Introduction to Research Methods and

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Introduction to Research Methods and
Data Analysis in Psychology
Introduction to Research
Methods and Data Analysis
in Psychology

Third Edition

Darren Langdridge
Gareth Hagger-Johnson
Pearson Education Limited
Edinburgh Gate
Harlow CM20 2JE
United Kingdom
Tel: +44 (0)1279 623623
Web: www.pearson.com/uk

First published 2004 (print)

Second edition published 2009 (print)
Third edition published 2013 (print and electronic)

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 Dedication

This book is dedicated to the memory of my grandparents,

Sheila and Albert Preece, whose love and support will never
be forgotten.
− D. L.

This book is dedicated to Richard Street.

− G. H.-J.
This page intentionally left blank
 Brief Contents

List of figures xvii

Guided tour xxii
Preface xxiv
Acknowledgements xxvi
Publisher’s acknowledgements xxvii

Part 1 Introducing research methods

1 Starting out in research 3

2 Variables: definitions and measurement 40
3 Reliability, validity, sampling and groups 50
4 Collecting data 1: interviews and observation 61
5 Collecting data 2: questionnaires and psychometric tests 87
6 Collecting data 3: experimental and quasi-experimental designs 113
7 E-research 137

Part 2 Analysing quantitative data

8 Fundamentals of statistics 163

9 Entering and manipulating data 192
10 Graphical representation and descriptive statistics 213
11 Bivariate analysis 1: exploring differences between variables 235
12 Bivariate analysis 2: exploring relationships between variables 263
13 Analysis of variance (ANOVA) 280
14 Multivariate analysis of variance (MANOVA) 312
15 Regression 332
■ Statistical test flowchart 346
16 Exploratory factor analysis (EFA) 349
17 Introducing R and R commander 376

­vii
­viii Brief Contents

Part 3 Analysing qualitative data

18 Fundamentals of qualitative research 409

19 Transcribing, coding and organising textual data 421
20 Phenomenological research methods 434
21 Grounded theory 453
22 Discourse analysis 466
23 Life story and narrative research 491
24 The use of computers in qualitative research 508
25 Mixed methods 518

Part 4 Ethics and reporting findings

26 The ethics and politics of psychological research 543

27 Reporting and presenting findings 558

Appendix: Tables of critical values for statistical tests 577

References 585
Index 596
 Contents

List of figures xvii

Guided tour xxii
Preface xxiv
Acknowledgements xxvi
Publisher’s acknowledgements xxvii

Part 1 Introducing research methods 1

1 Starting out in research 3

Introduction 3
1.1 Why research? 4
1.2 A very brief history of science 6
1.3 Quantitative versus qualitative? 13
1.4 A brief introduction to methods in the social sciences 16
1.5 Planning research 16
Further reading 39

2 Variables: definitions and measurement 40

Introduction 40
2.1 Operationalising variables 41
2.2 Independent and dependent variables 42
2.3 The problem of error and confounding variables 43
2.4 Levels of measurement 45
2.5 Categorical and continuous variables 48
Further reading 49

3 Reliability, validity, sampling and groups 50

Introduction 50
3.1 Reliability 50
3.2 Validity 51
3.3 The role of replication in the social sciences 52
3.4 Populations and samples 53
3.5 The problem of sampling bias 53

­ix
­x Contents

3.6 Methods of sampling 54

3.7 Sample sizes 57
3.8 Control and placebo groups 59
Further reading 60

4 Collecting data 1: interviews and observation 61

Introduction 61
4.1 Interviewing 62
4.2 Types, purposes and structures of interviews 62
4.3 Interview techniques 66
4.4 Group discussions 71
4.5 Repertory grid techniques 74
4.6 Observation 75
4.7 Structured and non-participant observation 76
4.8 Participant observation 82
Further reading 85

5 Collecting data 2: questionnaires and psychometric tests 87

Introduction 87
5.1 Questionnaires 87
5.2 The first rule of questionnaire design: don’t reinvent the wheel 88
5.3 General principles, types and structure of questionnaires 89
5.4 Writing questions and measuring attitudes 93
5.5 Psychometrics 99
5.6 Reliability 99
5.7 Validity 104
5.8 Psychometric tests 108
Further reading 112

6 Collecting data 3: experimental and quasi-experimental designs 113

Introduction 113
6.1 The role of experiments in psychology 114
6.2 Types of experiment 116
6.3 Identifying four sources of error in experiments 123
6.4 Four ways to reduce error in experiments 125
6.5 Types of experimental design 126
6.6 Running an experiment 131
6.7 Describing an experiment: a note about causality 133
6.8 Returning to the basics of design 135
Further reading 136
 Contents ­xi

7 E-research 137
Introduction 137
7.1 Types of e-research 138
7.2 A warning – what is the population? 139
7.3 E-research and online topics 140
7.4 E-research and offline topics 144
7.5 Ethical issues in e-research 154
Further reading 159

Part 2 Analysing quantitative data 161

8 Fundamentals of statistics 163

Introduction 163
8.1 Descriptive and inferential statistics 165
8.2 Measures of central tendency and dispersion 165
8.3 Probability 176
8.4 Levels of significance 181
8.5 The normal distribution 184
8.6 Understanding z-scores 188
8.7 Standard error 189
8.8 Parametric versus non-parametric tests 190
Further reading 191

9 Entering and manipulating data 192

Introduction 192
9.1 First steps with SPSS 193
9.2 The Data Editor window 196
9.3 Defining variables 197
9.4 Entering data 201
9.5 Saving and opening data files 202
9.6 Sorting and splitting files 202
9.7 Selecting cases 205
9.8 Recoding variables 207
9.9 Computing new variables 210
Further reading 212

10 Graphical representation and descriptive statistics 213

Introduction 213
10.1 Descriptive statistics 214
10.2 Simple and complex bar charts 223
­xii Contents

10.3 Histograms 225

10.4 Pie charts 227
10.5 Box plots 228
10.6 Scattergrams 231
10.7 Editing charts 233

11 Bivariate analysis 1: exploring differences between variables 235

Introduction 235
11.1 Theoretical issues in inferential statistics 235
11.2 Introducing the t-test 237
11.3 Calculating an independent groups t-test 240
11.4 Calculating a related t-test 245
11.5 Introducing non-parametric tests of difference 250
11.6 Calculating a Mann–Whitney U-test 251
11.7 Calculating a Wilcoxon test 257

12 Bivariate analysis 2: exploring relationships between variables 263

Introduction 263
12.1 Introducing chi-square 264
12.2 Calculating chi-square 266
12.3 Introducing correlation coefficients 272
12.4 Calculating correlation coefficients 274

13 Analysis of variance (ANOVA) 280

Introduction 280
13.1 Terminology and techniques 281
13.2 Calculating a one-way ANOVA 284
13.3 Calculating a two-way ANOVA 299
13.4 Calculating a mixed design ANOVA 303
13.5 Non-parametric alternatives – Kruskal–Wallis and Friedman 307

14 Multivariate analysis of variance (MANOVA) 312

Introduction 312
14.1 When would you use MANOVA? 313
14.2 Introduction to MANOVA 315
14.3 Calculating a MANOVA 316
14.4 Running a discriminant function analysis 326
Further reading 331
 Contents ­xiii

15 Regression 332
Introduction 332
15.1 Terminology and techniques 333
15.2 Calculating multiple regression using SPSS 337
Further reading on statistics 345
■ Statistical test flowchart 346

16 Exploratory factor analysis (EFA) 349

Introduction 349
16.1 What is a latent variable? 350
16.2 Fundamentals of EFA 355
16.3 What is the difference between factor analysis and PCA? 358
16.4 Creating scale scores manually 372
Further reading 375

17 Introducing R and R commander 376

Introduction 376
17.1 What is R? 376
17.2 Installing new R libraries 380
17.3 The R commander 381
17.4 Importing data into R 386
17.5 Getting started with R code 387
17.6 Making comments 388
17.7 Basic R commands 388
17.8 Vectors 389
17.9 Large and small numbers 390
17.10 Save your code 390
17.11 Creating and saving a data frame 391
17.12 Graphs 391
17.13 Independent t-test 393
17.14 Related t-test 394
17.15 Mann–Whitney test 395
17.16 Wilcoxon test 395
17.17 Chi square 395
17.18 Correlation and linear regression 396
17.19 Multiple regression 397
17.20 One-way ANOVA 398
17.21 Two-way ANOVA 400
17.22 Repeated measures ANOVA 402
17.23 Reshaping wide format data into long format 403
17.24 Exploratory factor analysis 404
Further R resources 405
Further reading 405
­xiv Contents

Part 3 Analysing qualitative data 407

18 Fundamentals of qualitative research 409

Introduction 409
18.1 Philosophical underpinnings: the old paradigm 410
18.2 Philosophical underpinnings: the new paradigm 413
18.3 Revisiting the qualitative versus quantitative debate 415
18.4 Limitations of the new paradigm for the social sciences 416
18.5 Varieties of qualitative methods and analysis 417
Further reading 420

19 Transcribing, coding and organising textual data 421

Introduction 421
19.1 Purposes and principles of transcription 422
19.2 Systems of transcription 424
19.3 Transcription as analysis 425
19.4 Coding qualitative data 426
19.5 Thematic analysis 430
19.6 Organising and presenting the analysis of textual data 431
Further reading 433

20 Phenomenological research methods 434

Introduction 434
20.1 The fundamentals of phenomenology: philosophical issues 435
20.2 The fundamentals of phenomenology: methodological issues 437
20.3 Searching for meaning: phenomenological psychology
and the Duquesne School 440
20.4 Searching for meaning: interpretative phenomenological analysis (IPA) 445
20.5 Strengths, limitations and debates 449
Further reading 452

21 Grounded theory 453

Introduction 453
21.1 Introducing grounded theory 454
21.2 Collecting data 454
21.3 The dynamic nature of meaning making 455
21.4 Coding 457
21.5 Memo-writing 460
21.6 Theory development 460
21.7 Strengths, limitations and debates 462
Further reading 465
 Contents ­xv

22 Discourse analysis 466

Introduction 466
22.1 The turn to language 467
22.2 Approaches to the study of discourse 469
22.3 Discursive psychology 470
22.4 Foucauldian discourse analysis 480
22.5 Strengths, limitations and debates 487
Further reading 490

23 Life story and narrative research 491

Introduction 491
23.1 The turn to narrative 492
23.2 Selecting informants 493
23.3 Collecting data 495
23.4 Triangulation 499
23.5 Analysing life story data 499
23.6 Writing a life story 502
23.7 Narrative practice and form 504
23.8 Strengths, limitations and debates 505
Further reading 507

24 The use of computers in qualitative research 508

Introduction 508
24.1 Use of computers in qualitative research 509
24.2 Qualitative analysis software 510
24.3 Introducing qualitative analysis software 512
24.4 Fundamentals of using QDA software 512
24.5 Controversies and debates 516
Further reading 517

25 Mixed methods 518

Introduction 518
25.1 Similarities between methods 519
25.2 Four models of (sequenced) mixed methods 521
25.3 Four models of triangulated methods 527
25.4 Blended or ‘hybrid’ methods 530
25.5 Q method 531
25.6 Other hybrid methods 537
25.7 A final comment 537
Further reading 538
Resources: Q method 539
xvi Contents

Part 4 Ethics and reporting findings 541

26 The ethics and politics of psychological research 543

Introduction 543
26.1 Ethical fundamentals 544
26.2 BPS Code of Human Research Ethics principles 546
26.3 Respect for the autonomy and dignity of persons 546
26.4 Scientific value 547
26.5 Social responsibility 548
26.6 Maximising benefit and minimising harm 548
26.7 Other named issues in the Code of Human Research Ethics 549
26.8 Research with (non-human) animals 551
26.9 Equal opportunities 554
26.10 Politics and psychological research 554
26.11 Evaluation research 555
26.12 The need for balance 556
Further reading 556

27 reporting and presenting findings 558

Introduction 558
27.1 The standard scientific report style 558
27.2 An example quantitative report (with commentary) 565
27.3 Writing up qualitative research 571
27.4 Writing skills 573
27.5 Presenting research – writing for publication 575
Further reading 576

