian History’, PIHC, 43rd Session, (1982),
p. 23.
2S.P. Gupta, ‘Reconstructing the Political and Economic Profile of
Rajasthan’, PIHC, 55th Session, (1994), p. 162.
Political and Social Structure of Medieval Rajasthan 3
of their foreign origin—from the Hun (V.A. Smith) of Khazars (D.R.

Bhandarkar) and inevitably from Vedic Aryans (C.V. Vadiya). If D.
Sharma eschews the attraction of blue-blooded ancestry, he evokes
modern nationalism by alleging that Brahmins like Chahamanas and
other non-Kshatriyas, forced by the Arab invasion, came together aban-
doning their own varna professions to willingly shoulder the Kshatriya
duty of fighting for the land as well as their people and culture.3 For
this view to be sustained, it becomes important to attribute an exag-
gerated gravity to the threat from Arab-ruled Sind, a picture not at
all sustained by any serious study of sources relating to Arab power in
Sind.4
Rajput states have either been viewed as mere dynastic houses with
endless military achievements or as post-tribal feudal states,5 or as a
number of small kingdoms. G.D. Sharma’s, Rajput Polity provides a
detailed analysis of the historical process of emergence of Rathore
polity in the Marwar region. It highlighted the shift from the bhai-bant
(distribution of land among kinsmen), that is, the principle governing
the Rathore polity till Maldeo to the system of pattadari (system of
assigning revenue or land) for fixing the service obligations towards the
clan chief. It shattered the myth of an egalitarian clan structure fostered
by James Tod by tracing the swing towards hierarchical principles in
Rajput polity. It also showed that the degree of Mughal control on the
ancestral domains of the Rajput chief was considerable, implying that
they were less autonomous than envisaged hitherto.6
In order to understand the political structure of Rajasthan, one has
to go into how state formation took place. One finds the political
and social structure going through intensive historical changes through
time, before finally being integrated. Therefore, the nature and the role
of the state also kept varying. The reconstruction of medieval Indian
political structures have broadly followed three lines of enquiry—
‘feudal’ polity, ‘segmentary’ state, and ‘integrative’ polity.
3 This perspective is evident in the writings of D. Sharma (1966) and S.R.
Sharma (1996).
4 Gupta, ‘Reconstructing the Political and Economic Profile of Rajasthan’,
p. 162.
5 Tod, Annals, vol. 1, pp. 107–71.
6 G.D. Sharma, Rajput Polity, A Study of Polities and Administration of the
State of Marwar,1638–1749 (New Delhi: Manohar Publication, 1977), pp. 1–5.

The feudal model has been perceived as a highly decentralized and

fragmented political structure in the post-Gupta period.The multiplic-
ity of regional powers and the absence of power of pan-Indian stat-
ure have been explained as a part of feudal social formation. A major
departure from the above formulation was offered through the applica-
tion of the idea of ‘integrative polity’ to the study of state formation
and structure, essentially looking at the model of state formation as
processual.7
Kulke questioned the very basis of political decentralization of
the post-Gupta period, which fails to explain the growth of the great
regional kingdoms and long duration of the rule in certain cases. He
rightly observed that the period of decentralization in northern India
coincided with a very intensive process of state formation on the local,
sub regional, and regional level in some parts of Northern India, in
many parts of Central India, and in most parts of South India.
It was B.D. Chattopadhyaya who noted the two basis of state for-
mation in early medieval India, illuminating the composition of the
so-called feudatories. The emergence of the overlord or feudatory
had its basis mostly in the lineage power of the local ruling elites, the
transformation of the lineage into regional power was through the
command of the military resources and other forms of support from
other lineages.
Secondly and more significantly the command of military resources
and allegiance not only required a redistribution of resources, but also
called for a system of ranking, which was based on service and ranks
in the Samanta hierarchy.The political basis of integration was brought
about by the inter lineage and intra lineage network of power. These
political processes operated simultaneously with parallel contemporary
economic, social, and religious processes.8
The important characteristics of political development of early
medieval India was reflected in the exaggerated genealogies of the
small kingdoms which find parallel in inflated claims of origin made
7 Herman Kulke, ‘Fragmentation and Segmentation versus Integration?
Reflections on the Concept of Indian Feudalism and the Segmentry State in

Indian History’, Studies in History,Vol. 4, No. 2 (1982), pp. 237–63.
8 B.D. Chattopadhyaya, Making of Early Medieval India (New Delhi: Oxford
University Press, 1994), p. 204.

