Bakalarska Praca

Masaryk University
Faculty of Arts
Department of English
and American Studies
English Language and Literature
Gabriela Bajáková
Taboos and Cultural Specifics of

Indigenous Peoples in Australia and
America
Bachelor’s Diploma Thesis
Supervisor: PhDr. Jitka Vlčková, Ph.D.
2013
I declare that I have worked on this thesis independently,
using only the primary and secondary sources listed in the bibliography.
………………………………..
Author’s signature
Acknowledgement
I would like to thank Dr. Jitka Vlčková for consultation and valuable advice.
Table of Contents
Introduction..........................................................................................................6
1. Taboo as a Social Phenomenon...................................................................8
1.1 Definitions of the Taboo.........................................................................8
1.2 Characteristics of the Taboo................................................................10
1.3 Origin of the Word................................................................................11
1.4 Types of Taboo....................................................................................13
1.5 Functions of Taboos.............................................................................15
1.6 Methods of Tabooing...........................................................................16
1.7 Taboo and Mana..................................................................................19
1.8 Breaching the Taboo............................................................................20
2. Taboos of Australian Aborigines.................................................................24
2.1 Tabooed Words....................................................................................24
2.1.1 One’s Own Name Tabooed...........................................................24
2.1.2 Names of the Dead Tabooed.........................................................25
2.2 Tabooed Things...................................................................................26
2.2.1 Blood............................................................................................. 26
2.2.2 Hair................................................................................................26
2.2.3 Place Where Death Occurred........................................................27
2.2.4 Food.............................................................................................. 27
2.3 Tabooed Persons.................................................................................30
2.3.1 Women at Menstruation and Childbirth.........................................30
2.3.2 Mother-in-law and Son-in-law........................................................31
2.3.3 Warriors.........................................................................................31
2.3.4 Interaction with Strangers..............................................................32
3. Taboos of Native Americans.......................................................................34
3.1 Tabooed Words....................................................................................34
3.1.1 Personal Names............................................................................34
3.1.2 The Name of the Dead......................................................................35
3.2 Tabooed Things...................................................................................35
3.2.1 Blood............................................................................................. 35
3.2.2 Sharp Instruments.........................................................................36
3.2.3 Food.............................................................................................. 36
3.3 Tabooed Persons.................................................................................38
3.3.1 Women at Menstruation and Childbirth.........................................38
3.3.2 Warriors.........................................................................................39
3.3.3 Mother-in-law Taboo......................................................................40
3.3.4 Killers.............................................................................................41
3.3.5 Hunters and Fishers......................................................................41
3.3.6 Strangers.......................................................................................41
3.4 Tabooed Acts- Storytelling...................................................................42
4. A Comparison of Taboos of Native Americans and Australian Aborigines. 44
4.1 Tabooed Words....................................................................................44
4.2 Tabooed Things...................................................................................45
4.3 Tabooed People...................................................................................47
4.4 The Reasons for the Taboos and Their Aims.......................................49
Conclusion.........................................................................................................51
List of Works Cited............................................................................................52
Résumé (English)..............................................................................................55
Resumé (Czech)............................................................................................... 56
Introduction
The aim of this thesis is to compare the taboos and other cultural
specifics of Native Americans of the United States and Canada and Australian
Aborigines. In order to reach the aim outset, the thesis is divided into four
chapters and uses mainly analysis and comparison. I argue that the taboos
themselves as well as the reasons for these taboos are similar in all of the
cultures.
The first chapter describes the taboo as a social phenomenon in general.
It uses the work Tabu by Hartmut Kraft as a main secondary source. This
chapter focuses on the definition of the taboo, its characteristics, origins of the
word, types and functions of taboos, the methods of tabooing and the
relationship between mana and taboo. Finally, the act of breaching the taboo
and its consequences are depicted. The aim of this chapter is to provide
theoretical information about the taboo that forms a basis for understanding
specific taboos of Native Americans and Australian Aborigines which are
described in the following two chapters.
The second chapter focuses on the taboos of Australian Aborigines. It
uses The Golden Bough by Sir James Frazer as the main secondary source.
The taboos of Australian Aborigines are divided into four categories: tabooed
things, people, words and acts. Breaching the taboo and its consequences will
be mentioned at the end of this chapter. The third chapter has the same
structure as well as the main secondary source as the previous one so that it
would be easy to compare the taboos.
6
The information from all the preceding chapters is used in the fourth
chapter and the comparison of the taboos of Australian Aborigines and Native
Americans as well as a comparison of the reasons for the creation of the taboos
are made at this point.
Taboos are usually not observed by all the indigenous peoples in
Australia or North America. Therefore, when talking about a particular taboo, I
always mention the tribe or tribes that follow it. Unfortunately, due to a lack of
relevant sources, it was not possible to concentrate on a single tribe or group of
the culture of Native Americans or Australian Aborigines. Still, I believe that my
thesis will provide some insight into the peculiarities specific to indigenous
cultures in the United States, Canada and Australia.
I have decided to use present tense while describing the specific taboos.
Many of the taboos might not be observed nowadays, but I believe that they are
still part of the culture of respective indigenous peoples in certain form, for
instance in stories or songs.
7
1. Taboo as a Social Phenomenon
The first chapter of this thesis intends to provide basic information about
taboo as a social phenomenon regardless of the society it occurs in. In order to
fulfil this aim, the definition of the taboo, its characteristics, types and functions
of taboos will be discussed as well as methods of tabooing, taboo and its
relation to mana, consequences of breaching the taboo and origin of the word
taboo and its primary definition.
1.1 Definitions of the Taboo
It is not an easy task to define the taboo, because of the huge variety of
types of behaviour it covers. This behaviour ranges from avoiding the name of
the dead done by Australian Aborigines to taboo on eating with hands when one
is expected to use cutlery. The thing these two seemingly different phenomena
have in common is, according to Hartmut Kraft, the fact that once a person
breaches the taboo, he or she is threatened to be excluded, or even excluded,
from the society (37).
Marc Ferro defines the taboo as a thing that causes silence, because of
the fear or shame it is associated with. He also differentiates taboo from a
prohibition and censorship. Prohibition is mostly used when something is not
allowed and it is not possible to explain all the situations when something is not
talked about by censorship (11).
I find Kraft`s definition much more accurate than Ferro`s, because he
managed to produce a definition of taboo that is valid regardless of the society it
8
is applied to. On the other hand, definition of taboo made by Ferro is applicable
only to contemporary western society. This is probably due to the focus of
Ferro`s book that he does not take into consideration other societies and
cultures while defining a taboo. He deals solely with taboos in Europe
throughout the history in his work.
James Frazer defines the taboo in The Golden Bough as a negative
magic and he contrasts it with positive magic (sorcery). Positive magic means
that we want something pleasant to happen. Analogically, negative magic
indicates that we want to prevent something unpleasant from happening. Frazer
points out that the consequences of breaching the taboo (whether something
good or evil happens in the end) have nothing to do with positive sorcery or
taboos. Since, provided there was a link, taboos would not be kind of magic but
part of common sense or morality instead (Frazer, 26). However, this definition
seems to be valid only for tribal societies.
Oxford dictionary defines the taboo as follows: “a social or religious
custom prohibiting or forbidding discussion of a particular practice or forbidding
association with a particular person, place, or thing.” This definition manages to
cover both the taboos of indigenous peoples and those in modern society within
one dictionary entry. In other dictionaries, for instance Macmillan or Merriam-
Webster, there are two entries for a noun taboo. One refers to taboo in
contemporary western society and the other describes taboo as an aspect of
culture and religion of the indigenous peoples.
On the whole, there are many definitions of “taboo”. I find the ones that
can be applied to any society to be more accurate than the ones that are
9
concentrating only on one society, social group or culture. In my opinion, Kraft`s
definition is the best from the ones mentioned above. I think that there is not a
difference among taboos in different societies. They have different subjects and
objects but the main principle is the same for all the cases. Provided there is a
taboo, if a person breaches it, he or she will have to face consequences of this