Appendix: Tables of critical values for statistical tests 577

References 585
Index 596

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 List of figures

1.1 The hypothetico-deductive approach 12

1.2 PsycINFO interface 27
1.3 PsycINFO Search Tools interface 27
1.4 Mapping a search term to a subject heading in PsycINFO 28
1.5 Results from a PsycINFO search 28
1.6 Combining two search terms in PsycINFO 29
6.1 A parallel groups design 128
6.2 A factorial design 128
6.3 A crossover design 129
6.4 A Latin square design 131
8.1 Example of a normal distribution curve overlaid on a histogram 185
8.2 The normal distribution curve 187
8.3 Standard deviations and the normal distribution 187
8.4 Area enclosed by the mean and z 5 1.0 188
9.1 Windows Start Screen reprinted by permission from
Microsoft Corporation 194
9.2 Initial SPSS dialogue box 195
9.3 The Data Editor window 196
9.4 Switching between views 197
9.5 The Variable View window 198
9.6 The Data View window 201
9.7 Sorting data 203
9.8 The Variable Picker button 204
9.9 Select cases 205
9.10 Select cases: If 206
9.11 Recoding into different variables 208
9.12 Recoding old into new values 208
9.13 Specifying old and new values 209
9.14 The Compute option 210
9.15 Computing the mean of three variables 211
10.1 Selecting SPSS Frequencies 215
10.2 Frequencies dialogue box 215
10.3 Output viewer showing Frequencies output 216
10.4 Moving between windows 216
10.5 Selecting SPSS Descriptives 218
10.6 Descriptives dialogue box 218
10.7 Descriptives: Options 219
10.8 Descriptive statistics output 220

­xvii
­xviii List of figures

10.9 Selecting SPSS Explore 221

10.10 Explore dialogue box 222
10.11 Obtaining histograms using Frequencies 222
10.12 Output showing histogram of age 223
10.13 Selecting SPSS Chart Builder 224
10.14 Choosing a simple bar chart 224
10.15 Output showing a simple bar chart for ethnic origin 225
10.16 Choosing a simple histogram 226
10.17 Choosing a pie chart 228
10.18 Choosing a simple box plot 229
10.19 Output showing a simple box plot for males and females 230
10.20 Choosing a simple scatterplot 232
10.21 Adding a regression line and confidence intervals to a scatterplot 233
11.1 Observed difference in means on the sampling distribution of means 239
11.2 Data entered correctly for an independent group T test 243
11.3 Independent-Samples menu option 243
11.4 Independent-Samples T test dialogue box 244
11.5 Group Statistics and Independent Samples Test output tables 245
11.6 Data entered correctly for a related T test 248
11.7 Paired-Samples T test menu option 248
11.8 Paired-Samples T test dialogue box 249
11.9 Paired-Samples T test output tables 250
11.10 Variables defined correctly for a Mann–Whitney U-Test 254
11.11 Nonparametric Tests Independent Samples menu option 254
11.12 Mann–Whitney U-Test dialogue box 255
11.13 Mann–Whitney U output table 256
11.14 Mann–Whitney U Model Viewer 256
11.15 Changing the View in Model Viewer 257
11.16 Nonparametric Tests Related Samples menu option 260
11.17 Wilcoxon Test dialogue box 261
11.18 Wilcoxon Model Viewer 262
12.1 Crosstabs menu option 269
12.2 Crosstabs dialogue box 270
12.3 Crosstabs: Cell Display dialogue box 270
12.4 Crosstabs: Statistics dialogue box 271
12.5 Chi-square test output 272
12.6 Linear and non-linear relationships in scatterplots 274
12.7 Correlation menu option 278
12.8 Correlation dialogue box 278
12.9 Pearson correlation coefficient output 279
12.10 Spearman correlation coefficient output 279
13.1 Data used for independent ANOVA 285
13.2 Univariate ANOVA dialogue box 286
13.3 Univariate: Options dialogue box 287
13.4 Univariate: Post Hoc dialogue box 287
13.5 Between-Subjects Factors and Descriptive Statistics output 288
13.6 Tests of Between-Subjects Effects output 289
 List of figures ­xix

13.7 Estimate marginal means 289

13.8 Multiple Comparisons output (post hoc tests) 290
13.9 Homogenous Subtests output 291
13.10 Data used for repeated measures ANOVA 292
13.11 Repeated Measures ANOVA dialogue box: Define Factor(s) 293
13.12 Next Repeated Measures ANOVA dialogue box 294
13.13 Repeated Measures: Options dialogue box 294
13.14 Within-Subjects Factors and Descriptive Statistics output 295
13.15 Multivariate Tests output 296
13.16 Mauchly’s Test of Sphericity output 296
13.17 Tests of Within-Subjects Effects output 297
13.18 Tests of Within-Subjects Contrasts output 297
13.19 Tests of Between-Subjects Effects output 297
13.20 Estimated Marginal Means output 298
13.21 Pairwise Comparisons output 298
13.22 Univariate ANOVA dialogue box for two-way ANOVA 300
13.23 Univariate: Profile Plots 301
13.24 Between-Subjects Factors and Tests of Between-Subjects Effects 302
13.25 Profile Plots for two-way ANOVA 303
13.26 Repeated Measures ANOVA dialogue box (mixed design ANOVA) 304
13.27 Repeated Measures: Options (mixed design ANOVA) 305
13.28 Tests of Within-Subjects Effects and Contrasts (mixed design ANOVA) 306
13.29 Estimated Marginal Means according to drinks and sex
(mixed design ANOVA) 306
13.30 Selecting Nonparametric Tests for K Independent Samples 308
13.31 Tests for Several Independent Samples (Kruskal–Wallis H) 308
13.32 Kruskal–Wallis Test output 309
13.33 Selecting Nonparametric Tests for K Related Samples 310
13.34 Tests for Several Related Samples (Friedman) 310
13.35 Friedman Test output 310
14.1 MANOVA menu option 317
14.2 MANOVA dialogue box 318
14.3 Multivariate: Contrasts dialogue box 318
14.4 Multivariate: Profile Plots dialogue box 319
14.5 Multivariate: Options dialogue box 319
14.6 MANOVA: Between-Subjects Factors and Descriptive Statistics output 320
14.7 MANOVA: Box’s test output 321
14.8 MANOVA: Multivariate Tests output 321
14.9 MANOVA: Levene’s Test output 322
14.10 MANOVA: Tests of Between-Subjects Effects 322
14.11 MANOVA: Custom Hypothesis Tests 324
14.12 MANOVA: Estimated Marginal Means plot for Physical Compone nt
Summary (PCS) 325
14.13 MANOVA: Estimated Marginal Means plot for Mental Component
Summary (MCS) 325
14.14 Discriminant Analysis menu option 327
14.15 Discriminant Analysis dialogue box 327
­xx List of figures

14.16 Discriminant Analysis: Classification dialogue box 328

14.17 Eigenvalues output table 328
14.18 Wilks‘ Lambda output table 329
14.19 Structure matrix output table 329
14.20 Combined groups plot 330
15.1 Descriptive Statistics: Candidate variables for linear regression model 338
15.2 Linear Regression menu option 338
15.3 Linear Regression dialogue box 339
15.4 Linear Regression: Statistics dialogue box 340
15.5 Linear Regression: Results in the output viewer 340
15.6 Linear Regression: Descriptive Statistics output 341
15.7 Linear Regression: Model Summary output 341
15.8 Linear Regression: ANOVA output 341
15.9 Linear Regression: Coefficients output 342
16.1 Component loadings for 10 personality adjectives (before rotation) 357
16.2 Component loadings for 10 personality adjectives (after rotation) 357
16.3 Exploratory Factor Analysis menu option 359
16.4 Factor Analysis dialogue box 360
16.5 Factor Analysis: Descriptives dialogue box 360
16.6 Factor Analysis: Extraction dialogue box (based on eigenvalue) 361
16.7 Factor Analysis: Rotation dialogue box 361
16.8 Principal Components Analysis: Descriptive Statistics output 362
16.9 Principal Components Analysis: KMO and Bartlett’s Test output 363
16.10 Principal Components Analysis: Scree Plot 363
16.11 Factor Analysis: Extraction dialogue box (fixed number of factors) 364
16.12 Factor Analysis: Rotation dialogue box (with Rotated Solution requested) 365
16.13 Factor Analysis: Factor Scores dialogue box 365
16.14 Factor Analysis: Options dialogue box 365
16.15 Principal Components Analysis: Total Variance Explained output 370
16.16 Principal Components Analysis: Component Transformation
Matrix output 370
16.17 Factor scores appended to the data file 371
16.18 Compute menu option 372
16.19 Compute Variable dialogue box 373
16.20 Computed Variable appended to the data file 374
17.1 Finding the appropriate platform on the R website 378
17.2 Downloading the R program file from the R website 378
17.3 Starting R in the Windows Start menu 379
17.4 Setting the CRAN mirror 379
17.5 Setting the working directory 380
17.6 Installing the Rcmdr library 382
17.7 Starting Rcmdr 383
17.8 Importing a data file 383
17.9 Naming the data file, specifying a missing data indicator
and the field separator 384
17.10 Specifying which variables are categorical 384
17.11 Summarising continuous variables 385
 List of figures ­xxi

17.12 Summarising categorical variables 385

17.13 Saving your work 390
17.14 A boxplot produced in R 398
17.15 A graphical representation of a Tukey post-hoc test 399
17.16 A line graph and bar graph of the same data, shown together 401
17.17 Example of the wide format data 402
17.18 Example of the long format data 403
25.1 The model of preparation (adapted from Mayring, 2001) 522
25.2 The model of generalisation (adapted from Mayring, 2001) 523
25.3 The model of profoundisation (adapted from Mayring, 2001) 524
25.4 The model of triangulation (adapted from Mayring, 2001) 525
25.5 A framework for thinking about models of triangulation (Kelle, 2001) 527
25.6 Q-grid for 49 Q statements, showing layout and numerical
values assigned to each position 532
25.7 Flash Q: the initial sort 535
25.8 Flash Q: moving the cards into a forced normal distribution 536
 Guided tour

1
Why research? 5

Starting out in research Box 1.1 Study box

Asch, S. E. (1956). Studies of independence and conformity: I. A minority of one
against a unanimous majority. Psychological Monographs, 70 (9) (whole issue,
no. 416).

Asch recruited participants for a study on participants (starting at the front) call out the
‘visual perception’. If you were a partici- correct answer. However, in the third round
pant you would find yourself seated in the of the test with yet another board (once again
second to last row in a laboratory (with only with an obvious line match), the first partic-
■ This chapter explains why we need good-quality research in
one person behind you) and six to eight ipant calls out the wrong line letter, and so
psychology. people in front of you. You would not realise does the next person and the next (six people
that the other participants (who are all con- in total) until it is your turn. Of course, you
■ It begins by introducing social science research and the philosophy federates, that is, people working with the think you would give the correct answer
underpinning it. experimenter) forced you into this seating regardless of what everyone else said as it was
position. You are asked to judge the lengths obvious what was the correct answer. Well,
■ It then covers the differences between quantitative and qualitative of vertical lines drawn on a board at the front it is not that simple. Asch found that one in
research methods. of the room. There is one standard line and three people went along with the group and
three comparison lines. All the people in gave the wrong answer when it came to their
■ Finally, this chapter will introduce you to the nature of the research the room are asked to call out which line is turn to call out the letter of the matching
process itself, including the vital role of searching the literature. the same length as the standard line. The line. Asch knew that the choice was obvious
answer is very obvious as one line is the same because he repeated the experiment with par-
length and the other two lines are either ticipants writing their answers privately on
much shorter or longer than the standard paper and the judgements were almost totally
line. Answers are called out person by person error free (less than 1 per cent of mistakes). It
from front to back along the rows. In the first was obvious to Asch that the participant went
test everyone announces the correct answer along with the group because of the effect
INTRODUCTION
and calls out the letter attached to the line of group pressure and the desire to conform.
that matches the length of the standard line This finding was found time and time again
Let us start the journey. Research methods are the backbone of the social sci- shown on the board. Then the experimenter as Asch and others replicated the experiment,
ences and vital to the production of knowledge in psychology. They may not appear puts up a board with another standard line and it has established itself as an extremely
to be the most entertaining of topics to study but we promise to try to entertain and three comparison lines (again with one strong and stable psychological finding about
obvious match). Once again, one by one, the human nature.
you as long as you promise to read. If we had one wish as teachers of research
methods it would be for all of our students to read about them. Like all good
(although maybe our students should be the judge of that) teachers we provide up-
to-date reading lists at the start of all our courses and talk to our students through The Asch studies used an innovative experimental method to manipulate the
all the books on offer. But we are pretty sure a lot of our students do not read participants and demonstrate a particular aspect of human behaviour. The
thing to remember from this example is that the fascinating findings obtained
much about research methods and we cannot really blame them. Most research
about conformity and group pressure only happened through appropriate
methods textbooks are not the sort of thing you want to sit down and read from
knowledge and use of research methods. Without an understanding of research
cover to cover, especially when you have the allure of other more intrinsically inter- methods we would not be able to carry out studies like this and make claims
esting books (or the pub, of course). But we guarantee you will find your degree in about human nature that are any better than ‘common sense’, and psychology
psychology goes a lot smoother with a little reading about research methods, so would be a much more limited discipline.
stick with it and give it your best shot. You may even like what you read.

M01_LANG6873_03_SE_C01.indd 5 28/11/12 5:12 PM

Each chapter begins with an Introduction

M01_LANG6873_03_SE_C01.indd 3 28/11/12 5:12 PM
Study boxes highlight the application of
that sets up the topic and outlines what will the method being discussed through classic
be covered. and cutting-edge research in psychology.