by the different Rajput royal houses. In fact, mighty claims by the

Rajput ruling families may be seen as an attempt to get away from the
actual origin rather than reveal it. The new social groups continued to
seek various symbols for legitimization of their newly acquired power.
After all, category of Rajputs such as other varna categories have been
assimilative in time and space.9
In early medieval period the continuing process of formations of
Rajput clans was through the acquisition of political power. Apart from
the subdivision of major clans, the emergence of various minor clans
was another important aspect of the proliferation of the Rajputs. All
these clans were drawn up into Rajput political network in a variety
of ways.
The bardic chronicles of Marwar state that Dharanivaraha of the
Parmara dynasty of Abu made himself master of the Navkot Marwar
which he divided among his nine brothers later—Mandover to
one brother, Ajmer to the second, and so on. The Chahamans of
Shakambhari branched off into Chahmans of Nadol, Jalore, Satyapura,
and Abu. During the five centuries of their rule, they exercised control
over a vast region in West Rajasthan and Gujarat. Mandover, the capital
of the Parihar was the chief city of Marwar. The Rathore emigrant of
Kannauj found asylum with the Parihars. They repaid it by treachery
and Chuda, a name celebrated in the Rathore annals who dispossessed
the last of Parihars and pitched the flag of Rathore in Mandovar.10
The post tenth-century scene in central and western India saw the
rise of numerous powers, who claimed to be Rajputs and many of
whom were feudatories of the Gurjaras and Pratiharas.The emergence
of these Rajput families is linked with an increase in land grants and
consequent new land relationships. They were also the production of
fusion of foreign and local elements. The different Rajput clans con-
structed their fortresses on a large scale, which was a symbol of their
power. Inter-clan marriages amongst some of these Rajput families led
to social and political implications.
9 B.D. Chattopadhyaya, ‘Emergence of the Rajput as Historical Process in

Early Medieval Rajasthan’. In Idea of Rajasthan, vol. 2, eds Karine Schomer,
Joan L. Erdman, Deryck O Lodrick, Llyod I. Rudolph (Manohar Publications,
American Institute of Indian Studies, 1994), p. 162.
10 Tod, Annals, vol. 1, p. 84.
Colonization of new areas was another way of consolidating their

power and this is evident in the expansion of a number of settlements.
These settlements were acquired by means of organized military
strength. Territorial expansion was accomplished in some areas at the
expense of tribal settlements. For example, Mandor Partihar Kakkuk is
said to have resettled a place, which was terrible and inhabited by the
Abhiras.11
The bardic tradition also suggests that the Guhila kingdom in
South Rajasthan succeeded the earlier tribal chiefdom of the Bhils.
The Guhilas took Mewar from the Bhil chief named Kherwo, and had
been in possession of it for 20 generations, when they were expelled by
Rathores at the end of twelfth century.They migrated to Saurashtra and
settled at Perengarh, one branch settled a Buguna whose Chief mar-
ried the daughter of Nadode and usurped his father-in-law’s estate.12
In spite of the few developments which may have been peculiar to
West India, the rise and emergence of the Rajputs should be seen in
the context of the main political process characterizing early medieval
India, that is, the phenomena of state formation. Also, there are some
recent works, which highlight among other things the importance of
the study of those state processes of regional state formation, which go
beyond the twelfth century.13
Studying the process of state formation in Mewar from seventh to fif-
teenth century, Nandini Sinha Kapoor has shown how the Guhila state
of Mewar developed in distinct stages—local state to sub regional state
of Mewar hills in the tenth century, graduating into the regional state
of Mewar by the thirteenth century. The banner of Guhila royal fam-
ily carved out a state structure through gradual territorial integration,
incorporation of local and trans-local chiefs from non-Guhila Rajput
lineages (the term lineage is used in the sense of vamsa (genealogy)) as
well as Guhila royal families, along with a growing material base.
New heights in territorial achievements and political growth were
reflected in new claims to prestigious origin, which validated Guhila
11 Chattopadhyaya, ‘Emergence of the Rajputs as Historical Process in
Early Medieval Rajasthan’, p. 164.

13 Nandini Sinha Kapoor, State Formation in Rajasthan, Mewar during the
Seventh-Fifteenth Centuries (New Delhi: Manohar Publications, 2002).

power through a variety of motifs.Thus, the Guhilas of Mewar were not

dynastic entities alone, nor was the Guhila state a breakaway feudatory
power of Pratihara. Neither did it represent a decentralized political
structure, feudal or bhai-bant. Through the process of incorporation,
the Guhila state grew into the royal state of Mewar. Many local tradi-
tions and tales, as well as genealogical tables refer to the overthrow of
numerous indigenous chiefs and rulers, usually Bhils or Meenas, or
sometimes Mers, by different dynasty founding non-Kshatriya clans;
the latter are generally described as having entered territories or tracts
hitherto unfamiliar to them as either refugees or invaders, but quickly
established their own domination over these territories. As their tradi-
tional land was wrested from them, these Bhil or Meena groups either
retired to inaccessible sanctuaries within the thickly forested hill, or
came to some kind of an understanding with incoming people.
How kingdoms were carved out by appropriating land from the
local tribals can be seen from various examples. Rao Asthanji, after the
death of his father Sihoji, was living with his maternal grandparents.
Later he left them and went to Pali in Marwar, an area ruled by Kanha
Mer who used to trouble the people of that area and any woman who
was to get married would forcefully be kept in his palace for three
days. Asthanji noticed a Brahmin’s daughter who was past marriageable
age, yet unmarried. When the Brahmin explained the reason, Asthanji
suggested that he get his daughter married and when the Mer tried
to use force, he was attacked by Asthanji. He killed Kanha Mer and
appropriated 84 villages in Pali. Then he appropriated 84 villages of
another nearby place called Bhadrajun, followed by the acquisition of
the ancient city of Khed from the Guhilas.14
Appropriating territory from the Mers can also be seen in the case of
the movement of the Chauhans, which was from Ahichha Chatrapura
to Jungaldesha (Shakambhari) which as the name indicates was an
inhospitable area. A tenth century record reads that Laxman, of the
Shakambhari Chahman lineage, started with few followers and fought
against Mers who had been terrifying the people around Naddula with
their freebooting raids. It so pleased the Brahmin masters of the area
that they appointed him the guard of the towns. Gradually Laxman
14Badri Prasad Sakariya, MNK, vol. 2 (Jodhpur: Rajasthan Oriental