action. The consequences, as was already mentioned above, consist in the
possibility of exclusion from the society.
1.2 Characteristics of the Taboo
Various characteristics of taboos presented by Hartmut Kraft will be
discussed in this section. First of all, he defines taboo as a vivid phenomenon
(7-8). This is true, new taboos are emerging as a society evolves and the older
ones are not taboos any more. Kraft considers jokes to be “the transition zone”,
by means of which it is possible to test the strength of the taboo (8). In other
words, we can use a joke to find out if something is still tabooed or not and
according to the reaction to the joke, it is possible to estimate the strength of the
taboo.
According to Kraft, another characteristics of the taboo is that it helps to
establish and maintain identity of a given group or society (10). Taboos can be
regarded as something the members of certain group have in common and, at
the same time, the people who do not belong to this group do not have it. I
would like to point out that, in most cases, taboo is established by agreement of
all the members of the group, otherwise they would not be members of this
group. For example if I am a member of the Greenpeace organisation, it is a
taboo for me to make profit on whaling business. If I find it a good idea to make
10
profit on whaling, I probably do not support the ideas of the Greenpeace
organisation.
The third attribute of taboo presented by Kraft is that taboos are always
context-bound (10). This means that every person, couple, family, social group,
class, society and nation has its own taboos. These taboos vary with respect to
space and time. Kraft mentions that a doctor can break a taboo on touching
without any negative consequences, provided he or she does it while working
(10). Though this is true only in doctor`s workplace. If the doctor meets a patient
in a shop, for instance, he has to comply with the taboo just like anyone else.
Kraft goes on to claim that the obedience of taboos is embodied in
human being and is connected with the fear of death (12). He supports his claim
by a psychological research of brain which proved that exclusion from the
society or even the threat of exclusion activates certain areas in brain which are
similar to the areas activated by physical pain (12). An example from Australian
Aboriginal tribal society supports Kraft`s opinion. James George Frazer in his
work The Golden Bough describes a woman in New Zealand who ate some fruit
and she later found out that the fruit came from a tabooed place. She was
terrified at finding this out and she claimed that the spirit of the chief whose
sanctity was violated by this action would definitely kill her. She died within a
day from eating the fruit (183).
1.3 Origin of the Word
Even though taboos can be found in any society at any time this term
was only introduced in Europe in the 18th century by Captain James Cook, who
came across this term for the first time during his third voyage on an island
11
Tonga (situated in the Pacific Ocean). He died during this voyage but James
King carried on writing his diary and the information about his third voyage can
be found in book The Three Voyages of Captain James Cook around the World
(Kraft, 78). Cook noticed high importance the natives of Tonga Island ascribe to
a taboo. Moving to types of taboos, he mentions food taboos, tabooed objects
and chief taboo (a dwelling becomes a taboo once a chief enters it so no one
can live there anymore) (Cook, 462). In the book A voyage to the Pacific Ocean,
which was written by James Cook and finished by James King, different kinds of
taboos on Tonga Island as well as their significance are described in more
detail:
Women, it has been observed, are always tabooed, or forbidden to eat
certain articles of food. We have seen many of them, at their meals, have
their meat put into their mouths by others; and… we were informed, that
they were tabooed and not permitted to feed themselves. This prohibition
was always the consequence of assisting at any funeral, touching a dead
body, and many other occasions. The word taboo is indifferently applied,
either to persons or things; as, the natives are tabooed, the bay is
tabooed…This word is also expressive of anything sacred, devoted or
eminent. (Cook, 143)
On the whole, as was already mentioned above, the word taboo was
introduced to Europe by James Cook. He defined a taboo as a thing that is
forbidden, sacred or special in certain way. Cook also depicted various taboos
of people of Tonga Island.
12
1.4 Types of Taboo
At this point, division of taboos according to various criteria will be
discussed. First of all, it is possible to divide taboos in the way Sir James
George Frazer did in The Golden Bough. He divides taboos into four categories
according to the object being tabooed: tabooed acts, words, persons and
things. This division could be applied to taboos in any society. Frazer breaks
down each of these categories into smaller sections. For instance, the category
tabooed objects is divided into sub-categories, where specific things that are a
taboo in certain cultures are described. The chapter about tabooed acts, for
instance, is broken into five parts that deal with interaction with strangers, eating
and drinking, showing the face, quitting the house and leaving the food over
(173-231).
Kraft offers classification of taboos according to two criteria. The first
division is similar to the one introduced by Frazer. Kraft divides taboos into
tabooed acts, tabooed touching and taboos on things perceived by senses. He
stresses out that there is not a sharp dividing line between tabooed acts and
touches. Still, he perceives acts to be more complex that a touch. He also
breaks the taboos connected with senses into smaller categories according to
the respective sense. Among the perception taboos, language taboos (which
may, for instance, result in the creation of a milder equivalent for a word that is
not acceptable in the society) appear the most often. They are followed by
image taboos (51-56).
Secondly, Kraft divides taboos according to the willingness of an
individual or a group to discuss a given issue into conscious and unconscious
13
taboos. Both of these categories are applicable to taboos of a given group or
society as well as to an individual. Kraft points out that a conscious taboo is not
discussed in public to a great extent. Still, people are aware of what should and
should not be done. On the other hand, even an indication of an unconscious
taboo causes disgust and may lead to exclusion from the society. Therefore, the
indication itself is a taboo. Unconscious individual taboos can also be called
intrapsychical and, according to Kraft, their basis is either a frustrating past
experience or a painful processing of a past event. Further, Kraft states that
conscious and unconscious taboos are only two extreme points from a wide
range of taboos and he introduces a term partial taboo to cover the types of a
taboo that are between conscious and unconscious ones, hence, closer to the
middle of the scale (63-68).
On the whole, this part of chapter one contains three divisions of taboos.
The first two divisions are quite similar. They share the category of tabooed acts
and they are largely based on the object tabooed. The category of tabooed
words, introduced by Frazer, can be subsumed into Kraft`s group of perceptual
taboos. For the remaining two categories (tabooed things and persons), Frazer
is looking at the object of taboo rather than at the taboo itself. Thus, these
taboos would most likely be tabooed acts or touching (towards a person or a
thing) according to Kraft`s first division. The third division mentioned is based on
the strength of the taboo and the willingness of the group or an individual to
discuss it.
14
1.5 Functions of Taboos
A variety of functions of taboos will be discussed in this section from a
number of perspectives. First of all, I will discuss a function of taboos from a
sociological point of view. In this case, the main function of taboos is, according
to Kraft, to moderate social conflict. He then goes on to present the work of two
sociologists, Steiner and Hondrich, to support his claim. According to Steiner,
the main role of taboos consists in defining phenomena that are potentially
dangerous for the society. Hondrich considers taboo to be even more important.
He perceives taboo as a concept that withholds all the evil. Where people
forced to face the evil of the society, the society would cease to exist. Hondrich
goes on to argue that a simple prohibition cannot substitute a taboo, because
an object of taboo is not only banned, the people are disgusted by this object
(96-97). On the whole, function of taboo from a sociological point of view is to
prevent conflicts and evil in the society.
Ethno-psychology and cultural anthropology provide different functions of
taboos in a society. According to Kraft, there are two functions of taboo from
this point of view: diversification and regulation (97). A taboo distinguishes the
members of one group from the members of another, where this taboo does not
exist. However, at the same time, it controls the behaviour of the members of
the group. Marvin Harris, an American anthropologist, claims that taboos are a
result of availability (or unavailability) of resources and economic conditions of a
society in its early stages (274). This means that society, for instance,
introduced taboo on eating an animal that would be difficult to keep in a given
area. Similarly, killing an animal was tabooed if it was useful in a different way
(dogs for hunting, cows for milk etc.).
15
The last scientific discipline that defines a function of taboo is psycho-
sociology. The main function of taboo is, from this point of view, to create and
maintain both individual and collective identity (Kraft, 97,102). In other words,
the taboo defines the behaviour that is acceptable within a group as well as a
behaviour that will result in exclusion from this group. This process defines the
group and it also defines who the members of this group are, basically, the
identity of the group and individual. This function is very similar to regulation
and diversification mentioned above.
1.6 Methods of Tabooing
This section will clarify different ways by which taboos are established.
Among the methods of tabooing, there are the following four:
- imposition of a taboo by a single individual with a lot of mana
- establishment of a taboo by a group
- introduction of a taboo by a member of a group
- tabooing by adumbration (applicable only to groups with only a few
members).
There are also strategies that do not form the taboos, but they strengthen the
existing ones.
First of all, taboos can be established by one individual who has enough
mana (the concept of mana will be explained in detail in the following section).
This means that the person is respected by the society and is powerful enough
to introduce a taboo that will be observed by the rest of the society without
complaints. An example for this method of tabooing can be a chief of a tribe
16
who claims certain thing to be a taboo and the tribe respects and maybe even
fears the chief to such an extent that they observe (Kraft, 114-15).
Apart from the introduction of a taboo by a single person with sufficient
mana, taboos can be established by a group or society. This group defines what
it is like. The members can either observe this taboo or they will be excluded, or
at least threatened to be excluded, from the group or society (Kraft, 114-15).
This method is, for example, used by political parties. A political party advocates