Operationalising variables 41 Sorting and splitting files 203

Sorting data
2.1 Operationalising variables
When data are entered into SPSS it is not normally important which partici-
pants’ data are entered first (there is no need to enter all women and then all
When we try to explicitly define and then measure variables, or constructs, we men, for instance). Most of the time it is acceptable to enter each participant’s
say that we are operationalising variables. Try to define some of your own vari- data in turn, perhaps by having an ID number as the first variable. However,
ables and see how you get on – it is not as easy as it seems (Box 2.1). you may wish to sort your data into some meaningful order, and SPSS has a
number of procedures to enable you to do this. So, for instance, let us say you
wished to arrange your data with women first and men second. The instruc-
tions for this task are given in Box 9.1.
Box 2.1
Activity box Operationalising variables
Box 9.1
Command box Sorting data
■ Try to write your own definitions of the following constructs:

1 Self-esteem
1 Open the file IRMDA_SPSS.sav file available on the book website, by click-
2 Anxiety ing on File, Open, Data and then clicking on the file name. In Variable
3 Love View, look at how gender has been coded, by clicking on the Values cell.
■ How did you find it? The last one, in particular, is not easy. Now try to
2 Click on Data on the top menu bar.
think through how you could measure these constructs. What variables do
you need to explicitly define and how would you measure them? 3 Click on Sort Cases on the drop-down menu. This will bring up an
‘options box’ where you can select the variable(s) you wish to sort your
■ Yes, that was even harder. We guarantee that by the end of this book, if
data by (see Fig. 9.7).
you stick with it, you will be considerably better at being able to define
and measure constructs.

We all have common-sense understandings of self-esteem, anxiety and love, so

there must be some mutual understanding of these constructs. What we need
to do in psychology is draw out these common understandings (and also quite
possibly elements that are not commonly understood) and make them explicit
so that we can measure them. So, how would we measure self-esteem? Well,
there are a number of standardised tests (such as the Rosenberg Self-Esteem
Inventory) for self-esteem that are in widespread use in psychological research.
The most commonly used version of the Rosenberg Self-Esteem Inventory con-
sists of ten statements (including statements such as ‘I like myself’). Responses
to these statements are measured using a four-point scale (a Likert scale),
recording how much you agree or disagree with the statement (1 = I disagree
very much, 2 = I disagree, 3 = I agree and 4 = I agree very much). This test is Figure 9.7 Sorting data
considered to be a valid and reliable measure of self-esteem (these concepts are
discussed in detail in the next chapter) and has been tested on a wide variety 4 Click on the variable you want to sort your data by (gender is highlighted
of populations. It is these qualities that enable us to state that the test has been here) and then click on the Variable Picker button to the right (see Fig.
standardised. Tests of these kinds are available to measure many psychological 9.8) to select your variable. When you click on the Variable Picker button
constructs and are widely used in psychological research (and clinical settings). you will see the variable you selected appear in the empty white box on the
right. If you want to remove this item then you just click on the Variable
However, sometimes we have to create our own scales (see Chapter 5), and
Picker button again (which is now pointing in the opposite direction).
▲

we do this by defining our variables and operationalising their measurement.

The important point, however, is that we need to be clear, unambiguous and
explicit about what it is we are measuring.

M09_LANG6873_03_SE_C09.indd 203 28/11/12 5:22 PM

Activity boxes suggest quick things you

M02_LANG6873_03_SE_C02.indd 41 28/11/12 5:12 PM
Command boxes provide detailed
can do to apply a concept yourself. They step-by-step instructions on carrying out
also include hints and tips on how this statistical analysis using the latest version
learning can be taken further. of SPSS. They are linked to SPSS files
available on the website.

xxii
 guided tour xxiii

424 Chapter 19 / Transcribing, coding and organising textual data

240 Chapter 11 / Bivariate analysis 1: exploring differences between variables

19.2 Systems of transcription
There is no universal system for transcription. The simple approach detailed
above is adequate for much qualitative research but not all. Those approaches
to research that focus on language and language use, such as discourse analysis,
some forms of narrative analysis and conversation analysis (which is men-
tioned in Chapter 22), require a much more detailed level of transcription. But
there are many different approaches to the analysis of language, and different
approaches tend to use different systems of transcription. Even within the same
approach there are disagreements over which system of transcription to use.
What do we mean by ‘system’? Well, when we said the approach detailed
above was simple, that was not an understatement. While a verbatim record
that focuses on the content of what was said may be adequate for a phenom-
enological analysis or grounded theory, it is most certainly not adequate for
discourse or conversation analysis. This is because it does not record the con-
versation in sufficient detail. The important thing to remember is that spoken
language not only involves verbal information but also the prosodic (pho-
nological elements of spoken language such as intonation and stress), the
paralinguistic (non-phonemic aspects of language, such as whether a word was
said in a joking manner or seriously) and the extralinguistic (non-linguistic ele-
ments of speaking, such as gestures).
The very fine level of analysis in which a discourse or conversation analyst
engages includes analysis of all these aspects of language, for they believe (and
argue very strongly) that this information is necessary for understanding what
is meant in an utterance (O’Connell & Kowal, 1995). This means that we need
to include more information than simply verbal information in a transcript if
we wish to conduct a linguistic analysis of this kind. Therefore we need a com-
prehensive system to record and code all this extra information into a written
form. No system is perfect, however, and there are therefore arguments over
which system is best and/or most appropriate for a particular form of analysis.
One of the most widely used transcription systems is the Jefferson system. Gail
Jefferson developed this system, and a complete description can be found in
Atkinson & Heritage (1984). See Box 19.2 for an example and very brief intro-
duction to some features of this system.
Predicting direction has an important effect on the interpretation of signifi-
cance using values of t. When we have a one-tailed t-test the 5 per cent value
becomes a 2.5 per cent value. This is because the 5 per cent value of t includes
both ends of the distribution (2.5 per cent in each end). If we do not correct this
and use the 10 per cent value of t (which gives us the 5 per cent value for one tail)
with a one-tailed test then there is less likelihood of finding a significant effect
(because we are judging t against a higher standard). If you are calculating a t-test
by hand you will often need to look up the 10 per cent value of t for a one-tailed
test at the 5 per cent level (but not in this book as we have included columns for
one- and two-tailed tests). If you are using SPSS to calculate a t-test it will look up
the appropriate value of t for you and report the significance. As you might have
realised, a result may be significant with a one-tailed test when it is not significant
with a two-tailed test. You must remember that any predictions of direction need
to be made before the test is carried out and ideally should be grounded in estab-
lished theory. It is bad practice to hunt around for significant results and then
make up some post hoc (after the event) explanation for predicting direction.
11.3 Calculating an independent groups t-test
The formula and instructions for calculating an independent groups t-test by
hand are given in Box 11.1. Instructions for obtaining an independent groups t-test
using SPSS are given in Box 11.2. Both examples of the t-test given here (the calcula-
tion by hand and the one using SPSS) will use the same data (detailed in Box 11.1).
Further information about interpreting the SPSS output is also given below.
Box 11.1
Stats box Calculating an independent groups t-test
Formula for calculating an independent groups t-test
XA 2 XB
t5
Q a XA R Q a XB R
c a X2A 2 d 1 c a X2B 2
2 2

d
(NA 2 1) NB 1 1
Box 19.2 ã 3a 1 b
(NA 2 1) 1 (NB 2 1) NA NB
Information box
We know – it looks horrific! The trick with all formulae is to break them down
The Jefferson system of transcription into sections and tackle each section at a time. There are lots of discrete units
in the formula above, most of which should be quite familiar to you. There
are symbols for the mean, sigma (o – meaning add up the set of numbers)
P: well if you wanna the::n wot you mean and N (the number of numbers in the set), and that is about it. If you treat all
[
I: yes formulae as sets of instructions and tackle each element step by step, you will
P: is that I (0.5) can see ((sighs)) him find them a breeze. If you still struggle, take heart from the fact that most of
us now use SPSS to do the maths.

▲
▲

M11_LANG6873_03_SE_C11.indd 240 27/11/12 8:37 PM

Information boxes offer tips and examples

M19_LANG6873_03_SE_C19.indd 424 27/02/13 5:18 PM

Statistics boxes demonstrate how to do

to help you plan research, avoid common common statistical calculations by hand.
mistakes and carry out a successful research
project.

Calculating a one-way ANOVA 285 Further reading 465

Box 13.1, however, provides information about the slightly more complex psychologists would argue that grounded theorists end up inappropriately
method (using the General Linear Model command). We think this method moving from a human science, with the principal aim being to describe the
should be preferred for a one-way ANOVA, because it can be used no matter richness of our lived experiences, to a natural science, with the principal aim
how many factors you have in your ANOVA model. being prediction and control. For, while the aims and methods of the natural
sciences have undoubtedly been useful in biology, physics and chemistry, they
have not and cannot produce the same dividends when investigating human
Box 13.1
nature. For more on the distinction between natural and human sciences see
Data box Data used for independent ANOVA Giorgi (1985b).

The data file being used here is called RMB_IND_ANOVA.SAV and is available
from the book website. Fig. 13.1 shows how the data are entered in SPSS. It is the
raw data from a hypothetical study of the effect of three different educational
interventions (‘condition’) on end of year performance (measured on an over-
all scholastic aptitude test scored
0 to 50) for young men and
women (age 16) at school. The
first condition (scored 1) involved
no active intervention and is
therefore considered the control
group. Educational intervention
A (scored 2) was a career guid-
ance intervention where pupils
were counselled about future
careers. Educational intervention
B (scored 3) was a motivational
intervention where pupils were
given motivational seminars to
encourage achievement.
■ The dependent variable is per-
formance on the end of year
scholastic aptitude test (‘test’).
■ There are two factors that
can be investigated: Factor 1
is the educational interven-
tion (‘condition’), which has
three conditions (Control (1),
A (2) or B (3)); Factor 2 is sex
of pupil (‘sex’), which has two
conditions (1 or 2, where 1 5
female pupils and 2 5 male
pupils).
Further reading
Bryant, A. & Charmaz, K. (eds.) (2010). The Sage Handbook of Grounded Theory. London:
Sage.
A very comprehensive overview of the method with contributions from many of the
leading figures in the field. The book covers everything from the origins and history to
debates and the practicalities of carrying out research.
Charmaz, K. (1995). Grounded theory. In J. A. Smith, R. Harré & L. Van Langenhove
(Eds) Rethinking Methods in Psychology. London: Sage.
An excellent introductory chapter on grounded theory method with plenty of exam-
ples from the author’s own research on the experience of chronic illness.
Charmaz, K. (2006). Constructing Grounded Theory: A Practical Guide Through Qualitative
Analysis. London: Sage.
A very clear and practical book on the constructionist approach to grounded theory of
Kathy Charmaz.
Corbin, J. & Strauss, A. (2008). Basics of Qualitative Research, 3rd edn. London: Sage.
A detailed guide to the practicalities of grounded theory, following the approach of
Strauss and Corbin (updated from the 2nd edition by Juliet Corbin alone following the
death of Anselm Strauss in 1996).
Glaser, B. G. & Strauss, A. L. (1967). The Discovery of Grounded Theory: Strategies for
Qualitative Research. Chicago: Aldine.
The beginning of grounded theory and therefore a classic. There is information on the
theoretical basis and clear guidance on carrying out research. It is well worth reading
but should be located within a particular historical, political and disciplinary context.
That is, the authors were presenting a radical alternative to current work in sociology,
Figure 13.1 Data used for independent which necessitated a particularly polemical style.
ANOVA

Data boxes give further detail on the data

M13_LANG6873_03_SE_C13.indd 285 27/11/12 9:02 PM
Each chapter ends with further reading
used within examples. suggestions – helpful books and websites
M21_LANG6873_03_SE_C21.indd 465 27/02/13 5:23 PM

that will give you a deeper understanding

of what you’ve learnt.
 Preface

This book aims to present a comprehensive introduction to research methods

and data analysis for undergraduate students in psychology. It should provide
students with a single textbook to cover the majority of topics they will typically
encounter in an undergraduate course in psychology.
This book is unusual because of the coverage of quantitative and qualitative
methodologies. While there are many books that aim to introduce either quan-
titative or qualitative methods, there are very few books that address both. It is
also worth noting that those books that do claim to cover both quantitative and
qualitative approaches invariably fail to provide sufficient depth on one or the
other for most undergraduate courses in psychology.
In addition, this book introduces students to the range of research methods
used in psychology using topical real-life examples wherever possible. Considera-
ble coverage is given on the analysis of data from both quantitative (by hand and
using IBM® SPSS® Statistics version 19.0*) (‘SPSS’) and qualitative perspectives.
The material on the analysis of data is predominantly non-mathematical with
formulae kept to a minimum. Increasing numbers of students in psychology lack
any formal mathematical training and often find the mathematical presentation
of data analysis highly alienating. While it is recognised that some key concepts
require the use of basic mathematics, the widespread use of computer packages
for the analysis of data means that students can learn statistics ‘by doing’, not
simply by following mathematical formulae.
The book also includes activity boxes (which can be used by lecturers or tu-
tors for class/laboratory activities), study boxes (detailing published research) and
information boxes. It is thought that this organisational structure should best
facilitate student learning, and the use of the book in classroom and laboratory
activities by university lecturers. The accompanying website (see below) provides
easy access to these sources.
The principal readers will be first, second and possibly third year undergradu-
ates on psychology degrees. Students on courses in sociology, health sciences,
applied and generic social sciences, cultural studies, business studies and the hu-
manities may also find this book of value. Professionals from a variety of other
disciplines wanting a simple yet comprehensive guide to psychological research
methods and data analysis may also find this text of use.