Research, 1984), p. 277.
built up a small band of troopers and suppressed the Mer in their own
territory. The Mers agreed to keep off from the village, paying tribute
to Laxman. He became the master of 2,000 houses and extended his
dominions at ease and built a great palace in Nadol.15 The Chauhan
kingdom of Nadol known as Saptsate is said to have been made into
Saptashasrikadesha by a Chauhan chief who killed chiefs of the bound-
aries of his kingdom and annexed their villages.
Similar process can be seen in the formation of many other states. In
the tenth century, a branch of the Kachwahas emigrated and founded
Amber, dispossessing the aborigines—the Meenas—and adding from
the Badgujar tribe who held Rajare and large possessions around it.
The Kachwaha Sorah Deva occupied the territory of Dhundhar. But
even in the twelfth century, the Kachwahas were the principal vassal
of the Chauhan kings of Delhi and according to Tod they have to date
their greatness from the ascent of the house of Timur to the throne of
Delhi.16
Wresting of power from the tribals was an ongoing process as
Mewar was bounded on three sides by the tribes of Bhils, Mers, and
Meenas.17 Raimal of Mewar succeeded in 1474. One of his sons,
Prithviraj occupied Nadol.The Meenas were the aboriginal proprietor
of all these regions, and according to Tod the Rajputs were interlopers
and conquerors.18 This is the same Prithviraj who was poisoned by
his brother-in-law of Abu, whom he had punished for maltreating his
sister.
Other such examples can be seen in the case of Bikaner, which
held a secondary status amongst the principalities of Rajputana. It was
an offset of Marwar, its princes being scions of the house of Jodha. In
1459, the year in which Jodha transferred the seat of government from
Mundore to Jodhpur, his son Bika, wanting to enlarge the boundaries
of Rathore dominion, fell upon the Sankhlas of Jangloo and massa-
cred them. This exploit brought him in contact with the Bhattis of
Pungan, the chief of which gave his daughter in marriage to Bika.

Bika then approximated to the settlements of the Jats who constituted

a vast majority of the peasants of western Rajwada. The spot that he
selected for his capital was the birthright of a Jat, who conceded it on
the condition that his name should be linked in perpetuity with its
surrender. Nera was the name of the proprietor, which Bika added to
his own, thus founding the future capital Bikaner (1489).19 Political
authority of a lineage could even be brought about by simply replac-
ing one lineage by another as is evident in the case of Chahmans of
Jalore, a splinter line of Nadol Chahman branch. Kirtipal, son of Nadol
Chahman Alhana, was dissatisfied with the share of land assigned to
him. A man of ambition, he found that the situation in Mewar offered
an advantage for an invader. Having failed there, he made his way into
the region, which was ruled by the Parmars. He attacked Jalore, their
capital, and made it the capital of his new kingdom.
There is yet another version of purely bardic origin and partisan to
the Candella.This is the epic poem,‘Alhakhanda’, which remained part
of the oral tradition until it was recorded in the eighteenth century.
The Candella family, ruling a much reduced kingdom, is assumed to be
of lower caste and were closely linked to the Ahirs in various ways.The
Ahirs, also claiming to be Yadu Vamsis, were nevertheless regarded as
lower than the Rajput in the caste hierarchy. They were cattle keepers
and not unfamiliar with raids. The description of royal activities is not
only more realistic but also brings the events down to ground level
as it were.20 Thus, the formation of lineage power evolved through
multiple channels and processes which were not compartmentalized
and they interacted with one another. Starting from the local agrarian
base, a lineage could in course of time emerge as a big regional power.
The two major developments which appear to have made Rajasthan
unique as the home par excellence of the Rajputs, was the emergence
of Mewar in the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries, and of Marwar
in the mid-sixteenth century as the dominating powers of the area.
Neither the Sisodias nor the Rathores were fugitives of the Hindustan
plane. The area of Rajasthan that they brought under themselves was
only a small part of the ‘recovered’ territory. Most areas, as far as their
own clan was concerned, were conquered by them for the first time,