certain ideas and owning a car with high petrol consumption can be considered
a taboo for the member of the Green party. This taboo is established by the
party itself and its members have to respect it. Otherwise, they can be excluded
from this party. In this case, even a member with a lot of power (mana) would
probably not be able to change the policy of the party.
The following method is the very opposite of the previous one. In this
case, the member of a group or a society introduces a taboo that is afterwards
respected by the whole of the society or group. This method, when speaking
about larger social groups such as a nation, is often accompanied by attention
from media (Kraft, 115). This might be the case of behaviour connected with
ecology just as in the previous case. A group of activists can reveal that a
certain company is dumping toxic waste. This is immediately followed by broad
media coverage and protests. Consequently, the whole society refuses to buy
products of this company. This is done partially because an individual refuses to
support a company that pollutes the environment and partially because he or
she does not want to be related with this company by his or her neighbours,
colleagues and so on. It is important to notice that mana is not important for this
method of tabooing. The taboo can be proposed by any member of the society
17
and if the majority of its members consider the taboo legitimate, it will be
observed by the whole group.
Yet another method is used in small groups such as families or groups of
friends. In a context of groups like these, taboos are established by mere
adumbration (Kraft, 116). This means that certain topic is tabooed, or it is
reminded to its members that it is a taboo, by a simple gesture or cough when
the topic is mentioned. For instance, a family member is indicated by a cough
that alcoholism of his aunt is a taboo and therefore should not be discussed at
her birthday party. In my opinion, a person will respect this taboo even though it
is introduced by a person who is not influential in this group. This happens
because it is of crucial importance to be a member of such as a small and
important social group as family is and the fear of being excluded from this
group is immense.
Apart from the methods of tabooing mentioned above, there are also
additional strategies that do not form a taboo on their own but they help in
introducing and maintaining the taboo. First of all, taboos should be
accompanied by emotions, because once a person is indifferent towards a
tabooed object; the taboo in question loses part of its strength. Secondly,
notions and topics can be easily tabooed if they are connected with an
undesirable person or a person despised by public. Finally, taboos will be more
powerful if people are aware of the negative consequences of breaching the
taboo. These negative consequences are shown in fairy tales and religious
stories (Kraft, 117).
18
1.7 Taboo and Mana
This section will cover the topic of mana. Mana is a concept that
influences taboos and is influenced by them at the same time. I will compare
concepts of mana introduced by Kraft and Franz Steiner, an ethnologist born in
the Czech Republic.
Kraft defines mana as a power of an individual that is accompanied by
respect from the others. Both power and respect are deserved. Taboos can be
used to increase the mana of an individual. Kraft uses an example to explain
this concept. There is a new king of African tribe who has the legal right to be
king but he is not accepted by the members of the tribe, because he lived and
was educated outside the tribe. This king introduces a taboo (people are not
allowed to have dogs) to establish his authority, by which he increases his
mana at the same time, and the tribe starts to respect him (Kraft, 135-36). On
the other hand, a person with a lot of mana can establish taboos that will be
respected; this was described in the previous section on methods of tabooing.
Kraft further claims that if a person who introduced a taboo is found
unworthy of his or her position (of the mana he has), the taboos he or she has
introduced will not be observed because this person no longer possesses the
mana needed for enforcement of this taboos (Kraft, 138-39). For instance, a
child who finds out that one of his or her parents was adulterous (and
consequently lost his or her mana in the eyes of the child) does not feel the
need to respect the taboos introduced by this parent anymore.
On the other hand, there are also taboos that a person does not have to
observe because of the mana he or she has (Kraft, 143). For instance, the
19
mana of a priest gives him the right to breach certain religious taboos without
negative consequence. He or she might, for example, enter certain areas of
touch sacred objects that are a taboo for other worshipers.
Moving to Steiner, he addresses the issue of mana in his book Taboo,
Truth and Religion: Selected Writings. His work concentrates on Polynesia.
Similarly to Kraft, he asserts that whether a person can impose a taboo or not
depends on the amount of mana this person has. The right to impose a taboo
(the fact whether the mana of a person is great enough) can be challenged. He
also describes how a Polynesian chief gains respect, power and authority
throughout the time, because the longer a chief rules the greater his mana is. If
a chief has an ancestor who ruled before, mana of the present chief is
automatically greater (Steiner, 116-24).
On the whole, both Kraft and Steiner define a concept of mana in a
similar way. Mana represents the power, influence and authority of a person.
The right to impose taboos as well as the compliance with the taboo depends
on the greatness of mana the person has and this right can be questioned. Kraft
goes further to claim that the process works the other way round as well. It
means that an imposition of a taboo can increase mana of a person. He also
explains a situation when a person loses its mana and its implications on the
taboos imposed.
1.8 Breaching the Taboo
Different types of breaching the taboo, motives for doing so and
consequences of this action will be covered in this section. Taboos can be
broken in two ways. Firstly, there is a situation when somebody breaks the
20
taboo and he or she is aware of this action (he does it consciously). This
happens when a person does not want to be a member of the group that
complies with the taboo anymore. Secondly, a taboo can be broken by accident
even if the person is aware of the taboo and respects it (Kraft, 150-52).
An example of breaching a taboo by accident is described in The Golden
Bough by John Frazer. He describes a situation in New Zealand where a
hungry slave ate leftovers from diner he had found. Only later did he find out
that the food had been eaten by chief and therefore the leftovers were a taboo.
Knowing this information, he got cramps in his stomach and died the same day
(182).
There are several motives for breaking a taboo. Taboos can be broken in
order to enable new development which goes hand in hand with change of
identity. Another reason for breaking a taboo is mere entertainment or shock.
Finally, taboos can be also broken (by a number of people) simply because they
are no longer needed (Kraft, 153-54). As I have mentioned above, a taboo
defines an identity of a group. If a person breaks this taboo, he or she does no
longer identify himself or herself with this group. At the same time, this person
undergoes development (change of the identity). Taboos can also be broken in
order to entertain or shock the others. In order to do so, a person has to have a
lot of mana. In my opinion, this does not happen in tribal societies very often,
since taboos are very important and respected there. If taboos are broken for
this reason in the contemporary western society, the act usually receives
attention of media. Finally, taboos can be broken because the group no longer
needs them. They no longer serve the basic functions of a taboo (regulation and
21
protection). Breaching of taboos for this reason occurs naturally since, as I have
stated earlier, taboo is a phenomena that undergoes continuous changes.
Moving to consequences of breaking taboos, exclusion from the group is
the most significant one. A person who broke the taboo can be excluded from
the society or threatened to be excluded depending on the circumstances. If
somebody is excluded from a group or society, he or she finds himself or herself
in a situation that was never experienced before. This may be positive and
encourage personal development, provided the person broke the taboo
intentionally because he or she did not want to belong to the group anymore.
On the other hand, a person who is excluded from the society even though he
or she still wants to belong there is afraid of the new unfamiliar situation. This
fear can be even demonstrated physically by extensive sweating, cold hands or
insomnia. Heart attack caused by a sudden increase in blood pressure is also
one of the possible consequences of breaking the taboo. This may even lead to
psychogenic death (Kraft, 157-59).
However, the taboos are not broken very often. Had they been
transgressed regularly, they would not be such a powerful tool of social
regulation. Webster describes breaching of the taboo with respect to social
position of the person in question as well as the power of the taboo:
The authority of a taboo is unmatched by that of any other prohibition.
There is no reflection on it, no reasoning about it, no discussion of it. A
taboo amounts simply to an imperative thou-shalt-not in the presence of
the danger apprehended. That any breach of the prohibition was
unintentional or well-intentioned matters nothing; no allowance is made
for either the ignorance or the praiseworthy purpose of the taboo-
22
breaker. It should be noticed, however, that the consequences of a
violation are sometimes thought to vary with the social position of the
violator (17).
On the whole, taboos can be broken both intentionally and
unintentionally. Among the motives for breaking taboos, there is innovation and
change as well as shock and entertainment. Consequences of breaking a taboo
can be both positive and negative depending on the motives of transgressing
the taboo. They can also be different for people with different social status or
position in the group.
23
2. Taboos of Australian Aborigines
The second chapter focuses on taboos of Australian Aborigines. The
main secondary source used in this chapter is The Golden Bough by Sir James
Frazer. The chapter is divided into four main parts: tabooed words, things,
people and breaching the taboo. In each part, I try to depict the taboos as well
as the reasons for these practices.
2.1 Tabooed Words
There are two types of words that are tabooed in the culture of Australian
Aborigines. They are both names. It is the name of the deceased person and
one`s own name. The reasons for both of these taboos are similar to certain
extent.
2.1.1 One’s Own Name Tabooed
Frazer states that personal names of Australian Aborigines are often kept
secret from strangers because Australian Aborigines fear that the name can be
used against them by sorcerers. He also mentions that every member of the
tribal group has also a secret (or sacred) name given by an older member of the
tribe soon after birth. This name is known only to the members of the tribal
group and it cannot be said when people from other groups are present. Even if
sacred name is pronounced, it is done in whisper. The reasons for the
protection of sacred name are the same as ones for the protection of personal