Structure of the book

The book consists of four parts:

*SPSS was acquired by IBM in October 2009

­xxiv
 Preface ­xxv

■ Part 1 provides information on research methods. This includes details of the

philosophy underpinning the discipline and the distinction between quantitative
and qualitative methods. There is detailed advice on searching and reviewing
the literature along with information on a number of key issues including the
need for accuracy in measuring variables, reliability, validity, sampling and
much more. This section also provides coverage on the range of methods used
by psychologists to collect data with guidance on interviews, observation, ex-
periments, questionnaires and psychometric tests. There is also a chapter pro-
viding advice on conducting ‘e-research’.
■ Part 2 provides coverage of the quantitative analysis of data and introduces
the reader to the use of IBM SPSS Statistics (version 19.0) (‘SPSS’). This section
begins with coverage of the fundamentals of statistics and then moves pro-
gressively through the most commonly used statistical tests in psychological
research today. Information is provided on the calculation of these statistics
by hand (where useful) and by using SPSS. A new chapter on factor analysis
is included in this edition. For the really keen, there is an introduction to the
open access statistics software called ‘R’. At the end of Chapter 15 there is a
statistical flowchart designed to guide the reader through the selection of ap-
propriate statistical tests.
■ Part 3 covers qualitative methods of analysis and introduces the reader to phe-
nomenological approaches, grounded theory, discourse analysis and life story/
narrative research. The section begins by providing further discussion of the phil-
osophical issues underpinning qualitative and quantitative research. Information
is provided on transcription and coding before moving on to cover each of the
major approaches to qualitative research in use today. There is also coverage of
the use of computers in qualitative analysis and also a chapter on mixed methods.
■ Part 4 covers the important issues of ethics and politics along with informa-
tion and guidance on reporting and presenting your findings. This edition
now includes an annotated example of a report write-up to provide further
guidance on the presentation of reports in psychology.
Although the book is designed to be read from Chapter 1 through to Chapter 27,
the interested reader should be able to dip into any of the chapters without too
much difficulty. Most chapters do not rely on others for understanding, but readers
new to research methods are advised to progress through the book from Chapter 1
to Chapter 27 to maximise their understanding.

Supplementary material
Additional student and lecturer material for this book is provided on an accom-
panying website (www.pearsoned.co.uk/langdridge). The following student/ lecturer
items are available:
■ multiple choice questions to test your knowledge;
■ weblinks to useful sites to help you explore relevant topics in greater depth;
■ downloadable datasets and text files to accompany exercises and examples
from Parts 2 and 3 in the book;
■ a guide with useful tips and common traps.
 Acknowledgements

I would like to take this opportunity to thank Graham Gibbs, Dallas Cliff and
Sue Frost for all the support given to me during my time at the University of
Huddersfield when the first edition of this book was written. Thanks also to
Trevor Butt, Donna Gornall and Rudy Van Kemenade for feedback on chapters
in the first edition.
Darren Langdridge

I would like to thank Martha Whiteman and Tony Coxon for their ongoing advice
and encouragement. For regular snippets of useful knowledge, I am ­indebted
to Andrew Wawrzyniak, Jeremy Miles and Andy Fugard. I am also grateful to
­colleagues at University College London for their support.
Gareth Hagger-Johnson

­xxvi
 Publisher’s acknowledgements

We are grateful to the following for permission to reproduce copyright material:

Figures
Figures 1.2, 1.3, 1.4, 1.5, 1.6 OvidSP screenshots using PsycINFO® database, used
with permission of Ovid Technologies, Inc. The PsycINFO® Database screenshots
are reproduced with permission of the American Psychological Association, pub-
lisher of the PsycINFO database, all rights reserved. No further reproduction or
distribution is permitted without written permission from the American Psycho-
logical Association; Figure 9.1 and other Microsoft products screenshots reprinted
with permission from Microsoft Corporation; Figures 9.2, 9.3, 9.4, 9.5, 9.6, 9.7,
9.8, 9.9, 9.10, 9.11, 9.12, 9.13, 9.14, 9.15, 10.1, 10.2, 10.3, 10.4, 10.5, 10.6, 10.7,
10.9, 10.10, 10.11, 10.13, 10.14, 10.16, 10.17, 10.18, 10.20, 10.21, 11.2, 11.3, 11.4,
11.6, 11.7, 11.8, 11.10, 11.11, 11.12, 11.14, 11.15, 11.16, 11.17, 11.18, 12.1, 12.2,
12.3, 12.4, 12.7, 12.8, 13.1, 13.2, 13.3, 13.4, 13.10, 13.11, 13.12, 13.13, 13.22,
13.23, 13.26, 13.27, 13.30, 13.31, 13.33, 13.34, 14.1, 14.2, 14.3, 14.4, 14.5, 14.6,
14.14, 14.15, 14.16, 15.1, 15.2, 15.3, 15.4, 15.5, 16.3, 16.4, 16.5, 16.6, 16.7, 16.9,
16.11, 16.12, 16.13, 16.14, 16.18, 16.19, 16.20 IBM SPSS Statistics screenshots,
reprinted courtesy of International Business Machines Corporation, © SPSS, Inc.,
an IBM Company. SPSS was acquired by IBM in October, 2009. IBM, the IBM logo,
ibm.com, and SPSS are trademarks of International Business Machines Corp.,
registered in many jurisdictions worldwide. Other product and service names
might be trademarks of IBM or other companies. A current list of IBM trade-
marks is available on the Web at “IBM Copyright and trademark information” at
www.ibm.com/legal/copytrade.shtml.; Figures 17.1, 17.2, 17.3, 17.4, 17.5, 17.6, 17.7,
17.8, 17.13, 17.14, 17.15, 17.16, 17.17, 17.18 from R: A Language and Environ-
ment for Statistical Computing. (R Development Core Team 2008) Vienna, Austria:
R Foundation for Statistical Computing (www.R-project.org) (ISBN 3-900051-07-0);
Figures 17.9, 17.10, 17.11, 17.12 showing R Commander from Fox, J., 27 October
2008, courtesy of John Fox; Figure on page 486 from Didgeridoo Records flyer dis-
tributed in Songbird (CD) by Eva Cassidy, Beyond the Sea Limited, special thanks
to Martin Jennings; Figures 25.1, 25.2, 25.3, 25.4 adapted from Combination and
integration of qualitative and quantitative analysis, Forum Qualitative Sozialforsc-
hung/Forum Qualitative Social Research, Vol. 2 (1), Art. 6, p. 8, Abb. 2 (Mayring, P.
2001), http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0114-fqs010162

­xxvii
­xxviii Publisher’s acknowledgements

Tables
Table 7.2 adapted from Conducting Research on the Internet: Guidelines for ethical
­practice in psychological research online (2007) p. 2, Table 1, © The British Psycho-
logical Society 2007; Table A.4 adapted from An Introduction to Statistics in Psy-
chology, 4th ed., Pearson Education (Howitt, D. and Cramer, D. 2008) pp. 486–7,
Appendix C, © Pearson Education Ltd. 2000, 2008; Table A.5 adapted from An
Introduction to Statistics in Psychology, 4th ed., Pearson Education (Howitt, D. and
Cramer, D. 2008) pp. 488–9, Appendix D, © Pearson Education Ltd. 2000, 2008.

Text
Box 1.6 Boolean operators in PsycINFO, http://www.ovid.com/site/help/documentation/
ospa/en/syntax.htm, used with permission of Ovid Technologies, Inc.; Box 7.8 from
Ethical issues in qualitative research on internet communities, British Medical
Journal, 323 (7321), pp. 1103–5 (Eysenbach, G. & Till, J. E. 2001), with permis-
sion from BMJ Publishing Group Ltd.; Box 22.2 from Discourse Dynamics: Critical
Analysis for Social and Individual Psychology, Routledge (Parker, I. 1992) pp. 6–22;
Box 26.1 adapted from Guidelines for Psychologists Working with Animals (2007) ©
The British Psychological Society 2007, reproduced with permission.

In some instances we have been unable to trace the owners of copyright material,
and we would appreciate any information that would enable us to do so.
Part

1 Introducing research methods

1 Starting out in research 3

2 Variables: definitions and measurement 40
3 Reliability, validity, sampling and groups 50
4 Collecting data 1: interviews and observation 61
5 Collecting data 2: questionnaires and psychometric tests 87
6 Collecting data 3: experimental and quasi-experimental designs 113
7 E-research 137
This page intentionally left blank
1 Starting out in research

■ This chapter explains why we need good-quality research in

psychology.
■ It begins by introducing social science research and the philosophy
underpinning it.
■ It then covers the differences between quantitative and qualitative
research methods.
■ Finally, this chapter will introduce you to the nature of the research
process itself, including the vital role of searching the literature.

INTRODUCTION

Let us start the journey. Research methods are the backbone of the social sci-
ences and vital to the production of knowledge in psychology. They may not appear
to be the most entertaining of topics to study but we promise to try to entertain
you as long as you promise to read. If we had one wish as teachers of research
methods it would be for all of our students to read about them. Like all good
(although maybe our students should be the judge of that) teachers we provide up-
to-date reading lists at the start of all our courses and talk to our students through
all the books on offer. But we are pretty sure a lot of our students do not read
much about research methods and we cannot really blame them. Most research
methods textbooks are not the sort of thing you want to sit down and read from
cover to cover, especially when you have the allure of other more intrinsically inter-
esting books (or the pub, of course). But we guarantee you will find your degree in
psychology goes a lot smoother with a little reading about research methods, so
stick with it and give it your best shot. You may even like what you read.
­4 Chapter 1 / Starting out in research

1.1 Why research?

We will start by explaining just what research methods are and why you need
to complete several years of courses on research methods and data analysis
during a degree in any social science, but most especially in psychology. In
short, research is the systematic study of some topic in order to find answers
to questions. In psychology these questions are invariably (though not
exclusively) about people – while in chemistry, for example, they are about
chemical things. The important issue at stake here is what evidence we can
provide for the questions we ask and the answers we give. So, if we want to
know whether there is a difference between men and women in driving abil-
ity and, most particularly, whether women are safer drivers, we would want
to provide evidence for any claims we make. Every day we see, hear and read
things based on so-called ‘common sense’:
■ Watching sex on television is harmful to children (or violence on television
produces a more violent society).
■ Children living with single parents do less well in school than children living
with two parents.
■ Women are more naturally caring and therefore make better parents than
men.
■ Men are better at mathematics than women.

However, these beliefs are often based on prejudice, speculation or just simply
misinformation. Unless we have evidence, from good-quality research (and it
is very important that the research is good quality), we cannot make any reli-
able claims for or against these statements. As good psychological researchers we
want better than that. Why else do we study this subject? We want to be able to
contribute to debates such as these, understand more about human nature and
provide evidence that either supports or challenges statements such as these. And
this is why we need to know about methods of research and data analysis. Only
through knowledge of research methods can we carry out good-quality research
that elevates our findings above the opinion and speculation that we encounter
on an almost daily basis on TV, in the papers or in everyday conversation.
We need to think only of some classic psychological findings to realise the
value of good-quality research. The studies by Solomon Asch (1951, 1952, 1956)
on group conformity are a good example (see Box 1.1).
 Why research? ­5

Box 1.1 Study box

Asch, S. E. (1956). Studies of independence and conformity: I. A minority of one
against a unanimous majority. Psychological Monographs, 70 (9) (whole issue,
no. 416).