20 Thapar, ‘Clan, Caste and Origin Myths in Early India’, pp. 15–16.
often from other clans.The long struggle between Bhattis and Rathores
is one instance of such a conflict. It is in this phase that the essential of
the Rajput state, as we come to know them in Mughal time, began to
be shaped.21
It is this kind of state formation that became a precursor of the
political identity of Rajasthan which has been highlighted by Deryck
O’ Lodrick. Lodrick has highlighted the contributory role of the
Rajputs and Rajput ethos that helped Rajasthan develop its own polit-
ical identity between the thirteenth and sixteenth century. Although
the historical presence of the Rajputs has contributed significantly to
the distinctiveness of Rajasthan, yet their importance is hardly discern-
ible from the numerical measure of their strength in the state. In total,
the Rajputs rank fifth in Rajasthan after Jats, Brahmins, Chamars, and
Bhils.22 The contribution of Rajputs to Rajasthani life extends beyond
their social and political histories. They form a dominating influence
in Rajasthan’s history and society.
B.D. Chattopadhyaya’s approach in treating the emergence of the
Rajputs as an interconnected political, economic, and social process
is quite convincing. He argues that the miscellaneous origin (mixed
caste) of Rajputs and the criteria for inclusion in the list of Rajput
clans were provided by the contemporary status of a clan (in terms
of degree of rural control). These clans in turn reached this Rajput
eligibility status either by colonizing the lands with potential subor-
dinate peasants or by wresting tribal areas. Examples of movement
of expansions are found in the cases of Guhilas and Chahamans.23
Acquisition of political power was done by force or through upward
mobility. Apart from the fact that the Rajputras are mentioned in
certain sources as of mixed caste, the evidence relating to the Mers
and Hunas and their inclusion in the Rajput clan structure suggests
21Gupta,‘Reconstructing the Political and Economic Profile of Rajasthan’,

pp. 163–4.
22 Deryck O’ Lodrick, ‘Rajasthan as a Region, Myth or Reality?’, In The
Idea of Rajasthan, Explorations in Regional Identities,Vol. 1, eds Karine Schomer,

Joan L. Erdman, and Llyod I. Rudolph (Manohar Publications, American
Institute of Indian Studies, 1994), p. 18.

historical stages in which the Rajput clan structure came to be

developed.
One feature, the incidence of which in this period appears to have
been higher in Rajasthan than elsewhere, was the distribution of land
among the royal kinsmen. This feature appears to have represented a
process, which developed gradually and was associated in particular
with spread of one clan, the Chahmans. From the tenth century, there
are evidences of the distribution of the land among the members of
Chahmans ruling lineage.
King Simharaj, his brother Vatsraj and Vigraj and his brothers
Chandraj and Govindraj had their own personal states. In the areas
held by the Chahmans of Nadol, assignments called Grasa (land assign-
ment), Bhumi (land), or Bhukti (person who has ownership rights to the
land) were held by the king, the crown prince, other sons of the king,
queens, and so on. The incidents of these assignments were higher in
Rajasthan than in other parts. This feature apparently represented pro-
cesses, which gradually developed and was associated with the spread
of the clan. The process of land distribution among the members of
the ruling clan, led to the emergence of a well-known class of chiefs
by the latter part of the fourteenth century leading to crystallization
of the Rajput polity. The early phase of Rajput ascendancy also coin-
cided with the construction of fortresses on a large scale. Thus, along
with the assignment, the construction of fortified settlements in large
numbers could be seen as part of the process of consolidation of their
position by the ruling clans.
While the process of state formation involved the dispossession of
several erstwhile ruling or autonomous groups, it was also followed by
a systematic campaign to destroy the economic base of these groups.
Under the policies of the new administration, the people of these
groups lost their hereditary superior rights and were reduced to the
position of middle- and low-level peasant proprietors. It was not only
the Mers, Meenas, and other tribal groups that were displaced, but also
other Rajput clans that were defeated and subjugated. While some of
them reconciled to this historical process and became collaborators
in the establishment of Rajput power, contemporary literature reveals
that some of the defeated groups could not reconcile themselves to
their new degraded status and from time to time rebelled against the
imposition of taxes and exploitation of superior classes. The records
with reference to fasadi (rebellious areas), zortalabi (rebellious), and bagi

(rebellious) are quite illustrative both in official and non-official lan-
guage and scripts.24
In order to facilitate the smooth functioning of the administrative
machinery, the king and his advisors placed a team of intermediaries
who could help them not only in running the affairs of the state, but
also to work as a link between the ruler and his people. The adminis-
tration broadly followed the policy of three different courses to deal
with various sections of the society, including the Rajputs. The first
course was related to the question of rights and privileges of the people
of the erstwhile Rajput ruling family.25
Clan was the most important social institution in the continuation
of one dynasty. When a dynasty occupied a territory, they involved a
specific political system based on kinship ties. Thus, polity and kinship
system were intertwined which led to the empowerment of familial
ties. The structure was hierarchical and got institutionalized with the
passage of time. At the top was the ruler, then came the thikanedars
(nobles) who were his brethren or sagas and then came the jagirdars.
There was a well-defined mode and pattern of relationship among
them.
The fact that medieval period in Rajasthan is characterized by con-
tinuous battle, wherein the ruler was either defending or expanding
his territory, it led to the formation of distinct social institutions, value
system, gender relations, political alliance, and economy. The ruler
needed continual preparedness for battle, loyalty amidst intrigues, and
a support system through procurement of soldiers. Thus, the army was
organized through clan relationships and members of the clan lineage
were provided with territories which later on came to be known as
thikanas. Basically, thikanas were given to brothers in lieu of military
service. Grant of thikanas was a pragmatic mechanism of exchange.26
24 G.S.L. Devra, ‘The Internal Expansion of Society and Formation of
Medieval Polity’, PIHC, 59th Session (1998), p. 13.