name. Both names can be used magically in order to hurt its bearer (Frazer,
216).
24
2.1.2 Names of the Dead Tabooed
Frazer states that the name of the dead should not be pronounced, it is
not important whether a male or a female have died. If the name of the
deceased person cannot be avoided, it should be pronounced, as in case of
one`s own name, in whisper. Frazer states that the reason behind this practice
is the fear of calling the ghost of the deceased person that remains on the earth
for some time after death. He mentions that the superstition is so strong that
people with the same or similar names change them and if the deceased
person was named after some plant, animal or object of everyday use, these
things are renamed as well: ‟In the Encounter Bay tribe of South Australia, if a
man of the name of Ngnke, which means “water,” were to die, the whole tribe
would be obliged to use some other word to express water for a considerable
time after his decease” (Frazer, 224). This contributes to changes in language
and results in presence of a number of synonyms.
The name of the dead taboo may last from a few weeks or months up to
a number of years. Fryer-Smith describes what the length of a taboo depends
on: “In the case of the predictable death of a very old person or a baby, the
taboo may last for as long as a year. However, if the deceased dies in the prime
of life, or if his or her relatives are especially sensitive about the death, the
name of the deceased may not be spoken for 15 to 20 years” (2:20). Australian
Aborigines of Victoria region do not name the deceased person directly.
Instead, they refer to him or her as “the lost one” or “the poor fellow that is no
more” (Frazer, 223-25).
Apart from the name of the dead taboo, there are also other taboos
connected with death in the tribal group. After a person dies in the group, the
25
relatives (especially widows) have to commence food taboos and periods of
silence, which are sometimes as long as a year. They may also be separated
from the group (Broome, 25).
2.2 Tabooed Things
There are three things that are tabooed in culture of Australian
Aborigines mentioned in this work. They are all connected with body. This is
because Australian Aborigines believe that there is a connection between a
person and parts of his or her body even when separated.
2.2.1 Blood
In general, Australian Aborigines avoid contact with blood. When it has to
be spilt, it should fall on other people rather than on the ground: “In some
Australian tribes boys who are being circumcised are laid on a platform, formed
by the living bodies of the tribesmen; and when a boy’s tooth is knocked out as
an initiatory ceremony, he is seated on the shoulders of a man, on whose
breast the blood flows and may not be wiped away” (Frazer, 203).
2.2.2 Hair
The hair of Australian Aborigines is tabooed as well. It cannot come into
possession of other people. A nurse from Australia explains this taboo ias
follows: “I know I used to look after the old people when I did want to cut their
hair or their beard I used to always have to put it in a bag for them. They didn’t
want anyone else to have it . . . they were very staunch on that . . . it takes a
long time when they come in to try to get their hair cut to tidy up or de-lice them”
(McGrath, 61).
26
The reason why hair is treated in this way can be found in The Golden
Bough. Frazer depicts a story where an Australian man wanted to get rid of his
wife so he cut off her hair in sleep, tied it to his spear-thrower and gave it to his
friend from the neighbouring tribe. His friend stuck the spear-thrower near the
camp fire and when it fell down it meant that the wife was dead. Wirajuri man
explained this in the following way: “when a blackfellow doctor gets hold of
something belonging to a man and roasts it with things, and sings over it, the
fire catches hold of the smell of the man, and that settles the poor fellow”
(Frazer, 207).
On the whole, the hair of Australian Aborigines cannot be possessed by
other people since they believe that the hair of the person is connected with the
person itself even after the physical connection no longer exists. Therefore, it is
possible to harm the person using his or her hair (Frazer, 205).
2.2.3 Place Where Death Occurred
Almost all Australian Aboriginal tribes leave the place where somebody
died either temporary or permanently. The people of Arunta tribe (Central
Australia) burn the respective camp according to the sex of the deceased
person and the whole group leaves the place. This is done, according to the
Mara tribe of Northern Australia, because the spirit haunts the old camp.
Australian Aborigines from Queensland area cut the trees to mark the place
where somebody died and then they also leave the area (Webster, 190).
2.2.4 Food
Certain food is a taboo on specific occasions for different groups of
indigenous peoples of South Australia (boys of pre-initiation age, pregnant
27
women or novices). Various food, especially fat, is a taboo for pregnant women
of South Australia two months prior to the birth of a child. All kinds of purgative
roots are forbidden as well, since they could cause miscarriage or hurt the baby
permanently (Berndt, 140). As was already mentioned above, there are food
taboos for relatives of a deceased person as well, especially the widow. There
are many taboos that have to be observed by boys and they are removed, one
at a time, during initiation ceremonies. So, after all the ceremonies have taken
place, the young man is allowed to eat everything. Among the Warramunga
(Central Australia), the men has usually reached middle age before being
allowed to eat wild turkey, rabbit or emu and only very old men are allowed to
eat everything. Apart from the food taboos, the young were also obliged to
provide food for the older. The aim of these taboos is to provide better food for
the elderly (Webster, 324).
There are also food taboos that have to be observed by all the members
of the group all the time. There is a taboo on fishing and eating scale-fish in
Tasmania that was established 4 000 years ago. Tasmania was already an
island separated from Australia at that time. Landen argues that one of the
possible reasons for creation of this taboo is that fishing in Tasmania can be
dangerous and there are other sources of food since Tasmania is a big island
with sufficient resources (Landen).
All the members of a totem clan observe a taboo on eating a plant or an
animal that is their totem. Sometimes, they do not even talk about the totem,
touch it or look at it. There is still different system of food taboos in Queensland.
There are no totemic clans. Instead, the tribe is divided into four classes with
several taboos distinctive for each of these groups. For instance, boys and girls
28
after their first initiation ceremony are not allowed to eat different kinds of meat
and fish but they can kill it and there is no fruit, vegetable or plant that would be
a food taboo for them. The aim of this taboo is, as in one of the previous cases,
to control the allocation of the food available. Each member of the family
(husband, wife and a child) belongs to different class. Therefore, they eat
different food. Hence, the number of children in the family does not influence
the amount of food available for either of parents (Webster, 325).
Guardian spirit, mostly an animal, is a food taboo as well. It is usually
chosen by a magician. Among the Euahlayi (New South Wales) magicians or
prospective magicians are given the yunbeai (familiar animal) by their brothers.
The magician is then believed to be able to change himself into this animal in
case of danger. If a yunbeai is given to an ill person, the animal gives its
strength to this person and helps him or her recover. There is a food taboo on
one`s yunbeai because it is believed that there is a connection between the
animal and the person in question. Hurting this animal would hurt the person as
well. If it was killed, the person would die (Webster, 325).
On the whole, there is a number of food taboos. Some of them aim to
divide the food among different groups of the tribe. Other taboos do not have
such a clear and rational aim, for instance pregnancy taboos. However, the food
that is a taboo for pregnant women might be harmful for the baby. Yet other
taboos are observed because of the sacredness of the object.
2.2.4.1 Leaving Food
Australian Aborigines (especially the Narrinyeri of South Australia)
always destroy the leftovers of their food (mainly bones) very carefully. Were
they found by other people, they could construct a deadly charm upon the
29
person who did not destroy the leftovers. When a sorcerer gets hold of such a
bone, he mixes red ochre and fish oil. Then he puts the eye of a cod into the
mixture and makes a ball out of it. He sticks the ball on the bone and puts it into
the bosom of a dead body so that it would get deadly potency. Next, the
sorcerer puts the ball near fire. As the ball melts, it is believed that the person
against whom the spell has been directed becomes ill. Once the ball melts away
completely, the person in question dies. The charm can be broken if the person
manages to get the bone back from the sorcerer and throws it into a river
(Frazer, 179).
2.3 Tabooed Persons
There are three types of people tabooed: women at menstruation and
childbirth, warriors and mothers-in-law (or rather communication with them) are
a taboo for their sons-in-law. Interaction with strangers will be mentioned at this
point as well because it is governed by special rules.
2.3.1 Women at Menstruation and Childbirth
Australian Aboriginal women that are menstruating are not allowed to
touch anything that men use, neither to walk on the same path men use. The
penalty for breaching the taboo is death: “An Australian blackfellow, who
discovered that his wife had lain on his blanket at her menstrual period, killed
her and died of terror himself within a fortnight” (Frazer, 185). There is a similar
taboo concerning women during childbirth. Women are isolated (they live in a
hut away from the main camp area) and all the vessels used during childbirth
are burnt (Frazer, 185).
30
Fraser argues that this is because women during menstruation or
childbirth are considered to be in dangerous condition that may infect other
people of things that come into contact with these women. Therefore, the
women are separated until they recover and they are not dangerous anymore
(Frazer, 185).
2.3.2 Mother-in-law and Son-in-law
The practice of not speaking to one`s mother in law and avoiding eye
contact with her is referred to as Mother-in-law taboo or Mother-in-law
avoidance by Francesca Merlan (108). The degree of avoidance varies among
regions of Australia (the communication can be maintained through son or
daughter of the mother-in-law). Merlan argues that avoidance practices should
not be regarded as no communication at all: “it is evidently to be understood as
a mode of interaction which emphasises difference (not necessarily completely
symmetrical, but mutual) and social distance” (Merlan, 114). As Goldenwaiser
states, there are numerous theories trying to find out the origin of this custom.
The reasons of avoidance stated in these theories vary from protection against
incest (the fact that I refuse to know the mother of my wife ensures me that she
is not my sister and the other way round) to protective reaction of the wife`s
family since son-in-law can be regarded as a stranger and a potential danger for
the family.
2.3.3 Warriors
The vessels of warriors are sacred. The warriors themselves have to
practice continence and a custom of personal cleanness. This is done in order
31