Asch recruited participants for a study on
‘visual perception’. If you were a partici-
pant you would find yourself seated in the
second to last row in a laboratory (with only
one person behind you) and six to eight
people in front of you. You would not realise
that the other participants (who are all con-
federates, that is, people working with the
experimenter) forced you into this seating
position. You are asked to judge the lengths
of vertical lines drawn on a board at the front
of the room. There is one standard line and
three comparison lines. All the people in
the room are asked to call out which line is
the same length as the standard line. The
answer is very obvious as one line is the same
length and the other two lines are either
much shorter or longer than the standard
line. Answers are called out person by person
from front to back along the rows. In the first
test everyone announces the correct answer
and calls out the letter attached to the line
that matches the length of the standard line
shown on the board. Then the experimenter
puts up a board with another standard line
and three comparison lines (again with one
obvious match). Once again, one by one, the
participants (starting at the front) call out the
correct answer. However, in the third round
of the test with yet another board (once again
with an obvious line match), the first partic-
ipant calls out the wrong line letter, and so
does the next person and the next (six people
in total) until it is your turn. Of course, you
think you would give the correct answer
regardless of what everyone else said as it was
obvious what was the correct answer. Well,
it is not that simple. Asch found that one in
three people went along with the group and
gave the wrong answer when it came to their
turn to call out the letter of the matching
line. Asch knew that the choice was obvious
because he repeated the experiment with par-
ticipants writing their answers privately on
paper and the judgements were almost totally
error free (less than 1 per cent of mistakes). It
was obvious to Asch that the participant went
along with the group because of the effect
of group pressure and the desire to conform.
This finding was found time and time again
as Asch and others replicated the experiment,
and it has established itself as an extremely
strong and stable psychological finding about
human nature.

The Asch studies used an innovative experimental method to manipulate the

participants and demonstrate a particular aspect of human behaviour. The
thing to remember from this example is that the fascinating findings obtained
about conformity and group pressure only happened through appropriate
knowledge and use of research methods. Without an understanding of research
methods we would not be able to carry out studies like this and make claims
about human nature that are any better than ‘common sense’, and psychology
would be a much more limited discipline.
­6 Chapter 1 / Starting out in research

1.2 A very brief history of science

First we must begin by stating that this will be a very (!) brief history of psy-
chological research (if you want to explore the history of psychology and the
social sciences in more detail, look at the Further reading section at the end
of the chapter for some suggested reading material). We will move rapidly
(and superficially) through a great deal of history in order to show how cur-
rent debates about particular approaches to research methods came about. We
will also introduce you to several new ideas, which should enable you to under-
stand more about the nature of psychological research today (and the structure
of this book).

The beginnings of science

Social research as we know it today emerged out of a scientific age. Very early
thinkers (before the sixteenth century) who wrote about human nature tended
to speculate at a very general level about the nature of humanity and/or rely
on their status as an ‘authority’ for justification of their arguments. Often these
speculations were sophisticated and insightful but they were rarely based on
evidence collected in a systematic manner. However, Francis Bacon (1561–1626)
and Isaac Newton (1642–1727), working in the physical sciences (what we now
tend to understand as biology, chemistry and physics), clearly and widely dem-
onstrated the value of empirical work in making claims about the world. That
is, work based on experience – invariably through observation of or experimen-
tation with the natural world rather than theory or speculation. It is important
to note that early scientists such as these still thought they were studying proc-
esses created by God, albeit in scientific ways. This scientific approach emerged
as a force to be reckoned with, as it enabled technological innovations that had
practical and beneficial impact on life at that time.
It is perhaps not surprising given the success of the physical sciences that
many of the early figures in the social sciences wanted to position their work
within the realm of science, for with science came credibility and respectability.
So, for instance, Sigmund Freud (1856–1939) proclaimed his work to be the sci-
entific study of human nature. At that time it was widely believed that the same
scientific methods were applicable to both the physical and the social sciences,
and indeed this belief continues to this day among many psychologists. Freud,
one of the early psychological theorists and founder of psychoanalytic theory,
used clinical case studies based on therapeutic interviews with his patients to
generate data and then theories (we talk more about these particular methods
in Chapter 4). His theories about human nature came from close observation
of his patients and led to an enormous body of work, which still influences the
discipline today. Psychoanalytic theory has, however, been subject to consider-
able criticism for not being scientific at all despite the claims of its founder to
the contrary. The over-reliance on clinical case study to provide data has led to
charges of bias in the data collected. But perhaps the most significant criticism
 A very brief history of science ­7

that is levelled at psychoanalytic theory concerns the perceived lack of concrete

testable statements about the theory. Instead, critics have argued that psycho-
analytic theory is not scientific at all, for (1) there is little possibility of testing
the imprecise statements that stem from theory, and (2) even when evidence
provides a challenge to the statement it is not rejected but merely modified
to fit the evidence. We will come back to some of these issues later when dis-
cussing the work of the philosopher Karl Popper, who strongly argued against
psychoanalysis as a science (and also again in Chapter 18 when introducing
qualitative methods).
Later psychological theorists have tended, often as a reaction against psy-
choanalysis, to embrace (what they believed to be) scientific methods more
strongly (often more strongly than theorists in the natural sciences!). For
instance, behaviourism emerged as the dominant approach to psychology in
the middle of the twentieth century. Behaviourists concentrated on only that
which was directly observable and dismissed research into the workings of the
mind (like psychoanalysis and what we now call cognitive psychology) as unsci-
entific. They believed that only through study of directly observable events
could psychology be a truly scientific discipline. In their defence, this is not
an untenable position. There are good philosophical arguments that lend sup-
port to this position. Needless to say, many others disagreed with this position.
Cognitive psychologists believed that it was possible, and indeed scientific, to
study the workings of the mind. This position became more and more influ-
ential, and in the early 1980s cognitive psychology became the dominant
theoretical approach in the discipline. At the same time, interest in behaviour-
ism lessened. Although interest in behaviourism still continues to this day,
it is no longer the dominant approach to psychological research that it once
was. More recently, we can see other movements in the discipline that provide
radical challenges to the dominant cognitivism. These approaches do not neces-
sarily seek to be scientific at all and provide an alternative to more ‘traditional’
scientific psychological research. We will talk more about these recent devel-
opments later in this chapter and then again in Part 3 when we introduce the
range of qualitative research methods within psychology that have assumed
increasing importance in recent years.

So what is science?
This is not as simple a question as it seems. Although many people believe there
is a single approach to method that we call science, the truth is that the criteria
for scientific knowledge are controversial and subject to considerable debate.
The desire to clearly explicate the scientific method exists because it is believed
by many that only through use of the scientific method can we be confident in
the quality of the knowledge we obtain about the world.
Perhaps the easiest way to answer the question posed at the start of this sec-
tion is to contrast knowledge about the world obtained through science (or
scientific investigation) with ordinary everyday (or ‘common-sense’) knowl-
edge. Chalmers (1999: 1) starts his excellent discussion of the philosophy of
­8 Chapter 1 / Starting out in research

science through an examination of the widely held ‘common-sense’ view of

science:

When it is claimed that science is special because it is based on the facts, the
facts are presumed to be claims about the world that can be directly estab-
lished by a careful, unprejudiced use of the senses. Science is to be based
on what we can see, hear and touch rather than personal opinions or spec-
ulative imaginings. If observation of the world is carried out in a careful,
unprejudiced way then the facts established in this way will constitute a
secure, objective basis for science.

This mistaken view still remains a widely held view about the nature of science.
It is this understanding of science, in various guises, that has been taken up by
many social scientists and most particularly psychologists. As you can see, the
two factors that mark out science from everyday knowledge in this formula-
tion are that we (1) acquire information about the world through experience
and (2) that the information we acquire in this way is objective. The first claim,
that science should be based on empirical evidence (evidence acquired through
experience, observation, experimentation and so on), is less controversial for
psychologists as many (but not all) would support this position. Without empir-
ical data derived from good-quality research many psychologists believe we
would have no findings and therefore no evidence to enable us to make claims
about human nature.1 However, even this first issue is not as straightforward
as it seems, for many ‘mature sciences’ such as physics do not simply rely on
the collection of data for their advancement. Indeed, some of the most impor-
tant and exciting work in physics is theoretical and not empirical at all. The
second statement, that science (and therefore psychology if it claims to be a sci-
ence) must be objective, is even more controversial. Many psychologists would
support this claim and believe strongly that one of the central purposes of
research methods is to enable us to collect empirical data that are objective and
free from bias. These people believe that this approach enables psychologists
to make stronger claims about human nature than those based on subjective
information derived through everyday experience. While many, if not all,
psychologists would wish for their research to be privileged above common
sense, not all believe that we can claim the work we do is objective. Instead

1 It is important to clarify what we mean by empirical (and empiricist) here. In a very strict
sense empiricism is based on the assumption that all knowledge claims about the world
must be derived through direct experience of the world (through our five senses). Very
few people would subscribe to this very strict definition today as it is generally believed
that direct experience does not provide incontrovertible access to truths about the world.
However, modern-day adherents of empiricism believe that gathering data (often through
experimentation using instruments and tests rather than through direct experience) does
move us closer to the truth than theoretical argument alone. Willig (2001) clearly and
importantly marks out the difference between the terms empiricism and empirical as fol-
lows: ‘While “empiricist” refers to the attitude that all knowledge claims must be grounded
in data, “empirical” is a descriptive term referring to research involving the collection and
analysis of data’ (p. 4). And psychology is very much an empirical discipline.
 A very brief history of science ­9

these psychologists argue that a more useful (and better/more accurate/realis-

tic) understanding of the nature of the discipline comes about when we do in
fact explicitly recognise the subjective nature of the research process. We will
come back to these issues in more detail later when we discuss the differences
between quantitative and qualitative research in the social sciences.

Induction
Induction is the process by which scientists decide on the basis of multiple
observations or experiments that some theory is true or not. If we observe nat-
ural phenomena, such as the effect of a Bunsen burner flame on a chemical
element like sodium, we can conclude, on the basis of multiple observations, a
general principle: that all sodium glows orange when heated with a flame. The
common nature of induction is that through a finite number of observations
(or experiments) we generate a general conclusion for all such future obser-
vations (or experiments). A great deal of science relies on this principle. Drug
efficacy and safety provides one obvious example. On the basis of repeated drug
trials we learn which drugs are effective in treating which conditions and we
also learn which drugs are safe for us to consume and which are not. Because
we have repeatedly found a drug to work (and be safe) in these trials, we con-
clude that it will always act in this way in the future.
However, there is a problem with the method of induction that has chal-
lenged philosophers of science for many years. The problem is a simple one
to pose but a very difficult one to answer (if it is possible to answer at all):
how can a finite number of observations about some event in the past (such
as the effect of a flame on sodium or a drug in treating some illness) guaran-
tee that we will always see this same effect in the future? Firstly, we can never
be certain that we have considered the full range of relevant conditions, and
secondly, there is no certainty that the course of nature will not change. We
cannot know with certainty that in the future sodium will always glow orange
or the drug will work in the same way. Think of it like this. We set you the
task of observing and describing the bird that we commonly know as the swan.
You go out and about the lakes in the United Kingdom and observe a common
pattern. The swan is a large white bird. Observation after observation dem-
onstrates that the swan is always large and white when an adult. Therefore,
you conclude, on the basis of your multiple observations, that all swans are
large white birds. You have used induction from a finite number of cases to
make a general theory (or in science, law) about the natural world. However,
the next summer you go on holiday to Australia and discover a black swan on
your first visit to a lake. This one observation immediately overturns your gen-
eral theory of swans despite the very large number of observations you had in
support of your theory. The problem is that we can never guarantee that our
general conclusion formed from a number of observations (even if the number
of observations is very large) will always follow in the future. This is, of course,
a major problem for all scientific research that relies on an inductive approach
to theory generation.
­10 Chapter 1 / Starting out in research

Popper and the need for falsifiability

Sir Karl Popper (1902–1994) responded to the problem of induction with what he
believed to be the solution for scientific research. His arguments remain extremely
influential in science and the philosophy of science today. Popper (1963) argued
that science does not rely on induction in the first place. He thought that sci-
ence started with theories (or in his words ‘conjectures’), which it sought to test.
These initial theories were intuitive and lacking supporting evidence. Scientists
seek to test their theories (or conjectures) through observation or experimenta-
tion to ascertain whether they stand up to the test. If they do not stand up to
the test we must reject the theory or conjecture and start again with an alterna-
tive. If the theory or conjecture does work when tested then scientists are able to
continue to uphold the theory (not as a statement of truth about the world but as
an undefeated theory). In this form, Popper essentially argues that we learn from
our mistakes. Science understood in this way does not therefore rely on induction.
For Popper it is the falsifiability of conjectures that matters when making scientific
inferences and not repeated positive tests of a conjecture. Evidence in support of a
conjecture, from a finite number of observations – an inductive approach – is not
important. What is important is that science forms clearly testable conjectures or
theories, which it then seeks to refute. Science is simply a series of ‘conjectures and
refutations’ (the title of Popper’s 1963 book on the topic).
But what separates science from non-science for Popper? If we do not search
for evidence supporting a theory but only evidence designed to refute a theory,
what makes physics a science and astrology a non-science? Popper termed this
the ‘problem of demarcation’. He believed that the key issue that separates sci-
ence from non-science is that scientific conjectures are at least falsifiable. That is,
they are always framed as clear and explicit statements that can be tested and
refuted if the evidence from empirical research fails to support them. In contrast,
disciplines that are not scientific, such as astrology, do not provide clear and
explicit conjectures that can be refuted. Their conjectures are so imprecise that no
evidence can ever serve to disprove the theory. Popper used the criterion of falsifi-
ability to separate science from non-science and marked out psychoanalysis as a
‘pseudo-science’ despite its claims to be scientific (see Box 1.2).