25 Devra, ‘The Internal Expansion of Society and Formation of Medieval
Polity’, p. 14; the details of which are given from, pp. 15–18.
26 Rajendra Joshi, ‘Feudal Bonds in Rajasthan’, In Folk Faith and Feudalism,
Rajendra Joshi and N.K. Singhi (eds), p. 20. (Institute of Rajasthan Studies,
Jaipur: Rawat Publications, 1995).
The subdivision of the thikanas into jagirs was replication of the

first-level division. The thikanedars awarded land to their bhais (broth-
ers) and betas (sons); these chhut bhias (jagirdars) owed their allegiance
to their direct king (thikanedars), rather than the distant kin (the ruler)
and had the same nature of relationship that the thikanedar had with
his ruler.With the passage of time, these jagirs were also divided among
their family members, and holders of the parts of such jagirs could
remain poor shadows of their predecessors. Under the new system,
they continued to hold the same or part of the land in the Bhom or
Bhoom (landholding), but without enjoying any kind of political or
administrative power over them. In lieu of sending the soldiers to the
state army and assisting the local official in maintaining the law and
order, they were allowed to retain land which was either tax free or
assessed at a concessional rate. These linkages strengthened the feudal
bonds and helped in organizing the administrative, economic, and
political dimension of a territory, which had sub cultural identities and
ethos. Grants and gifts were given to members of other castes such as a
Brahmins and Charans in order to ensure mass loyalty.
The bonds between the jagirdar and the village community were
strengthened by recognition of his intervention in resolving familial
and caste disputes related to engagement, nata, marriage, and abduction
of women, and so on. However, such intervention was personal and
moral rather than authoritarian or legal. It did not establish links with
the masses but nominated intermediaries.27
Secondly, the leaders or senior most members of the subjugated tribe
or Grasias were also accommodated and given superior position in the
rural society. But the nature of their engagement was different. Though
they were adjusted in the administration, yet like the Rajput Bhomias,
they could not become a part of the integrated sociopolitical system
of the Rajputs. To assist the state functionaries at the village or local
level, for collection of revenue and maintenance of law and order, old
and senior members of various agricultural castes were assigned the
position of village headmen and local revenue officials, like Chaudhries,
Patels, Zamindars, Kanungoes, Sahanas, and so on. These were hereditary
positions and against these positions they were awarded land, which was
either tax free or assessed at concessional rates. Rulers also took care to
27 Joshi, ‘Feudal Bonds in Rajasthan’, p. 21.