to prevent the enemy from obtaining any part (hair, nail) of the warriors because
it could be used for magical purposes (Frazer, 185).
2.3.4 Interaction with Strangers
When a foreign tribe has been invited to the territory, the members of this
tribe cannot enter the territory unless they perform a special ritual. The
strangers carry lighted bark or burning sticks with them. The purpose of this
ritual is to clear and purify the air (Frazer, 176).
The society of Australian Aborigines lacks any kind of formal
government. Instead, it is governed by a complex system of obligations and
responsibilities everybody is familiar with, which includes taboos as well.
Anyone who breaches a taboo (or violates any other standard of conduct) is
penalised either casually or during a ceremony (Carter and Whitlock, 64-65).
Carter and Whitlock use the example of a man who breached a taboo while
hunting. He was speared by his fellow hunter immediately after he breached the
taboo and none of the hunters present questioned this act and they all regarded
it as a punishment (65). Women at menstruation and childbirth taboos are
among the strongest. As was already mentioned above, the result of the breach
of these taboos may be even death (the man killed his wife and died of fear
after breaching the taboo). Furthermore, Australian Aborigines are taught from
an early age to believe that a breach of a taboo or any other social rule will
result in one`s hair turning grey, inflammation of an eye, bleeding to death, any
other disease or even death caused by magic powers (Webster, 372). Thanks
to this, taboos are strengthened.
32
On the whole, this chapter of the thesis described various taboos of
Australian Aborigines. The reasons for these taboos vary, yet, it is possible to
argue that most of them are observed because of fear. Still, there are also
taboos with quite rational reasons for compliance with them, for instance some
of the food taboos.
33
3. Taboos of Native Americans
This chapter aims to describe taboos of Native Americans and the
reasons that make Native Americans comply with the taboos. The structure of
this chapter is very similar to the preceding one. Tabooed words, persons, and
acts will be described as well as breaching the taboo and its consequences.
3.1 Tabooed Words
There are two groups of tabooed words among Native Americans:
personal names and the name of the dead. Among certain tribes, names of the
relatives of the deceased person are a taboo as well.
3.1.1 Personal Names
Native Americans consider their name to be a part of themselves: “the
North American Indian regards his name, not as a mere label, but as a distinct
part of his personality, just as much as are his eyes or his teeth, and believes
that injury will result as surely from the malicious handling of his name as from a
wound inflicted on any part of his physical organism” (Frazer, 216). This belief
can be found among the majority of Native American tribes. The Eskimos, for
instance, change their name when they are old because they believe that you
are given “a new lease of life” with the new name. The Tolampoos of Celebes
believe that if a person writes his or her name on a piece of paper, this person
takes his or her soul with the name as well. Therefore, they usually do not
pronounce their names (Frazer, 216). Yet, it is sometimes possible for a
stranger to find out the name of a Native American. Even though they will not
34
utter their name themselves, anyone else can do so. This practice is common
mainly in British Columbia (Frazer, 217).
3.1.2The Name of the Dead
Native Americans of all tribes hesitate to pronounce the name of the
deceased person. All people who have the same name as the dead are obliged
to change it. This takes place at the first ceremony of mourning for the dead.
Among some tribes, the change lasts for only certain amount of time during the
period of mourning, in other cases, it is permanent. Among the Chinook of the
Pacific Northwest region of the United States, the taboo lasts for several years.
Close relatives of the deceased person from the tribes of north-west of North
America change their names as well. This is done in order not to attract the
spirit of the deceased person back to the earth by uttering a familiar name and
the reason why the name of the dead itself is not pronounced is the same. If the
name of the deceased person happens to be a name of an object of common
use (plant, tool) this object is renamed as well. This contributed to changes in
language (Frazer, 223-25).
3.2 Tabooed Things
This section focuses of things that are a taboo for Native Americans. It is
divided into three parts: blood as a taboo, sharp instruments and different types
of food taboos.
3.2.1 Blood
There is only one taboo of Native Americans regarding blood mentioned
by Frazer. It is a taboo on drinking blood of any animal among some tribes of
35
Native Americans, because it is believed that the life and spirit of the animal is
contained in the blood (Frazer, 202).
3.2.2 Sharp Instruments
Sharp instruments are a taboo among the Eskimos of Bering Strait during
the day a person dies for all the inhabitants of the village. The relatives of the
deceased person are not allowed to cut anything for three days after the death.
Among the tabooed instruments, there are edged ones (knife or axe) as well as
pointed tools (needles or bodkins). Sharp instruments are tabooed in order not
to hurt “the shade” of the dead which is present in the village. If the shade gets
hurt, it may get angry and cause illness or death to the villagers. The same
taboo is observed when there is an ill person in the village, because the shade
might be moving outside the body of the ill and also four days after killing a
whale (Frazer, 201).
3.2.3 Food
Different food is prohibited from eating among different tribes of Native
Americans. The Iroquois do not eat the animals that burrow in the graveyards.
This is due to the attachment the Native Americans have to the land their
ancestors are buried in (Thornton, 48). Subjects of other food taboos are
women at menstruation, pregnant women during pregnancy and also for some
time after the child is born (to some extent also their husbands), warriors after
taking the first scalp and girls at their puberty ceremony (Pritzker, 196). For
instance, pregnant Cherokee women are not allowed to eat squirrel, speckled
trout or rabbit and they should not use much salt (Native Americans).
36
There is a taboo on killing and eating fish among the Navahos and the
Apaches who live predominantly in desert. The cause of this taboo among the
Apaches is explained by Washington Matthews:
Living in a desert land where water is so scarce and so obviously
important to life, they come in time to worship water, either in itself or
through water-spirits and water-gods. Regarding the water as sacred, it is
an easy step for them to regard as sacred everything that belongs to the
water, - above all, fish, which cannot live away from the water. Hence it
becomes a sacrilege to kill the fish or eat its flesh, and hence the
significance of the Apache explanation of the taboo, - that fish is “all
same water” (111).
The Navahos follow this taboo for basically the same reason (Matthews, 105-
12).
Object of another food taboo is the guardian spirit if it happens to be an
animal. It is not allowed to eat such an animal neither to kill it. This taboo was
followed only by members of certain tribes, for instance the Maidu of northern
California, the Dene and The Copper Eskimo. Other tribes do not follow this
taboo and they even wear a piece of the skin or a bone of their patron as a
talisman. Among these tribes, there are the Eskimos of Yukon. The third group
of Native American tribes, for instance the Shuswap and the Thompson, has
only a part of an animal as a guardian spirit. Therefore, only this part (head,
nose) is a food taboo for them and the rest can be eaten freely (Webster, 326).
However, food taboos can be imposed for yet another reason. Among
most of the tribes of Native Americans, a medicine man can impose a
37
temporary or permanent taboo on a patient. For instance, among the Tinne
(Alaska), such a taboo can consist in avoidance of all the hot or cold food and
drinks or a specific kind of fish or meat. These taboos are observed without
questioning since the medicine man has a great power among the Native
Americans (Webster, 332).
On the whole, there is a great variety of food that is a taboo among the
Native Americans. There are also many reasons for the establishment of these
taboos and they can be permanent as well as temporary. Subject of such a
taboo can be an individual (provided he or she is in specific state or situation,
for instance a warrior, ill person or a pregnant woman) as well as a whole group
(in case the food that is tabooed has specific spiritual or other value for the
whole group).
3.3 Tabooed Persons
There are five types of people who are subject to a taboo. They are
women at childbirth and menstruation, warriors (especially those fighting for the
first time), hunters and fishers, relatives and killers.
3.3.1 Women at Menstruation and Childbirth
Native Americans have many taboos regarding menstruating women and
they follow them without questioning: “The taboos affecting menstruous women
are nowhere more numerous or more rigidly observed than among the North
American Indians” (Webster, 91). Native American women are separated from
all males during menstruation and they stay in a hut out of the main village.
They are not allowed to touch anything that belongs to men nor any animal.
38
Breaching this taboo would result in a bad luck for hunters. They are allowed to
eat only dried fish and drink water through drinking tube (Frazer, 184-85).
Webster describes the taboos connected with women at menstruation
among the Winnebago (north-east of the United States of America). Winnebago
women never lie in their menstrual hut. Instead, they sit there, wrapped in a
blanket. They cannot look at the sky, otherwise the weather would worsen.
Equally, they are not allowed to look at anybody, because the person would
have bad luck. There is an absolute food taboo (they are not allowed to eat or
drink anything) they have to observe for four days and touching their bodies is
also a taboo (they use stick), since it would cause fever (111).
Women at childbirth are subject of a similar taboo. In Alaska, a woman
gives birth in a hovel made of reeds which is separated from the village. She
must remain there twenty days after the child is born because she is considered
unclean. Therefore, nobody wants to touch her and food is given to her using
sticks (Frazer, 186). The reason for both of these taboos is, as was already
mentioned above, the fact that women at menstruation and childbirth are
regarded as strange and unclean. Therefore, the others (mainly men) are afraid
of them.
3.3.2 Warriors
There is a taboo for Native American warriors of some tribes on their first
venture. The vessels the warrior uses while eating or drinking cannot be
touched by anyone else. He is also not allowed to scratch his head with fingers
(he has to use stick instead). This is because hands (not head) are considered
a taboo at this time. Apache warrior has to observe the taboo during the first
39
four war expeditions and water cannot touch his lips so he has to drink using a
reed or cane. Girls at their fist menstruation are subject to the same taboos
(Frazer, 187-88).
Warriors travelling out of their territory have to sleep with their heads
toward their land. There are many more taboos concerning warriors. Among
them, there is wetting one`s feet, sitting on bare ground or choosing beaten
paths if it can be avoided. If they have to use this path, they must heal their feet