Box 1.2
Activity box Science and pseudo-science

■ In pairs spend some time thinking of a couple of key conjectures (or the-
ories) put forward by astrology or psychoanalysis. Write these down as
clearly and explicitly as possible.
■ Now plan a study to test the conjectures you have written.
■ Can these conjectures be falsified by your study? Does this differ from
conjectures put forward in chemistry, physics or biology? Why?
■ How do you think astrologers or psychoanalysts would respond to and
explain your findings if the conjectures were falsified? Do you think
chemists, physicists or biologists would react differently? Why?
 A very brief history of science ­11

The failings of falsification and Bayesianism

Although Popper’s ideas remain influential in science today, they have been sub-
jected to considerable criticism. The principal criticism is an obvious one. While
Popper has produced a sophisticated understanding of science that enables us to
separate science from pseudo-science, he has not actually dealt with the problem
of induction at all. He has not given us a way of understanding positive scien-
tific knowledge, only negative scientific knowledge. And for most scientists it is
positive scientific knowledge that is the most important. Popper shows us that a
single negative example can disprove a theory but provides no mechanism for
judging whether a theory is right or not. We treat and cure illnesses because we
know that certain causes (such as a drug) always (as far as we can tell) have cer-
tain effects (such as a cure for illness). We need to know why we should prefer
one theory to another, and for that we need some criteria for judging the qual-
ity of theories on the basis of how much evidence we have in support of them.
Popper seems to have ignored what is arguably most important for science.
So, how are we going to resolve the problem of induction? For if we believe
in positive science and the benefits of past observations (or experiments) in
predicting future effects we need to deal with the problem of induction. One
possible (although not perfect) solution has been proposed by the Bayesians
(named after Thomas Bayes, 1701–1761). Bayesians are philosophers who argue
that our beliefs (including scientific beliefs) come in degrees. So, for example, we
may believe that there is a 50 per cent chance (or 0.5 degree likelihood) of rain
tomorrow and only a 10 per cent chance (or 0.1 degree likelihood) of snow. That
is, we express the likelihood of future events on the basis of past knowledge.
These degrees of belief are the extent to which events are subjectively probable
(and we will talk about probability much more in later chapters on statistics).
The essence of Bayesianism is that it does not matter what degree of probabil-
ity you assign to some event in the first place (for instance, when you propose
a conjecture or theory) as long as you revise your probability prediction in a
rational way when faced with evidence in support of or against your conjecture.
With this principle in mind we can see a way through the problem of induc-
tion. For, although we still cannot state with absolute certainty that sodium will
always glow orange when subjected to a flame or a particular drug will always
cure an illness, we can state that it is very likely that they will act in these ways
in the future because we have so much evidence in support of these conjectures
from past observations. It is highly probable that sodium will burn orange and
we would be very surprised if it did not. The Bayesian approach to probability
enables us to revise our conjectures on the basis of empirical evidence and be
confident (or not) to different degrees in the strength of our conjectures on the
basis of past evidence. This clearly enables us to say something about our knowl-
edge of the world on the basis of positive evidence supporting our theories.
Like all philosophical principles the Bayesian approach has been the sub-
ject of considerable criticism. In essence, the criticism concerns the subjective
nature of the judgements being made about probability and inherent difficul-
ties in deciding between two competing positions. However, even accepting
this difficulty, we think it serves as a useful way of understanding the nature of
­12 Chapter 1 / Starting out in research

particular approaches to the generation of social scientific knowledge. If you

want to read more about this approach and the debates surrounding it, see
Chalmers (1999).

The hypothetico-deductive method

The approach most commonly understood as the principal scientific method
within the social sciences is known as the hypothetico-deductive method.
This is often, mistakenly, contrasted with the method of induction. In fact
this approach must be seen in relation to an inductive approach rather than in
opposition to it. The hypothetico-deductive approach first entails the researcher
producing hypotheses (or specific predictions) to be tested. These predictions
are subject to some empirical test and deductions made from the results of the
test. Most often the hypotheses to be tested stem from theories about the object
of study. Theories are systems of ideas or statements that explain some phe-
nomena. They are generally derived from previous inductive research (series of
observations, for instance) or through intuition and reasoning. Through empiri-
cal tests of the hypotheses we can find evidence that supports or challenges our
theory. If there is evidence to challenge the hypothesis it is rejected and the
theory must be abandoned or amended to account for the data. If the test pro-
duces evidence in support of our hypothesis we can say we have support for our
hypothesis and therefore our theory (see Fig. 1.1).
The hypothetico-deductive approach continues in a cyclical fashion, with
hypotheses generated from theories being tested empirically and this evidence
providing support for or challenges to the theory that generated the hypoth-
eses. On this basis, increasing knowledge is gathered about the object of study
and theories are developed and modified to account for the empirical data we
have about the world. Much, though not all, research in psychology follows
this hypothetico-deductive approach. This has prompted criticism from some

Inductive Observations Intuition

Theory

Hypotheses

Deductive
Empirical tests

Results

Figure 1.1 The hypothetico-deductive approach

 Quantitative versus qualitative? ­13

people who believe that psychology has moved too quickly to model itself on
a particular, rather restricted, view of the natural sciences. This move is con-
sidered a problem, for many people believe that the discipline has not yet built
a sufficiently strong base of knowledge discerned from inductive research to
produce generally accepted systems of ideas, or paradigms, that can be tested
(Kuhn, 1970). It is, arguably though probably, the case that psychology needs
both inductive and deductive approaches to research.

1.3 Quantitative versus qualitative?

Although the preceding discussion of philosophy was necessary and important,

the distinction between types of research that you will most often encounter
on a regular basis in psychology is that between quantitative and qualita-
tive research. The reason for needing to engage with the difficult philosophy
so early on is because it provides the backdrop necessary for understanding
the essential differences between quantitative and qualitative research, and
it is vital for psychologists to understand the differences between these two
types of research. At a very simple level, quantitative research is that which
involves numbers and qualitative research is that which does not. However,
there is more to this important distinction than these simple principles, and
we address this in more detail below.

Quantitative research
Quantitative research (and therefore quantitative research methods) is research
that concerns the quantity or measurement of some phenomenon. What this
means is that quantitative research is concerned with quantifying (measuring
and counting) phenomena. This is still the dominant analytic approach used
in psychology in the United Kingdom, continental Europe, Australasia and the
United States today. As stated in the previous section, quantitative research
tends to subscribe to a particular empirical approach to knowledge, believ-
ing that if we measure things accurately enough we can make claims, with
some degree of certainty, about the object of study. Quantitative research also
tends to use the hypothetico-deductive approach to knowledge acquisition.
See Box 1.3 for a good example of quantitative research.
­14 Chapter 1 / Starting out in research

Box 1.3 Study box

Loftus, E. F. & Palmer, J. C. (1973). Reconstruction of automobile destruction: An
example of the interaction between language and memory. Journal of Verbal
Learning and Verbal Behavior, 13, 585–9.

Elizabeth Loftus and colleagues have con-
ducted numerous experiments on eyewitness
testimony over the years. In this study Loftus
& Palmer showed their participants a short
film of a traffic accident in the laboratory.
Participants were given questionnaires about
what they had just witnessed. Unknown
to the participants the questionnaires they
completed were worded differently depend-
ing on which condition they were assigned
to (all watched the same film). In one con-
dition participants were asked the question
‘How fast were the cars going when they
hit each other?’ and in the other condition
they were asked the question ‘How fast were
the cars going when they smashed into each
other?’ Those asked the latter question (with
the prime word ‘smashed’) gave consist-
ently higher speed estimates for the cars than
those asked the former question (with the
prime word ‘hit’). Furthermore, when partici-
pants were questioned one week later about
whether they remembered seeing any broken
glass in the film those asked the question
with ‘smashed’ were twice as likely to recall
broken glass as those asked the question with
‘hit’. In fact, the film showed no broken glass.
This, and many later studies, demonstrate the
effect of what we now call ‘leading questions’
on memory and recall, and has had very
important implications for the way people
are questioned in the criminal justice system.

Quantitative research also tends to be characterised by a number of other quali-

ties. Firstly, quantitative research is often conducted in controlled settings, such
as psychology laboratories, in an attempt to produce findings that are as objective
and unaffected by external influences as possible. Quantitative research also tends
to focus more on behaviour than qualitative research (which tends to focus more
on meanings). Quantitative research also tends to be concerned with prediction
rather than ‘mere’ description (the remit of much qualitative research). Finally,
quantitative research tends to involve the use of experimental methods and/or
the use of structured questionnaires or observation, often conducted with large
numbers of participants. As we are sure you will have noticed, we have avoided
saying that quantitative research always subscribes to one particular philosophical

Advantages Disadvantages

■ Precise (in terms of measurement) ■ May grossly oversimplify the complexity

■ Controlled (in terms of design)
■ Makes claims about causation
■ Has predictive power (can generalise to
other settings on the basis of some finding
in a particular setting)
■ Is the dominant approach in psychology
of human nature
■ May fail to recognise or be explicit about
the subjective nature of social science
research
■ May fail to recognise the individuality
and autonomous nature of human beings
 Quantitative versus qualitative? ­15

position or method. Like much in life, and certainly like much in the social sci-
ences, things are not so clear-cut. For there will always be research that crosses
and challenges these traditional divisions (see Chapter 25 on mixed methods).

Qualitative research
Qualitative research (and therefore qualitative research methods) is research
that is concerned with the quality or qualities of some phenomenon. Unlike
quantitative research, qualitative research is principally concerned with text
and meaning. Unlike many quantitative researchers, qualitative researchers
predominantly reject the idea that there is a simple relationship between our
perception of the world and the world itself. There is also a greater focus on an
inductive,2 rather than hypothetico-deductive, approach to research. However,
much qualitative research in psychology is still empirical though often based
on the collection of data from a relatively small number of individuals. In gen-
eral, then, qualitative researchers do not believe that there exist ‘definable and
quantifiable “social facts”’ (Rist, 1975: 18). That is, there are not truths about
the world that are waiting to be discovered through more and more sophisti-
cated methods of investigation and measurement. Qualitative research often
involves the collection of text-based data through, for instance, small numbers
of semi-structured or unstructured interviews. This text then forms the basis of
the material for analysis. We will talk about the nature of qualitative research
much more in Part 3, where we will also introduce some of the (many) different
approaches to this increasingly important type of research.

Advantages Disadvantages

■ Recognises the subjective experience of ■ Cannot apply traditional notions of valid-

participants
■ Often produces unexpected insights about
human nature through an open-ended
approach to research
■ Enables an ‘insider’ perspective on differ-
ent social worlds
■ Generally does not impose a particular way
of ‘seeing’ on the participants
ity and reliability (see Chapter 3) on the
data
■ It is often not appropriate or even possi-
ble to make generalisations or predictions
■ Needs justification for it is still not
a widely and consistently accepted
approach to psychological research
■ Lack of replicability

2 Strictly speaking, no approach can be purely inductive for we always set out to study some-
thing. So, for instance, if we set out to study the qualities of dogs we must first find a number
of dogs to study. There is always a theoretical backdrop to the questions we ask, no matter
how much we try to approach the objects of study without preconceptions. However,
qualitative researchers would argue that their approaches attempt to be inductive through
explicitly recognising this issue and attempting to understand the qualities of phenomena
‘in their appearing’ rather than from a particular theoretical perspective (with all sorts of
assumptions and expectations that that entails).
­16 Chapter 1 / Starting out in research

1.4 A brief introduction to methods in the social sciences

Now that we have covered the important background to social science research
through a quick excursion into philosophy, we will briefly give you a taste of the
variety of research methods and forms of data analysis available to researchers in
psychology. As you probably know already, psychology is an extremely broad and
disparate discipline. In reality there are many ‘psychologies’ rather than one psy-
chology. At their heart all forms of psychology are interested in understanding
more about people and human nature and sometimes animals and animal nature,
but tackle this question in radically different ways. So, in biological psychology
we see a concern with understanding the biological processes (most often, within
the brain) underpinning human behaviour. In social psychology we see a concern
with understanding the person (or groups of people) in relation to other people
and the wider world more generally. Not surprisingly, these different forms of
psychology require quite different methods of research and data analysis.
We have already outlined the basic distinction between quantitative and
qualitative research methods (and previously explained the philosophi-
cal principles upon which this distinction is based). Quantitative methods of
data collection include experiments, structured interviewing, structured obser-
vation and the use of structured questionnaires. Interviews, observations and
questionnaires are structured, as opposed to unstructured or semi-structured,
in that they consist of a predetermined structure (so a set list of questions in
an interview or questionnaire or a predetermined list of things to observe).
We talk more about these methods in Chapters 4, 5 and 6. Qualitative meth-
ods of data collection include unstructured and semi-structured interviews,
participant observation (where you observe while taking part in the setting
you are observing) and occasionally use of semi-structured questionnaires.
Quantitative methods of analysis are principally concerned with the analysis of
numerical data, and this is where the use of statistics is encountered (Chapters
8–17). Qualitative methods are quite varied but principally concerned with the
analysis of text and include approaches such as phenomenological analysis,
grounded theory and discourse analysis (Chapters 18–23).