see that the influence of these groups should not go beyond the place of
their stay. On social matters, these Chaudhries and Patels could interact
with their community people from other villages. But administratively
their actions remained confined to the limits of their own village.
Thirdly, the intermediaries were also chosen from the non-agricul-
tural community, which mainly included artisans, service groups, and
low caste people of the society. Members of these communities were
spread over in all parts of the region and the persons who were con-
sidered respectable and senior most (not in terms of age but in terms
of period of settlements) and already carrying the responsibilities of
caste panchas (elders of the village who take decisions regarding village
issues), were approached to work as representatives of their respective
caste or communities and were designated Chaudhary, Mahtar, Mukhia,
Panch, and so on. These positions were also hereditary in nature. What
becomes evident is that the new government succeeded in organizing
superior classes in the regions and through their influence tried to
control affairs of each section of the society. This becomes evident in
the chapter on marital and sexual morality, when we observe the efforts
of the state in regulating the marital norms of the society. Hence, the
state was functioning in conjunction with the caste panchas and lead-
ers of various communities.
In order to implement their policies and their programmes, the
state tried to remodel certain branches of the administration on the
traditional pattern of the caste structure. This kind of native systemati-
zation is easily noticeable in the land revenue system introduced in the
Rajput states during this period. Now it is a well-researched argument
that the caste of the cultivator played a significant role in determining
rates of land revenue and other taxes, different rates being applied on
the various castes of society. We see in the later chapter how caste
became a significant factor when the state tried to regulate the marital
norms of this region. Studies conducted so far make it clear that the
section of the privileged groups comprised the upper castes and the
rural aristocracy, classes comprising of Bhomias, Chaudhries, Patels,
Kanungoes, and Patwaries, who owed their superior position partly
due to hereditary superior rights in land and partly to their position in
the apparatus of revenue administration.
From our point of view, these developments are significant as
they help us understand the social relations that developed during
this period. The obvious pointer to this would be the marriage net-
work among the clans. Proceeding chronologically onward from the
Pratihara family, one can see a change in the marriage network pattern
in which not only does the supposed origin of the family play an
important part, but there is also a development towards an understand-
able pattern in inter-clan relationship. In an inscription of 837 of the
Pratihara family from the Jodhpur area, the originator of the family
is mentioned as having a Brahaman and Kshatriya wife. In another
inscription of 861, the Brahmin wife is dropped from the account of
the ancestry. Towards the end of the genealogy, ‘Kakka’ who is very
close to the last of the current ruler in the genealogical history is men-
tioned as having married Padmini of the Bhatti clan, considered by
some to be identical with the ‘Bhatti’ of the Jaisalmer area.28 Records
of other families suggest a similar development towards a network,
which invoked mostly the ruling Rajput clans. The Guhilas entered
into matrimonial relations with Chalukyas, Parmars, the Rashtrakutas,
the Chahmans, and Hunas. Advantageous matrimonial alliances helped
in the process of state formation.
Political social linkages of the fifteenth-century Guhila kings with
non-Guhila Rajput chiefs of eastern Mewar, played a more important
role in the exercise of Guhila power and this is amply demonstrated by
the contemporary royal reference.29 With the exception of Jaisalmer,
Mewar remained in the same lands where conquest had placed them.
This added to the dignity of the Ranas and was the cause of the general
homage that they received, especially for the establishment of marriage
network. Apart from the Parmar–Rashtrakuta and Chahman–Parmar
matrimonial relations, the Guhila marriage was varied and widespread.
The choice was essentially political, because the families cited here
constituted the ruling elites of early medieval Rajasthan.30
Though the Guhilas extended their marriage with Chalukyas,
Rashtrakutas, Chedis, and Huns in addition to those with Rajput clans



like Chahman and Parmars, the marriage network mostly constituted

the Rajput clan category. Inter-clan relationship through marriage
seems to have had a wider social implication as well. It could provide
social legitimacy to such groups as the Hunas, who had acquired suf-
ficient political power in West India by this period, leading finally to
their inclusion in the Rajput clan list. Secondly, inter-clan marriage
relationship may have led to collaboration in wider area of social and
political activity.31 The marriage network among the ruling clans also
led to the process of the consolidation of clan power at the social level.
Thus, Guhila Allata, who was married to a Huna princess, had a Huna
member in a goshthi (assembly) in the kingdom of his son, Narvahana.
It is these clan relationships which offer a key to understanding the
process through which Rajput polity evolved in the early medieval
period, the detailed dimension of which have been taken up in the
next chapter.
The substitution of the traditional Kshatriya by the Rajput and a
consolidation of power by the Rajput structure may be viewed as a
result of a collaboration between emerging clans, not only in terms of
inter-clan marriage relationship, but also in terms of participation at
various levels of polity and the circulation of clan members in differ-
ent kingdoms and courts. Apart from kinship ties within clans, which
influenced the distribution of land, the inter-clan relationship govern-
ing the distribution power helped consolidate the structure of Rajput
polity in early medieval period.
Also, in order to understand the structure of Rajput political domi-
nance, it is important to understand the proliferation of the Rajput in
the early medieval period, both among the established clans and those
outside them. From about the twelfth century onwards, one comes
across a variety of expressions which are applied to the ruling elites
and which are different from such ranks as Samant and Maha Samant,
the use of which appears to have become less frequent, now the most
common terms are Rajputra, Rautta, Rajkul, Ravala, Ranaka, and so on.
What is common in all such terms is the suggested affiliation to royalty.
We have seen that the formation of various sub clans of the Rajputs
was not only due to clan segmentation, but also because of absorption
31
This aspect has been dealt with in greater detail in the Chapter II, on the
Social Political and Economic Aspects of Marriage.
of local elements. That one of the channels for raising the status of
a recognized clan was through marriage relationship as is suggested
in relationships between Guhilas on one hand and the Bodanas and
Mohilas (subdivision of the Chahamans) on the other.32
An understanding of the early political development shows that the
appearance of the Rajputs on the political scene was not sudden. The
emergence of these clans took place within the existing hierarchical
political structure. Their emergence, therefore, should be understood
as a total process. Also, the clans never merged with each other and
the clan identity remained intact. In Marwar, even after the coming of
Rathores, about six to seven clans continued to exist.
The practice of new social groups claiming the status of Kshatriya
became widespread in the early medieval period. Kshatriya status
was sought for the legitimating of their newly acquired power. The
early medieval and medieval Rajput clans, representing a mixed caste
and constituting a fairly large section of petty chiefs holding estates,
achieved political eminence gradually.There was a corresponding rela-
tion between the achievement of political eminence by the Pratihars,
Guhilas, Chahman, and other clan and their movement towards a
respectable social status, namely, acquiring a Kshatriya lineage. In this
context, it is important to note that these dynasties claimed descent
from ancient Kshatriyas along with their accession to power. So, first
there was acquisition of political power. This newly acquired power
was legitimized by claiming linkages with the Kshatriya lines of the
mythical past, so much so that by the time Nainsi wrote his work, he
frequently used the term Kshatriya and Rajput interchangeably.
Also, a development in the reverse order can be observed as can been
seen in the position of some Rajput clans. For example, after coming
of the Rathores to Marwar, the various Rajput clans who lived here,
turned into ordinary cultivators who paid taxes or did chakri (service) at
the new ruler’s palace when the need arose. There were certain groups
whose position went further down in the caste hierarchy according to
the occupation they adopted. Then they no longer had matrimonial
relations with the Rajputs and differences in their customs and tradition