in various ways. Finally, stepping over any part of body of a fellow warrior or his
possession is also forbidden. On their return, they throw away all the bowls one-
day-walk distance from their village. The Creek avoid any intercourse with
women three days before they go to war (Frazer, 188).
There is no clear explanation of the taboos concerning warriors. In my
opinion, they are based on superstition and exist because warriors have a
special role in the group and the taboos should bring them lack and prevent the
rest of the community from effect of any bad spirits the warriors come across
during war-path.
3.3.3 Mother-in-law Taboo
There is a mother-in-law taboo among the Native Americans of the Great
Planes. Son-in-law is not allowed to talk to his mother-in-law directly out of
respect and sometimes they could not even look at each other. This taboo was
sometimes accompanied by father-in-law taboo which governed the relationship
between father-in-law and daughter-in-law in the same way (Kuiper, 125).
40
3.3.4 Killers
Mourning for the dead enemies takes place among most of the Native
Americans of North America. Frazer describes specific taboos among the
Natchez and the Choctaw. There were taboos for a warrior who has taken his
first scalp. He was prohibited from sleeping and there was also a food taboo
that allowed this warrior to eat only fish and hasty-pudding (porridge or grains
with milk or water). The taboos have to be observed. Otherwise, the soul of the
killed man will cause death of the warrior by magic and all the warriors would
not be successful at their future battles anymore and a wound any warrior of the
tribe will suffer in the future will kill the warrior. The Choctaw warrior that has
killed a man is mourning for a month. During this period, he is not allowed to
comb his hair and he has to scratch his head using (Frazer, 191).
3.3.5 Hunters and Fishers
Eskimo hunters and fishers who have killed a whale or have helped to
take it from the net cannot do any work for the four following days since the
shade of the whale stays with the body for this period of time. Sharp
instruments are a taboo for this period in the whole village so that the shade
would not get hurt as well as iron instruments and loud noises which could
frighten or anger the shade (Frazer, 196).
3.3.6 Strangers
The Navajo people (Southwest of the United States) avoid any close
contact (mainly touching) with a stranger. It is also considered impolite to ask
them personal questions without knowing the person well. Among the Arctic
41
tribes, the strangers (without kin affiliations) are considered dangerous and they
can even be killed without much hesitation (Pritzker, 750).
3.4 Tabooed Acts- Storytelling
Storytelling is the only act that is considered a taboo among Native
Americans. Among majority of the Native American tribes, stories cannot be told
during daytime and in summer. If a story was told during this part of a day or
year, snakes could appear. The Navaho hold their nine days long ceremony
called Mountain Chant in winter when there is not a possibility of thunder and
rattlesnakes are hibernating: “Were they to tell of their chief gods or relate their
myths of the ancient days at any other time, death from lightning or snake-bite
would, they believe, be their early fate” (Webster, 300). For the Iroquois,
storytelling starts to be a taboo when the buds start to open and stories are
allowed again when leaves begin to fall (Webster, 300).
This section will describe the consequences of breaching the taboo as
well as a Native American story called The man who transgressed a taboo.
Most Native American tribes, for instance the Navajo, believe that an illness
results from a breach of a taboo. Among other causes of illness, there are soul
loss, intrusive object, spirit possession and witchcraft. A taboo can be
transgressed by an act or a contact with a prohibited thing or person. It is
important to notice that the person who breached the taboo does not have to be
the one punished. For instance, if a pregnant woman breaks a taboo, its effects
are moved to the unborn child (Bailey, 37).
42
The story The man who transgressed a taboo talks about a man who had
to observe a taboo on eating porcupine. This taboo had been established
because he was transformed into a human being from an animal. He lived with
warriors who did not believe him the story of his transformation so they made
him eat the porcupine without him knowing it. After eating the porcupine, the
man became very thirsty and turned into a catfish. With help of a medium,
father of the man who turned into catfish found out that nothing could be done
to transform his son back into human being, but the medium told the father that
he should live on the shore because his son will help him there. The father
followed this advice and his son helped him with hunting since all the animals
came to the father voluntary. On sunny days, the father was even able to see
the huge catfish and talk to it. So the story has a happy ending because the
father managed to provide enough food for him as well as for his friends in the
village.
Judging from this story, breaching of a taboo has its consequences which
cannot be altered even though the taboo is transgressed unintentionally.
However, the story ends happily so the positive characters would not be only
punished. The aim of this and similar stories was probably to reinforce the
obedience of taboos among Native Americans.
43
4. A Comparison of Taboos of Native
Americans and Australian Aborigines
The last chapter of this thesis aims to summarize and compare the
taboos of Native Americans and Australian Aborigines as well as the reasons
for these taboos or their aims. It covers three groups of taboos: tabooed words,
things and people. The breach of the taboo and its consequences in both
societies will be discussed as well.
4.1 Tabooed Words
There are two words that are a taboo in cultures of Native Americans and
Australian Aborigines. They are both names: the name of the deceased person
and one`s own name. There is a taboo on one`s own name among the
Australian Aborigines because of the fear of the sorcerers who may use this
name magically in order to hurt the person. The reason why Native Americans
hesitate to utter one`s name is only slightly different. They regard their name as
part of themselves. Therefore, if the name ii not treated properly, the person
suffers as well. So, on the whole, the taboo exists in both cultures and their
reasons are quite similar as well.
The name of the deceased person is a taboo in both cultures. Among the
Native Americans as well as Australian Aborigines, the name is not pronounced
because it may catch the attention of the ghost of the recently deceased
person. All bearers of this name have to change it and the objects with the
same name are renamed as well. This is valid for both cultures and it
44
contributes to language change. The fear of the ghost of the deceased person
is even bigger among some tribes of Native Americans. Hence, even the
relatives of the deceased person change their names so that the ghost would
not be attracted by a familiar name.
4.2 Tabooed Things
Blood is a taboo in both cultures as well as many kinds of food taboos.
There is a taboo on using sharp instruments present only among the Eskimos
and Australian Aborigines have a taboo on hair that is not found in the culture of
Native Americans.
Blood is a taboo in both cultures but the actual taboo is different in
respective cases. The Native Americans do not drink blood of a killed animal
because they believe that the spirit of the animal is in the blood or that it is even
the blood itself. Australian Aborigines hesitate to spill blood. If they have to do it,
they prevent the blood from falling on the ground.
The reasons for the taboo on hair of Australian Aborigines are similar to
the taboo on one`s own name of Native Americans. It cannot be possessed by
other people because it can be used magically. The hair as well as name is
regarded as part of the person. Therefore, if someone possesses the hair or
knows the name, he or she can hurt this person using only the hair or name of
the person.
The taboo on using sharp objects among the Eskimos is not found in any
other tribe of Native Americans neither among Australian Aboriginals. However,
the aim of this taboo, not to hurt the ghost of the deceased or ill person or an
animal that was killed so that it would not cause illness or death in the village, is
45
similar to the name of the dead taboos present in both cultures. Another taboo,
found only among Australian Aborigines, that is connected with the spirit of the
deceased person is the place of death taboo. The camping grounds are
abandoned due to the fear of the ghost of the deceased person which is
believed to be there.
The biggest group of things that are tabooed in both cultures are different
kinds of food. Among the Native Americans as well as Australian Aborigines,
there are taboos for specific people and taboos that apply to the whole group.
Pregnant women and women at menstruation are a subject of food taboo in
both cultures. There are also food taboos for boys during initiation ceremony or
warriors. I have not managed to find the reasons for these taboos but I believe
that the food taboo is connected with the specific state the person is in
(pregnancy, puberty or warpath).
Secondly, there is food that is a taboo for the whole tribe or group. This is
usually because the animal (since the food tabooed for the whole group is
usually an animal) has a spiritual value for the group. A totem animal is a taboo
among Australian Aborigines and there are similar taboos among the Native
Americans. For instance, the Navahos and Apaches do not eat fish because
they consider it sacred since it lives in water which is sacred due to its scarcity.
Thirdly, there is a personal food taboo on one`s guardian spirit provided it
is an animal. This taboo is present in both cultures, however, only among some
tribes. Among Australian Aborigines, the guardian spirit is a taboo because it is
believed that there is a connection between the health of the spirit and the
person. So if the animal is hurt or killed the person is hurt or dies as well. The
46
reasons for this taboo among the tribes of Native Americans who observe it are
not known.
Finally, there are also specific food taboos among certain indigenous
tribes of Australia. People of the tribe are divided into groups with specific food
taboos for each group. The aim of these taboos is to manage the distribution of
food. There is no equivalent for this taboo among Native Americans. Equally,
the taboo on leaving food over is found only among Australian Aborigines.
4.3 Tabooed People
There are three groups of tabooed people present in both cultures:
women at menstruation and childbirth, warriors and mothers-in-law. Women at
menstruation and childbirth are separated from the main camp and they cannot
touch anything men use in both cultures. This is so because they are
considered unclean by Native Americans. Australian Aborigines find women at
menstruation and childbirth to be in a dangerous state that can be transmitted to
others. In both cultures, women at menstruation and childbirth are feared by the
rest of the group.
Mother-in-law taboo is also present in both cultures. Among Native
Americans, it is sometimes accompanied by a father-in-law taboo. Native
Americans avoid contact with their mother-in-law and sometimes also father-in-
law because of respect. The reasons for this taboo in Australia vary. Rejecting
to talk with one`s mother-in-law signifies that it definitely is not my mother.