1.5 Planning research

At last we can move on to a little more about the practicalities of carrying out
research and tackle a few of the key aspects of psychological research. The
sooner you can carry out your own research the better, for it is only through
doing this that you can truly understand what the excitement of research is all
about. Some of what is written below, with the notable exception of the mate-
rial on searching and reviewing the literature, relates to quantitative research
rather than qualitative research. We will cover the planning and process of qual-
itative research specifically in Part 3.
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XX, XXX, IIII, cioè 2, 3, 4, 5, 15, 20, 30, 34.
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Piacemi per ultimo constatare che tutte queste bilancie veggonsi

fabbricate con mirabile diligenza, e i contrappesi, æquipondium,
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si chiudevano con una placca di metallo e si riaprivano dopo che
s’era verificata la quantità della granaglia.
A qualche distanza poi era un altro congenere monumento, più
grande e più perfetto, che si vorrebbe anzi uno de’ più interessanti
monumenti dell’antichità, trasportato al Museo già Borbonico, ora
Nazionale, in Napoli. Conteneva esso non solamente le misure de’
solidi, ma ben anco quelle de’ liquidi, e ricercandole in
quell’interessantissimo Stabilimento che non ha, cred’io, l’eguale in
ricchezza e quantità d’antiche cose e preziosissime, vi leggerete
ancora la seguente iscrizione, la quale vi farà sapere che Aulo
Clodio Flacco figlio di Aulo e Narceo Arelliano Caledo, figlio di
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decurioni, di rettificare le publiche misure.
A . CLODIVS . A . E . FLACCVS . NARCEVS . N . F
ARELLIAN . CALEDVS
D . V . I . D . MENSVRAS . EXÆQUANDAS . EX
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che era unità di misura, pari a 4 palmi corrispondente a metri 0,295;
cubitus pari a un piede e mezzo; passus eguale a tre cubiti e un
terzo; decempeda eguale a due passi; actus pari a dodici
decempedi; miliarium pari ad actus 41 2⁄3 , corrispondente a
chilometri 1,475.
Così le misure di superficie suddividevansi in pedes quadrati, di cui
cento formavano lo scripulum, pari a metri quadrati 8; in clima o 30
scripuli; in actus o clima 4; in jugera eguali a 2 actus e formava
l’unità dei quadrati, e nella sua divisione ricorre la partizione
dell’asse in oncie e loro frazioni. Lo jugero era un bislungo di 240
piedi sopra 120, cioè 20,800 piedi quadrati. Un jugero sarebbe pari
agli odierni ari 24 e metri q. 68 e come sarebbesi in addietro in
Lombardia detto d’un’estensione di terreno, che si costituiva di
pertiche e tavole, ed oggi di ettari ed ari, allora si parlava di jugeri,
onde Tibullo, ad indicare uom facoltoso, ha in principio d’una sua
elegia:

Divitias alius fulvi sibi congerat auri

Et teneat culti jugera multa soli. [59]
Poi v’era heredium costituito di due jugeri, richiedendosi 5 heredia a
formare un nostro ettaro, 48 ari e 8 metri q.; centuria di cento
heredia e saltus di 4 centuria.
Le misure di capacità erano: ligula eguale a un decilitro nostro e 14
centilitri; cyathus di 4 ligulæ; acetabulum che era un cyathus e
mezzo; quartarius, o due acetabula pari a odierni litri 1,375, hemina
o due quartarii; sextarius che constava di 2 heminæ; congius di 6
sextarii, modius di 2 1⁄3 congii; urna di un modio e mezzo; amphora,
che era l’unità di misura di capacità e valeva 2 urnæ, corrispondente
a 80 libbre di vino, secondo il computo di Festo, il che monta a litri
26,3995, posto il peso specifico del vino 0,9915. Dieci amphoræ
equivarrebbero a’ nostri ettolitri 2 e 44 decalitri. Finalmente il culeus
pari a 20 amphoræ, sarebbe quanto 5 ettolitri e 28 decalitri de’
nostri.
Delle Monete ho superiormente spiegato non constarmi che in
Pompei se ne coniassero di particolari e ne fornii le ragioni, e se
Roma ne fece battere nella Campania, si sa che vi adoprasse il tipo
nazionale del Giano bifronte e la prora di nave. Sulle monete della
Magna Grecia, fra le città della quale annoverar si deve Pompei, in
luogo dei rostri, vedesi in rilievo il bove colla testa umana, sotto cui
raffigurasi la divinità detta Eubone, che antichissimamente
adoravasi, come simbolo di fertilità, in Neapoli. Di quest’ultima città
poi si hanno moltissime monete antiche in rame ed in argento, le
quali sono di squisito lavoro e presentano diversi tipi. La moneta
romana era quella adunque che negli ultimi suoi anni Pompei usava
ne’ suoi commerci ed usi quotidiani e che fu rinvenuta e si rinviene
tuttora nelle escavazioni. Anche nella Casa del Questore furono
trovate monete romane degli ultimi imperatori di quell’epoca:
egualmente altrove di Nerone, di Tito, Domiziano, Ottone e d’altri.
Darò brevemente alcune nozioni sulla moneta romana e sulla sua
valutazione, nel quale argomento si è ancor lungi dall’avere la
maggiore certezza.
L’asse, parola derivata forse dal nome del suo metallo æs, era una
libbra da 12 once di bronzo non coniato, e costituì la prima unità
monetaria romana. Essendosi al tempo di Servio Tullio impressa su
di esso la figura d’una pecora, ricevette il nome di pecunia.
Venne di poi nel 485 di Roma il denaro, dalle due parole dena æris,
perchè equivalente a dieci assi di bronzo, e fu la prima moneta
d’argento. Il quinario rappresentò la metà del denaro, il sesterzio il
quarto, cioè due assi e mezzo. Spezzati più piccoli furono la libella
pari ad un asse; la sembella a mezzo asse o mezza libbra di bronzo;
il teruncio ad un quarto di libbra.
In seguito queste monete subirono variazioni: al fine della prima
guerra cartaginese, l’asse fu ridotto a sole due once; nell’anno 537
l’asse scese al peso d’un’oncia; il danaro si sollevò a sedici assi, il
quinario a otto, il sesterzio a quattro. La legge Papiria del 562
abbassò l’asse a mezz’oncia di rame, nè restò più che moneta di
conto, divenuto unità monetaria il sesterzio.
E qui giova avvertire che il sestertius non vuol essere scambiato pel
sestertium, moneta di conto che valeva mille sestertii.
La prima moneta d’oro fu battuta dai Romani nel 547 alla ragione
d’uno scrupulum per 20 sesterzj. Poi si battè l’aureus, detto anche
solidus pari a 100 sestertii e a 23 denarii.
Dureau de la Malle, nel suo libro dell’Economia de’ Romani,
pareggia il denaro al principio della Republica a L. 1.63; sotto
Cesare a L. 1.12; sotto Augusto a L. 1.08; sotto Tiberio a L. 1; sotto
Claudio a L. 1.05: sotto Nerone a L. 1.02; sotto gli Antonini a L. 1.
La libbra d’oro, di cui sovente nelle scritture antiche si parla, può
valutarsi a L. 900: a 75 quella d’argento. Sul declinare dell’impero, la
libbra d’oro valse L. 1066.
Così abbiamo un primo cenno a quella fluttuazione, od altalena nei
valori, che ora alla Borsa vien designata colle parole rialzo e ribasso,
o più comunemente colle forestiere di la hausse et la baisse, su cui
si specula da’ mercadanti e non mercadanti, che sono la vera e più
funesta piaga della odierna società, causa spesso come di
improvvise fortune colossali, così di subite e precipitose ruine.
«Nel trattato d’Antioco coi Romani, riferito da Polibio e Tito Livio
(scrive C. Cantù, alla cui Storia degli Italiani debbo parecchie notizie
per questo mio libro), si stipula che il tributo si paghi in talenti attici di
buon peso, e che il talento pesi ottanta libbre romane. Sapendo
d’altro luogo che il talento era seimila dramme, otterremo il peso
della dramma = grani 82 1⁄7 . Il talento attico può approssimare a lire
seimila.» [60]
La esistenza constatata in Pompei di due publici alberghi, l’uno detto
di Albino e l’altro di Giulio Polibio e di Agato Vajo, scoperto il primo
nel 1769 e l’altro nel successivo anno, mi trae a dire di altra
istituzione che s’ha ragione di supporre esistente in Pompei, quella,
cioè, della posta.
Imperocchè nel primo singolarmente, dove vedesi una porta larga
undici piedi e mezzo colla soglia senza scaglione e piano,
accessibile quindi a’ veicoli, si rinvennero ruote, ferri e bardamenti di
cavalli e si ritenne però che qui potesse sostare la posta. Svetonio
nella vita di Ottaviano Augusto, rammenta come questo imperatore
la stabilisse sulle vie consolari, con rede, essede e plaustri, e vi
attivasse corrieri in tutte le mansiones, che così appunto
appellavansi le stazioni postali. Siffatto sistema, prestando fede ad
Erodoto, sarebbe stato imaginato dai Persi, e Senofonte lo conferma
narrando di Ciro che nella spedizione contro gli Sciti, fissasse le
poste del suo reame circa cinquecento anni avanti Cristo. Tiberio
avrebbe d’assai vantaggiata l’introduzione d’Augusto; vuolsi anzi vi
ideasse forme analoghe alle nostre. — In quest’albergo di Albino la
posta doveva avere la sua mansione; a differenza dell’albergo di
Giulio Polibio e Agato Vajo, nel quale trovato essendosi gli avanzi di
tre carri, — i cui cerchi di ferro si conservano al Museo Nazionale di
Napoli — con fontane e abbeveratoj di animali e questa iscrizione:
C . CVSPIVM . PANSAM
ÆD . MVLIONES . VNIVERSI
AGATO . VAIO

coll’altra sottoposta:
 IVLIVS . POLIBIVS . COLLEGA . FECIT [61]

si è già indotti a credere che fosse meglio uno stallazzo da mulattieri.