also arose.33 The example of the Rajputs getting depressed into cultivat-
ing caste can be seen in the Danga Jat, who were initially Chauhan
Rajputs. Their ancestor Jagsi, Chaju’s son, became a Jat.34
Two chronological orders in the emergence of the Rajputs in
the early medieval period could be envisaged. In the first stage, it
was essentially a political process in which disparate groups seeking
power confirmed to such norms as permeated in the contemporary
political ideology. As entry into the Rajput fold continued, basically
through political power, the traditional norms or the need to legiti-
mize remained. But in the second stage, roughly dating from eleventh
and twelfth centuries, the rise of the Rajputs became a comprehensive
social phenomenon as well. The Rajput ethic and the Kshatriya caste
culture remain more central to Rajput identity in Rajasthan. The
clans of the area such as the Gehlots and the Rathores were accorded
high status by the Rajput community and their daughters were highly
sought after in marriage.35 It was the Mewar tradition of opposition
to the Mughals that came to be accepted as standard Rajput history,
a perspective on the past introduced by the nationalists during the
struggle for Independence.36
Contrary to what is generally believed or projected in the official
history of the erstwhile princely states, there were several power groups
or lineage groups in the same region where Rajputs were shown as
ruling groups in absolute terms. Of course till that time the other lin-
eage groups had accepted the military superiority of the Rajputs or of
particular clan of the Rajputs. They also agreed to pay tribute to them
but after that they continued to enjoy their self-governing rights and
military strength. Out of those groups Meos, Mers, Meenas, Baloochs,
Johias, Bhils, and Jats were prominent. There were also those Rajput
powers, who after putting up resistance had accepted the suzerainty
of their new brothers and ultimately allowed themselves to be incor-
porated into the larger sociocultural confederation. The non-Rajput
33 Narayan Singh Bhatti (ed.), MRPRV, vol. 1 (Rajasthan Oriental
Research Institute, Jodhpur, 1974), p. 28.

34 MRPRV, vol. 3, p. 45.
35 Further details of this can be observed in Chapter III, sub-section on
Marriage Customs and Practices.

36 Lodrick, ‘Rajasthan as a Region, Myth or Reality?’, vol. I, p. 30.
lineage groups, otherwise, too had the similar sociopolitical organiza-

tion, a federation of autonomous units within one large social entity.
But most of these groups, unlike the Rajputs, could not mobilize their
human resources for the establishment of new political centres in dif-
ferent parts of the province.37
Even before the Rajputs, both Turks and Afghans, in order to
consolidate their authority, made several attacks on these groups and
virtually dismembered their organization. The new emerging clans of
Rathore, Kachwaha, Bhatti, and Chauhan Rajputs, taking advantage of
the decline of the power of sultans of Delhi, succeeded in establishing
their dominance over the territories of these groups. Yet, the defiance
of these powers was such that they could not extract more than a yearly
tribute from them. Moreover, the possibility of the resurgence of these
lineage groups against them always remained. Also, there was conflict
among most Rajput powers when the Mughals decided to approach
them.
Apart from the opposition of the lineage groups to their own
brothers and kinsmen, there were also chiefs of subordinate Rajput
powers who were pressing for the attainment of their own ambition
and freedom. Therefore, the inner contradiction of the social–political
structure of the clan order made the Rajput position weak and vulner-
able. Like other regional systems, the clans also faltered before superior
arms and organized force. Besides this, the tribute-based clan economy
was unable to rise to the occasion. Only those powers of Rajasthan,
that in comparison had a stable economy and a long history of control
over the clan members, could provide some resistance to the Mughal
intervention.38
It was Akbar’s genius that grasped the fact that the Rajputs remained
a military force of some importance. He wanted to harness the military
power to his own advantage or rather to mutual advantage. In theory,
once a Rajput ruler accepted a mansab (rank in Mughal administration),
he lost all his suzerainty and indeed even within their own domains,
the Rajput rulers were bound to carry out the orders of the emperor.

