The era from 1971 to 1923, recognized as a

New Cultural Movement, has sometimes been

referred to as a "Chinese Renaissance." A
significant event during this tumultuous period
was the massive student protest in Peking on
May 4, 1919, sparking a nationwide response
and earning the label "May Fourth Movement."
This movement reflected China's contemporary
socio-political and intellectual awareness, as
the nation grappled with the challenges posed
by twentieth-century imperialism.

From the mid-19th century onward, Chinese

history was marked by a series of national
humiliations. Unequal treaties, beginning with
the Treaty of Nanking in 1842, the loss of
tributary states in the 1880s and 1890s, and
ineffective domestic administration under the
Ch'ing dynasty showcased China's vulnerability
in the face of the "modern world." As the Ch'ing
government's efforts proved insincere and
discriminatory, revolutionaries gained support
from young intellectuals, secret societies, and
overseas Chinese communities. The
momentum of this movement culminated in the
overthrow of the ancient imperial institution,
marking a transformative shift to a republican
era in Chinese history.

The intellectual movement of this period

expressed disdain for traditional Chinese
culture among many intellectuals. They held
traditional culture responsible for China's swift
decline to a subordinate international status
and argued that a departure from traditional
values was necessary for the country's
progress.China's cultural values, perceived as
hindrances, left the nation lagging behind
Japan and the
West in industrial and military progress, making
it susceptible to imperialism. Historians often
highlight the movement's role in ushering in 'a
new literature in the living language of the
people' to replace the traditional classical
language. They characterize it as a clash
between reason and tradition, freedom and
authority, and the celebration of life and human
values against their suppression. This
humanist movement, led by individuals well-
versed in their cultural heritage, aimed to study
it with the new methodologies of modern
historical criticism and research.

Immanuel CY Hsu notes that during World War

I, sentiments of nationalism and democracy
were robust, with Chinese intellectuals
resonating with Wilsonian ideals like national
self-determination and the elimination of secret
diplomacy. Amidst chaos and warlordism in
China, intellectuals felt a profound commitment
to revitalizing their strife-ridden, war-torn
country.

In 1898, Germany obtained a lease for the

Kiaochow naval base in Shantung from the
Ch'ing government. As World War I erupted,
China maintained its neutrality, while Japan,
siding with the Allies, displaced the Germans
from Kiaochow. Following this, Japan extended
its control over much of Shantung. Japan
legitimized its occupation through the Twenty-
one Demands, recognizing its dominance in
Shantung. To reinforce its claims, Japan
engaged in treaties with major powers.

A significant development occurred with the

secret pacts of
September 1918 between Peking and Tokyo.
In exchange for a 20 million yen loan to the
Chinese warlord government, Japan secured
the right to construct two railways in Shantung,
deploy troops at strategic locations, and
oversee Chinese railway guards' training and
directives.

Despite Chinese objections at the Treaty of

Versailles, the fate of Shantung was sealed.
Allied powers, bound by secret treaties,
supported Japan, with President Wilson
standing as the sole advocate for the Chinese
cause. On May 4, in response to the national
crisis and humiliation, hundreds of returned
students convened, resolving to send
telegrams to the Versailles negotiations.A
conference was convened to protest the
perceived unfair verdict and urged the Chinese
delegation to reject the treaty if Shantung
terms were not revised. Plans were made for a
mass demonstration, and petitions were
intended for submission to foreign legations for
transmission to Paris. On May 4, 1919,
approximately 3,000 students from thirteen
universities and colleges gathered at
Tiananmen Square's Gate of Heavenly Peace
in Beijing to express their discontent with the
Versailles Peace Conference's decision on
Shantung. This event was a manifestation of
public anger, nationalism, disillusionment with
the West, and condemnation of the perceived
betrayal by the warlord government in Peking.

Regarded by some historians as the first

genuine mass movement in modern Chinese
history, the May Fourth incident rapidly
expanded beyond students to involve
shopkeepers, industrial workers, and
employees nationwide.
A boycott of Japanese goods ensued, with
people refusing to purchase Japanese
products or travel on Japanese steamers, and
dockhands refusing to unload Japanese goods.
The movement acted as a catalyst for an
intellectual revolution in China, with varying
interpretations comparing it to the European
Reformation or Enlightenment.