Therefore, I have not married my sister. This taboo may also have the
protection of the family of wife (in case of mother-in-law taboo) as the main aim.
On the whole, this taboo is present in both cultures and the reasons for it differ.
47
Lastly, warriors have to observe many taboos among Native Americans
as well as Australian Aborigines. There are special taboos for Native American
warriors on their first venture. These taboos are not found among Australian
Aborigines. The warriors on war-path are subject of a taboo in both cultures.
They have to sleep with their heads toward their land and they are not allowed
to sit on bare ground or get their feet wet in North America. Australian
Aboriginal warriors have to be careful not to lose hair or nails during their
venture. If an enemy got hold of it, he might use it magically to hurt the warrior.
Strangers are not a taboo in neither of the cultures but there are treated
in a specific way. Among Native Americans, there are rules for interaction with
strangers. It is considered impolite to come too close to a Native American or to
ask him or her personal questions without knowing the person well. Among the
Eskimos, strangers are considered to be dangerous. There are also special
rituals for an unfamiliar tribe who wants to enter lands of another tribe in
Australia. The aim of these rituals is to purify air.
There are two more taboos found only among the Native Americans.
They are both connected with the ghost (or shade) of the dead. A Native
American who has killed an enemy has to observe food taboos and he is not
allowed to sleep for certain period of time. Had the taboos not been observed,
the ghost of the killed enemy would kill the warrior and cause bad luck for all the
warriors of the tribe. There is a similar taboo found only among the Eskimos, the
hunters and fishers cannot do any work for four days after killing because the
shade of the killed animal is still with the body.
48
4.4 The Reasons for the Taboos and Their
Aims
A large number of taboos among Native Americans and also Australian
Aborigines are created out of fear. The indigenous people of Australia and
North America are afraid of the ghost (or shade) of the deceased person or
killed animal, sorcerers and enemies that can use magic against them.
The second reason for a taboo is sacredness of an object. Native
Americans and Australian Aborigines have taboos on killing or eating animals or
parts of animals that are considered sacred. They are, for instance, the totem
animals or the guardian spirits. On the whole, taboos can be divided according
to the perception of their cause and reasons by indigenous peoples on fear and
sacredness of the tabooed object.
Apart from fear and sacredness, some of the taboos have rational aims
or reasons even though the people who observe the taboo might not be aware
of it. Therefore, the category of rationality of the taboo is independent of the
previous two since both taboos caused by fear and sacredness can be rational
or not. For instance, a complex system of food taboos observed by some tribes
of Australian Aborigines aims to manage the distribution of food among different
age groups. Other food taboos are also quite rational. For instance a taboo on
eating fat food during pregnancy is quite rational since fat food is not good for
the unborn baby. Similarly, it is not healthy to drink blood of a killed animal,
which is a taboo among Native Americans. The establishment of the mother-in-
law taboo can also be perceived as sensible to some extent since there is often
friction between mother-in-law and son-in-law in any society. Burning the camp
49
after somebody dies is also reasonable if the death was caused by an infectious
disease. It is possible to find rational explanations for nearly all the taboos in
both cultures.
Taboos have an important role in both cultures since they regulate the
relationships and behaviour of people. However, the taboo can be broken as
well either intentionally or unintentionally. Australian Aborigines as well as
Native Americans believe that a breach of the taboo will result in an illness.
Among Native Americans, it is believed that it can be any illness. A disease but
also death caused by magic is believed to be a result of breaking a taboo
among Australian Aborigines. It is quite likely that a person who breaks a taboo
can die. This is not caused by magic but, as was described in chapter number
one, the fear of the taboo and consequences of breaching it.
50
Conclusion
The aim of the thesis was to compare the taboos of Native Americans
and Australian Aborigines. I argued that there are many similarities in the actual
taboos present in both cultures and also in the reason for these taboos. As was
stated in the chapter number four, it is true to large extent. Vast majority of
taboos depicted in this work are present in both cultures (both of word taboos,
mother-in-law taboo, food taboos etc.). Still, sometimes the taboos differ in their
aim or reasons and yet more often, the taboos are different in the number of
tribes or groups that observed them in the respective cultures. However, there
are also taboos that are present in only one of the cultures, only among
members of one tribe or in one specific area, for instance the taboo on sharp
objects among the Eskimos.
Reasons for the taboos found among Native Americans and Australian
Aborigines are similar. Most often, it is fear that makes the indigenous peoples
of Australian and North America observe the taboo. Writing this thesis, I got the
impression that a Native American and to even greater extent Australian
Aborigines live in a permanent stress and fear because they have to be careful
not to leave the food over, not to pronounce the name of the dead and so on.
Other taboos are established due to sacredness of the object of a taboo.
Independently of those two categories, there are taboos which may be
considered to have rational basis and those that do not. Taboos with rational
basis outnumber the taboos without rational aim.
51
List of Works Cited
Bailey, Eric J. Medical Anthropology and African American Health. Westport:
Bergin & Garvey, 2000. Print.
Berndth, Roland Murray, Catherine Helen Berndt and John Edward Stanton. A
World That Was: The Yaraldi of the Murray River and the Lakes, South
Australia. Vancouver: UBC Press, 1993. Print.
Broome, Richard. Aboriginal Australians. Allen & Unwin, 2002. Print.
Carter, David, and Gillian Lea Whitlock, eds. Images of Australia: an
Intorductory Reader in Australian Studies. St. Lucia: University of
Queensland Press, 1992. Print.
“Cherokee Taboos.” Native Americans. Native Americans, 2008. Web. 15. Feb.
2013.
Cook, James. The Three Voyages of Captain James Cook around the World.
Longman, Hurst, Rees, Orme, and Brown, 1821. Google eBook.
Cook, James, et al. A Voyage to the Pacific Ocean. 1793. Google eBook.
Ferro, Marc. Tabu dějin. Červený Kostelec: Pavel Mervart, 2010. Print.
Frazer, James George. The Golden Bough: a Study in Magic and Religion.
London: Macmillan & Co, 1963. Print.
Fryer-Smith, Stephanie. Aboriginal Benchbook for Western Australian Courts.
Carlton: The Australian Institute of Judicial Administration Incorporated,
2002. Web.
52
Goldenweiser, A. A. “The Mother-in-Law Taboo” New York City: Columbia
University. Web.
Harris, Marvin. “The Cultural Ecology of India’s Sacred Cattle.” Current
Anthropology 33.1 (1992): 261-276. JSTOR. Web. 21. Nov. 2012.
Kraft, Hartmut. Tabu: magie a sociální skutečnost. Praha: Mladá fronta, 2006.
Print.
Kuiper, Kathleen. Native American Culture. New York:The Rosen Publishing
Group, 2010. Print.
Landen, Greg. “Why Did the Tasmanians Stop Eating Fish?” ScienceBlogs. 8
Aug. 2010. Web. 19 Feb. 2013.
Matthews, Washington. “Ichthyophobia.” Journal of American Folk-Lore
11.41(1898): 105-12. JSTOR. Web. 19 Feb. 2013.
McGrath, Pam, and Emma Phillips. “Australian Findings on Aboriginal Cultural
Practices Associated with Clothing, Hair, Possessions and Use of Name
of Deceased Persons.”International Journal of Nursing Practice
14.1(2008): 57-66. Wiley Online Library. Web. 29 Oct. 2012.
Merlan, Francesca. “The Mother-in-Law Taboo: Avoidance and Obligation in
Aboriginal Australian Society.” Scholar and Sceptic .Ed. Francesca
Merlan, John Morton and Alan Rumsey. Canberra: Aboriginal Studies
Press, 1997. 66-95. Web. 12. June 2012.
Pritzker, Barry. A Native American Encyclopedia : History, Culture, and
Peoples. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000. Print.
53
Steiner, Franz B., et al. Taboo, Truth, and Religion: Selected Writings. New
York: Berghahn Book. 1999. Print.
“The Man Who Transgressed a Taboo.” American Indian Literature: An
Anthology. Ed. Alan R. Velie. Norman, Oklahoma: University of
Oklahoma Press, 1991. 27-29. Print.
Thornton, Russell. Sudying Native America: Problems & Prospects. Madison:
University of Wisconsin Press, 1998. Print.
Webster, Hutton. Taboo: A Sociological Study. Stanford University, California:
Stanford University Press, 1942. Web.
54
Resumé (English)
Taboos are phenomena that can have various forms and reasons why
they are observed. Still, they can be found in any society. This thesis focuses
on the taboos of Native Americans and Australian Aborigines. It aims to analyse
and compare taboos of the indigenous peoples of Australia and North America.
The thesis uses The Golden Bough by Sir James George Frazer and Tabu by
Hartmut Kraft as the main secondary sources.
The thesis is divided into four chapters. The first chapter describes the
taboo in general predominantly from the sociological point of view. The second
chapter focuses on the taboos of Australian Aborigines. It comprises of three
sections: tabooed things, words and persons. The third chapter is dedicated to
the taboos of the indigenous peoples of North America and it has the same
structure as the preceding one so that it would be easy to compare the taboos.
The comparison itself is made in the last chapter.
The comparison has shown that there are many similarities among the
taboos of Native Americans and Australian Aborigines. The similarities can be
found in the subjects and objects of the taboos as well as in the reasons for
their existence. The subjects and objects of the taboos are, in both societies,
people or things that are different or special in certain way. As to the reasons of
the creation of the taboos, many of them are created because the object of a
taboo is feared by the indigenous peoples of Australia as well as North America.
Still, many taboos have rational basis.
55
56
Resumé (Czech)
Tabu představuje fenomén, který má různé podoby a vzniká z různých
důvodů. Nacházejí se však v každé společnosti. Tato bakalářská práce se
věnuje tabu Severoamerických Indiánů a původních obyvatel Austrálie. Cílem
práce je analyzovat a porovnat tabu těchto skupin původních obyvatel. Mezi
hlavní zdroje použité v práci patří Zlatá Ratolest Jamesa Frazera a kniha Tabu
napsaná Hartmuntem Kraftem.
Práce je rozdělená na čtyři kapitoly. První kapitola se zabývá tabu ve
všeobecnosti zejména ze sociologického hlediska. Druhá kapitola popisuje tabu
původního obyvatelstva Austrálie. Dělí se na tři části: tabuizovaná slova, osoby
a věci. Třetí kapitola je věnovaná tabu Severoamerických Indiánů a strukturou
je podobná předcházející, aby bylo snadné jednotlivá tabu porovnat. Samotné
porovnání se nachází ve čtvrté kapitole.
Porovnání tabu ukázalo na mnoho podobností mezi tabu původního
obyvatelstva Austrálie a Severní Ameriky. Předmětem tabu je obvykle osoba
nebo věc, která je určitým způsobem odlišná nebo speciální a mnoho tabu bylo
vytvořeno ze strachu k tabuizované věci nebo osobě v obou kulturách.
57