Polity’, pp. 5–6.
Polity’, p. 7.
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Transcriber’s Notes
pg 53 Changed: change is produced in the convertion
to: change is produced in the conversion
pg 85 Changed: by forcing one to breath more rapidly
to: by forcing one to breathe more rapidly
pg 89 Changed: bile salts, mucus, animo acids
to: bile salts, mucus, amino acids
pg 126 Changed: his green apples, excrutiating pains
to: his green apples, excruciating pains
pg 127 Changed: are not easly broken
to: are not easily broken
pg 137 Changed: while the herbiverous animals live upon cereals
to: while the herbivorous animals live upon cereals
pg 174 Changed: milk seems to make some people billious
to: milk seems to make some people bilious
pg 191 Changed: resultant happinees of every family
to: resultant happiness of every family
pg 194 Changed: retain the moisure
to: retain the moisture
pg 215 Changed: retain hody heat and furnish energy
to: retain body heat and furnish energy
pg 247 Changed: the secretion of hydrodiloric acid
to: the secretion of hydrochloric acid
pg 287 Changed: Petonized; boiled;
to: Peptonized; boiled;
pg 299 Changed: 30.78 grams, is corbohydrate
to: 30.78 grams, is carbohydrate
pg 305 Changed: Achlochlorhydria, 248
to: Achlorhydria, 248
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The Politics of Marriage in Medieval India Gender and Alliance in Rajasthan Sabita Singh Full Chapter

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The Politics of Marriage in Medieval

India : Gender and Alliance in

© Oxford University Press 2019

The moral rights of the authors have been asserted.

First Edition published in 2019

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in

You must not circulate this work in any other form

ISBN-13 (print edition): 978-0-19-949145-2

ISBN-13 (eBook): 978-0-19-909828-6

Typeset in Bembo Std 10.5/13

corrections. I also feel immense gratitude towards my son Animesh and

EPW Economic and Political Weekly

This work has been created against the backdrop of constructs of

The history of marriage must be viewed at two levels. It is a piece

These problems by their very nature defy tight, temporal straitjack-

and Position of Women’, although useful, follows more of a narrative

of the role played by the trading community in this region throughout

segment could be demonstrated through ceremonies and rituals on

EVALUATION OF SOURCE MATERIAL

medieval Rajasthan. The emergence of archival records from the mid-

status as documents and evidence. Hence, it is imperative to evaluate

Ranjan Ray Memorial Lecture, Indian Institute of Advanced Study, Simla.

cover a period between eighth and seventeenth centuries, almost the

face of adversity or temptation to sacrifice the independence of Mewar

Rajantralaya,V.S. 1943/1886. Subsequently published in Delhi in 1986.

5 Frances H. Taft, ‘Honour and Alliance: Reconsidering Mughal Rajput

Marriages’, in Idea of Rajasthan, Explorations in Regional Identity, vol. 2, ed. Karine

Sangrah (Sahitya Academy, 1984), p. 12.

To understand the social and political structure of medieval Rajasthan

The Politics of Marriage in Medieval India: Gender and Alliance in Rajasthan.

barriers standing on the way, it fell successively under the sphere of

of their foreign origin—from the Hun (V.A. Smith) of Khazars (D.R.

State of Marwar,1638–1749 (New Delhi: Manohar Publication, 1977), pp. 1–5.

The feudal model has been perceived as a highly decentralized and

7 Herman Kulke, ‘Fragmentation and Segmentation versus Integration?

Reflections on the Concept of Indian Feudalism and the Segmentry State in

University Press, 1994), p. 204.

by the different Rajput royal houses. In fact, mighty claims by the

9 B.D. Chattopadhyaya, ‘Emergence of the Rajput as Historical Process in

Colonization of new areas was another way of consolidating their

11 Chattopadhyaya, ‘Emergence of the Rajputs as Historical Process in

Early Medieval Rajasthan’, p. 164.

Seventh-Fifteenth Centuries (New Delhi: Manohar Publications, 2002).

power through a variety of motifs.Thus, the Guhilas of Mewar were not

14Badri Prasad Sakariya, MNK, vol. 2 (Jodhpur: Rajasthan Oriental

15 Chattopadhyaya, ‘Emergence of the Rajputs as Historical Process in

Early Medieval Rajasthan’, p. 164.

Bika then approximated to the settlements of the Jats who constituted

19 Tod, Annals, vol. 2, p. 140.

21Gupta,‘Reconstructing the Political and Economic Profile of Rajasthan’,

Idea of Rajasthan, Explorations in Regional Identities,Vol. 1, eds Karine Schomer,

Early Medieval Rajasthan’, p. 165.

historical stages in which the Rajput clan structure came to be

with reference to fasadi (rebellious areas), zortalabi (rebellious), and bagi

24 G.S.L. Devra, ‘The Internal Expansion of Society and Formation of

Medieval Polity’, PIHC, 59th Session (1998), p. 13.

The subdivision of the thikanas into jagirs was replication of the

27 Joshi, ‘Feudal Bonds in Rajasthan’, p. 21.

28 Chattopadhyaya, ‘Emergence of the Rajputs as Historical Process in

Early Medieval Rajasthan’, p. 109.

Early Medieval Rajasthan’, p. 198.

like Chahman and Parmars, the marriage network mostly constituted

32 Chattopadhyaya, ‘Emergence of the Rajputs as Historical Process in