Some scholars saw parallels with the

European Reformation, suggesting a potential
rise of 'neo-buddhism.' Others likened it to the
European Enlightenment, highlighting a
coalition of rising social forces against
established groups. Liberal interpretations
considered new thought and literature but
tended to neglect the movement's political
nature. Nationalist and traditionalist views,
represented by leaders of the Kuomintang and
the Chinese Youth Party, either derided the
movement or criticized its iconoclastic
approach to national heritage. Chiang K'ai
Shek accused intellectual reformers of
corrupting the youth by instilling values
contrary to morality, law, and government
orders. Despite Sun Yat-Sen's praise for the
new culture movement, Chiang rejected it,
disagreeing with reformers on the meaning of
science and democracy. In 1951, he
interpreted "the spirit of democracy" as
"discipline" and "the meaning of science" as
"organization," advocating nationalism or ethics
as a third slogan. Mao Zedong viewed the May
Fourth Movement as a cultural reform
expressing China's anti-imperialist and anti-
feudal bourgeois-democratic revolution.
Emphasizing that the movement marked a new
era, Mao asserted that the national
bourgeoisie, proletariat, and intelligentsia
formed a united front, with the intelligentsia
leading. Mao's "On New
Democracy" indicated that the movement
divided "old democracy" and "new democracy"
in China, shifting political guidance to the
proletariat.

Chow Tse-tung saw the movement as an

intellectual and socio-political transformation,
aiming for national independence, individual
emancipation, and societal justice through
China's modernization. Piyangyuan Chen
considered it pivotal in China's shift from
traditional to modern, citing its impact on
student activism, anti-imperialist ideologies,
vernacular writing, and the birth of the
Communist Party. The movement, challenging
Confucian ideas, embraced Western ideologies
and stimulated patriotism and reformist
sentiments. The subsequent weeks saw
nationwide demonstrations, strikes, and
boycotts against Japanese goods. The
campaign's success led to changes in
government officials, a cabinet resignation, and
China's refusal to sign a peace treaty with
Germany. The movement's influence extended
to common people, fostering the decline of
traditional ethics, advancements in women's
emancipation, the rise of vernacular literature,
and the emergence of a modernized
intelligentsia. It also contributed to the
reorganization of the Nationalist Party-
Kuomintang under Chiang Kai Shek and the
birth of the Chinese Communist Party.The
societal dimension of the May Fourth
Movement encompassed endeavors to liberate
Chinese women, often focused on ending foot-
binding. However, in urban areas, educated
and newly liberated women, referred to as
'modeng [modern]’ girls, emerged as vocal
advocates for further societal changes.
Even in contemporary times, May Fourth
serves as a crucial reference point for China.
While the Party may interpret the 1919 events
through its early members and seek to portray
Lu Xun as a Marxist writer, the undeniable truth
is that May Fourth fundamentally propelled
China onto its revolutionary trajectory.

Post the May Fourth Movement, China

experienced rapid development in modern
Western patriotism, nationalism, and the
concept of an independent, socialist-oriented
nation-state. Young intellectuals viewed mass
movements, propaganda, organization, and
revolutionary discipline as justifiable tools in
their struggle against global powers, politics,
and warlordism.

Despite varying perspectives, the movement

fundamentally constituted a socio-political-
intellectual revolution with the goal of achieving
national independence, individual
emancipation, and the creation of a new
culture through a critical and scientific
reevaluation of the national heritage, coupled
with a selective acceptance of foreign
civilization. Immanuel Hsu outlined three key
accomplishments of the May Fourth
Movement: the literary revolution, the influx of
diverse foreign ideas leading to opposing views
on social reconstruction, and the intensification
of nationalism, giving rise to a Young China
eager to guide its own destiny. Thus, the
movement stands as a pivotal juncture
between China's modern and contemporary
history, ushering in socio-political and
intellectual movements to counter twentieth-
century
imperialism.