Bakalarska Praca

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

Bakalarska Praca

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

Masaryk University

English Language and Literature

Taboos and Cultural Specifics of

Supervisor: PhDr. Jitka Vlčková, Ph.D.

The first chapter describes the taboo as a social phenomenon in general.

specific taboos of Native Americans and Australian Aborigines which are

described in the following two chapters.

The second chapter focuses on the taboos of Australian Aborigines. It

would be easy to compare the taboos.

are made at this point.

Taboos are usually not observed by all the indigenous peoples in

Australia or North America. Therefore, when talking about a particular taboo, I

relevant sources, it was not possible to concentrate on a single tribe or group of

the culture of Native Americans or Australian Aborigines. Still, I believe that my

cultures in the United States, Canada and Australia.

instance in stories or songs.

taboo as a social phenomenon regardless of the society it occurs in. In order to

of taboos will be discussed as well as methods of tabooing, taboo and its

taboo and its primary definition.

1.1 Definitions of the Taboo

breaches the taboo, he or she is threatened to be excluded, or even excluded,

from the society (37).

the fear or shame it is associated with. He also differentiates taboo from a

prohibition and censorship. Prohibition is mostly used when something is not

talked about by censorship (11).

I find Kraft`s definition much more accurate than Ferro`s, because he

managed to produce a definition of taboo that is valid regardless of the society it

only to contemporary western society. This is probably due to the focus of

cultures while defining a taboo. He deals solely with taboos in Europe

throughout the history in his work.

James Frazer defines the taboo in The Golden Bough as a negative

that we want something pleasant to happen. Analogically, negative magic

indicates that we want to prevent something unpleasant from happening. Frazer

seems to be valid only for tribal societies.

Oxford dictionary defines the taboo as follows: “a social or religious

custom prohibiting or forbidding discussion of a particular practice or forbidding

association with a particular person, place, or thing.” This definition manages to

one dictionary entry. In other dictionaries, for instance Macmillan or Merriam-

contemporary western society and the other describes taboo as an aspect of

culture and religion of the indigenous peoples.

action. The consequences, as was already mentioned above, consist in the

possibility of exclusion from the society.

1.2 Characteristics of the Taboo

Various characteristics of taboos presented by Hartmut Kraft will be

discussed in this section. First of all, he defines taboo as a vivid phenomenon

According to Kraft, another characteristics of the taboo is that it helps to

regarded as something the members of certain group have in common and, at

group. For example if I am a member of the Greenpeace organisation, it is a

without any negative consequences, provided he or she does it while working

Kraft goes on to claim that the obedience of taboos is embodied in

by a psychological research of brain which proved that exclusion from the

day from eating the fruit (183).

1.3 Origin of the Word

a taboo. Moving to types of taboos, he mentions food taboos, tabooed objects

taboos on Tonga Island as well as their significance are described in more

Women, it has been observed, are always tabooed, or forbidden to eat

was always the consequence of assisting at any funeral, touching a dead

tabooed…This word is also expressive of anything sacred, devoted or

eminent. (Cook, 143)

introduced to Europe by James Cook. He defined a taboo as a thing that is

of people of Tonga Island.

At this point, division of taboos according to various criteria will be

Kraft offers classification of taboos according to two criteria. The first