Con ciò per altro non credo sostenere che a questa istituzione della
posta, valevole al trasporto de’ passeggieri, quella fosse pure
congiunta del trasporto regolare delle lettere, come si vede praticato
in oggi; perocchè questa bella ed utilissima invenzione de’ cui
vantaggi tutta gode presentemente la parte civile del mondo, non
fosse ancor conosciuta, venendo assegnata ad epoca d’assai
posteriore ed a merito de’ Veneziani. V’erano bensì staffette,
latinamente dette veredarii, ma queste non portavano che i publici
dispacci. I privati, che volevano carteggiare co’ lontani, doveano
quindi servirsi con grave loro spesa di messi appositi, detti tabellarii,
ossia portalettere, o procacci, come più propriamente qui dovrebbesi
dire [62].
Meglio posso dire della lingua che si parlava in Pompei. Ben osservò
Gibbon come i Romani fossero così persuasi della influenza della
lingua sui costumi nazionali, che più seria cura di essi fosse quella di
estendere col progresso delle loro armi l’uso eziandio della loro
lingua [63], e sappiamo anzi a proposito dal summentovato Svetonio,
come l’imperatore Claudio degradasse un ragguardevole greco
perchè non sapesse la lingua latina [64].
Se la lingua di Cicerone e Virgilio — sebbene con qualche inevitabile
miscuglio di corruzione — fu così universalmente adottata sin nelle
province dell’Africa, della Spagna, della Gallia, della Britannia e della
Pannonia; se della sola Spagna ebbe la latinità que’ chiari scrittori
che furono i due Seneca, Marziale, Lucano, Columella e Quintiliano,
è presto argomentato com’essa divenisse per tutta Italia non solo la
lingua ufficiale, ma ben anco la parlata ed anche in Pompei fosse,
nella classe almeno meglio educata, la più generalmente usata.
Taluni per altro pretesero voler desumere da ciò che da queste classi
meglio educate pur si usasse del greco idioma, che dunque fosse
l’antica lingua parlata in Pompei, e trarne perfino illazioni intorno alle
origini; ma non credo che ciò sia esattamente vero. Imperocchè il
succitato Gibbon giustamente osservasse come la vittoriosa Roma
fosse ella stessa soggiogata dalle arti della Grecia. «Quegli
immortali scrittori — scrive egli — che fanno ancora l’ammirazione
della moderna Europa, presto divennero l’oggetto favorito dello
studio e dell’imitazione nell’Italia e nelle province occidentali. Ma non
portavano danno le geniali occupazioni dei Romani alle radicate
massime della loro politica. Mentre si riconoscevano le bellezze della
lingua greca, sostenevano la dignità della latina; e l’uso esclusivo
della seconda fu conservato inflessibilmente nell’amministrazione sì
del governo civile che del militare. I due linguaggi esercitavano nel
tempo istesso la loro separata giurisdizione per tutto l’impero; il
primo come naturale idioma della scienza, il secondo come il dialetto
legale degli atti publici. Quelli che univano le lettere agli affari erano
egualmente versati nell’uno e nell’altro, ed era quasi impossibile in
qualunque provincia di trovare un suddito romano di una educazione
liberale, che non sapesse nel tempo stesso la lingua greca e la
latina.» [65]
Così può spiegarsi il promiscuo uso in Pompei dei due linguaggi,
senza per questo correre a diverse supposizioni. Piuttosto
ammetteremo che l’origine osca degli abitatori di Pompei, da me
riferita, venisse attestata dalle molte iscrizioni trovate negli scavi e di
cui si hanno dotte interpretazioni nel Giornale di essi che si stampa a
Napoli, e se devesi ritenere quanto con certo fondamento si sostiene
da parecchi scrittori e dal Fontanini che il popolo non si valesse nel
famigliare linguaggio della lingua latina, ma sì de’ dialetti speciali,
come si sa che infatti antichissimi fossero il Sabino, l’Etrusco ed il
Veneto, io credo che una prova di tale opinione si abbia in ciò che i
Pompejani alla loro volta avessero conservato il dialetto osco e lo
parlassero volgarmente. Detti e motti graffiti in questa lingua sulle
muraglie delle case suffragano validamente una tal prova.
Se latina era dunque la lingua generalmente parlata dalle classi più
elevate, e se osca quella usata dal basso popolo in Pompei; latina
era pure quella che generalmente solevano scrivere e l’ufficiale; non
escludendo per altro che gli uomini più letterati si servissero assai
della greca, quantunque meno frequentemente negli ultimi tempi che
in addietro.
A ciò attestare, si rinvennero negli scavi tanto d’Ercolano che di
Pompei, più per altro in quella città che in questa, non pochi papiri, i
quali, appunto perchè nella più parte riflettenti studj, anzichè atti o
scritture attinenti agli affari, furono nella massima parte dettati nella
lingua greca [66]. Sebbene codesti molti cimelj non abbiano ancora di
assai avvantaggiata la storia od altro ramo dello scibile umano;
tuttavia non è detto che quegli che non sono per anco svolti e
pubblicati non abbiano ad essere di maggiore interesse.
Ho detto svolti, perchè quali vennero trovati, non figurano che
altrettanti pezzi di carbone, così resi dalle ardenti materie onde
furono avvolti, nè par vero che siasi potuto vincere la loro rigidità e
spiegarli e renderli atti alla lettura. C. Rosini aveva nel 1793 in Napoli
edito due tomi di questi scritti ercolanesi sotto il titolo
Herculanensium voluminum quæ supersunt. Il Canonico De-Jorio fin
dal 1823 in Napoli nella sua Officina de’ papiri ne fece la descrizione
e più Volumi di que’ papiri trascritti sono omai fatti di pubblica
ragione; qualche migliajo ancora attende la medesima sorte. De
Mürr fin dal 1804 aveva in Parigi pur mandato per le stampe un suo
commento intorno ai papiri greci scoperti in Ercolano De papyris seu
voluminibus herculanensibus commentatio, e Hayter in Londra nel
1810 un suo lavoro dal titolo A report upon the herculaneum
manuscript.
Si sa che i papiri e le pergamene fossero la carta usata più
comunemente in que’ tempi per le scritture: quelli costituiti da fili di
un giunco cresciuto sulle sponde del Nilo, avente un tal nome e però
d’origine egizia; questa di pelle per lo più ovina e derivante il suo
nome da Pergamo, città dell’Asia Minore, dove fu prima usata; le
tavolette cerate, di cui tanto sovente si fa cenno nelle opere antiche,
erano per le più brevi scritture, e chi volesse poi avere più
particolareggiate notizie Dello scrivere degli antichi Romani, consulti
le dottissime dissertazioni edite con questo titolo da Stefano
Morcelli [67].
Egli mostra come fossero fatte queste tavolette incerate che i greci
chiamavano πίνακίδης, o anche δηλτωι dalla loro forma simile alla
lettera Δ, e come vi si andasse sopra con lo stilo o grafio, il quale
solcando la cera a guisa di aratro la terra, diede origine fra’ latini al
vocabolo figurato exarare in significato di scrivere, vocabolo che non
è per anco bandito dal linguaggio de’ nostri curiali, che bene spesso
scrivono esarare una dichiarazione, un atto, e va dicendo.
I biglietti che si spedivano allora così esarati sulla cera, come
vedremo nel venturo capitolo, riferendo una lettera di Plinio il
Giovane, appellavansi codicilli e i pugillares, di cui parla lo stesso
autore nella lettera del libro I delle sue Epistole, contenendo le
suddette tavolette o codicilli, corrispondevano, per un certo rispetto
agli odierni portafogli, poichè servivano a piccole scritture e
annotazioni, non mai ad opere di lunga lena [68].
Le città della Magna Grecia, tra cui, come sa il lettore era Pompei,
ricevendo in tutto l’intonazione da Roma, come nella cultura e nel
gusto, derivando usi e costumi di colà, ne parteciparono anche al
lusso sfrenato.
Già ho detto della quantità e sontuosità delle ville de’ più facoltosi
romani che principalmente possedevano ne’ dintorni di Pompei o nel
golfo napolitano. Lucullo nella vicina Baja profuse tesori: si sa che le
sue cene in Apolline costassero la bagatella di trentaduemila lire
odierne l’una e non occorreva per esse che avesse convitati: a Baja
stessa forò un monte per derivar l’acqua marina alla sua piscina;
Irzio spese dodici milioni di sesterzi a nutrire i suoi pesci, pei quali la
sua villa fu venduta per dieci milioni dei nostri. Argomenti da ciò il
lettore del resto. Siffatto spreco degli epuloni romani portato in
provincia era contagioso: perchè i ricchi di Pompei non lo avrebbero
adottato?
Gli scavi ci hanno rivelato pitture e statue di sublime lavoro,
ornamenti d’oro e gingilli, progresso dell’arte e dell’industria; ma io
ne tratterò in separati capitoli, perocchè valga il prezzo dell’opera il
conoscerne i migliori capolavori. Il Museo Nazionale di Napoli ne va
ricco e costituiscono tutta una storia. Monili e braccialetti, orecchini
ed anelli vi sono leggiadrissimi e tali da cui l’industria odierna
potrebbe cavarne un eccellente partito, e si sa dal trattato delle
pietre preziose di Plinio come fossero anzi gli antichi più avanti di
noi. Marziale ci ricordò come le dita de’ ricchi del suo tempo si
empissero di anelli ed anzi se ne avesse più d’uno per falange, o per
articolazione:

Sardonicas, smaragdos, adamantos, jaspidas uno

Portat in articulo. [69]

Si sa che Lollia, gentildonna romana, comparve ad un banchetto

adorna per otto milioni di perle, delle quali le romane caricavano
perfino i calzaretti. Caligola ne fregiava le prore delle navi e Nerone i
letti delle sue lascivie. Nè si creda valessero meno dell’oggi, se una
sola fu comprata con sei milioni di sesterzj.
Non parlerò qui de’ bagni, degli aromi ed essenze che si
prodigavano, chè m’avverrà di trattarne, meco guidando il lettore alla
visita delle Terme, cui consacrerò speciale capitolo, e così de’
banchetti e d’ogni altra ghiottornia e lautezza, entrate ne’ costumi
pompejani.
Pur degli spettacoli dirò in altro capitolo e vedrà il lettore come teatri,
comico e tragico, e anfiteatro avesse Pompei, e comunque città di
terz’ordine, vi esistesse ludo di gladiatori, serragli di belve riservate
al circo; nè farà più maraviglia il vedere i pompeiani sorpresi dal
cataclisma mentre erano accolti nel vasto anfiteatro, se la libidine di
congeneri passatempi veggiamo solleticata ne’ più strani modi in
tutto il mondo romano; così che a’ giorni di Nerone [70], a cui ci ha
pur condotti la narrazione, rappresentandosi sul teatro l’Incendio del
vecchio Afranio, si diè fuoco davvero alle case e gli istrioni
lasciaronsi padroni di saccheggiarle; e alla rappresentazione del
Prometeo si chiuse con un vero supplizio; quella di Muzio Scevola
col bruciarsi uno schiavo la destra, e un leone avvezzato a divorar
uomini, il fè nel circo con tanto garbo, che il popolo, cui fu presentato
dall’imperatore, ad una voce implorò per esso la libertà.
Ma io stavo per dimenticarmi di accennare che quest’imperatore era
il buon Marco Aurelio, colui la cui filosofia è giudicata una continua
aspirazione al bene de’ suoi simili e ne’ suoi precetti vi è tanta
cristiana umiltà; che il cardinal Barberini, voltandoli nella volgar
lingua, la traduzione dedicasse all’anima sua «per renderla più rossa
che la sua porpora allo spettacolo delle virtù di questo gentile.»
Nè di tutti i costumi pompejani presumo esaurir qui l’argomento, che
altri risulteranno menzionati nel restante dell’opera, nè volli, qui del
pari toccandone, per amor d’ordine, che mi si accusasse dipoi di
inutile ripetizione.
Come in qualunque altra parte d’Italia e d’altre nazioni, anche in
Pompei viveva in mezzo ai suddetti ordini cittadini e in mezzo a quel
civile reggimento, senza parteciparne ai diritti ed ai benefici, una
infelicissima classe di uomini, diseredata e tenuta nè più nè meno di
cosa, a’ quali eran devoluti i pesi maggiori sociali, che si
compravano e si vendevano come giumenti a’ prezzi non di molto
maggiori, che servivano nelle case, a’ capricci spesso di stolti e di
violenti padroni, infrenati da una disciplina severa e crudele, dalle
leggi autorizzata. Questa classe era quella degli schiavi. Per la più
parte Barbari prigionieri per vicenda di guerra usi a vita indipendente
e impazienti di vendicarsi a libertà. Nelle scorse pagine vedemmo
come tentassero ben due volte in massa di rompere i ceppi e per ciò
dessero grande travaglio alla Repubblica. Cesare dalla Gallia ne
aveva menati, stando a Plutarco ed Appiano, un milione; Lucullo dal
Ponto ne traeva tanti da venderli quattro dramme l’uno, cioè meno di
quattro lire per testa: una dramma era nello stesso campo di Lucullo
venduto un bove [71], e Augusto ne scendeva dalle montagne de’
Salassi ben quarantaquattromila.
Mimi e gladiatori da rallegrar circhi ed arene, amanuensi a copiare,
grammatici a corregger libri, danzatrici e suonatrici di flauto, o come
in Grecia, appellavansi auletridi, ad allietare i banchetti ed a
provocare orgie e lascivie, si avevano per lo più da questa povera
gente, e Pompei questi costumi divideva con tutto l’orbe romano, e vi
cresceva stimolo la mollezza del clima, ond’ebbero infausta celebrità
gli ozj campani.
In Pompei inoltre la coltura de’ campi era interamente affidata agli
schiavi ed erano questi i più infelici. Sorvegliati da altri schiavi tenuti
dal padrone in miglior conto, o da’ liberti, che erano stati schiavi un
giorno e fatti poi liberi, severi castighi subivano se recalcitranti o
infingardi.
Dai vigneti coltivati per essi ottenevansi quelle uve, d’onde que’ vini
di Pompei, che al dir di Plinio [72], ebbero fama tra i meglio
accreditati, che non erano bevibili che vecchi di dieci anni, e pur
tanto focosi che chi ne beveva, restava molestato dai dolori di capo
sino all’ora sesta del dì seguente. Certo è che oggidì la natura di
questi vini ha mutato. Persuaso di quel vecchio proverbio:

.... si Romæ vivis, romano vivito more,

nello asciolvere all’albergo del Sole in Pompei, chiesi del vino

paesano, nè fu causa che mi desse al capo. Gli è tuttavia ne’
dintorni, alle falde del Vesuvio, che si spreme il famoso Lacryma
Christi.
Abbondante del resto la vendemmia, come in tutte le terre vicine al
Vesuvio e fin su sulle sue pendici; onde L. Floro, estasiandosi
innanzi a questi luoghi, dicesse la Campania, di cui questa parte che
si specchiava nel Tirreno era la gemma, la plaga più bella d’Italia
non solo, ma dell’Universo, dove in nessun luogo vi fosse cielo più
dolce, terra più ubertosa e dove duplice pei fiori la primavera e i
monti rivestiti di viti e bellissimo fra tutti il Vesuvio: e Marziale
giugnesse a dire, che il Vesuvio verdeggiante per pampinose ombre
e la nobile uva dando laghi di vino, paresse che gli Dei del piacere e
dell’allegria, abbandonate le più care lor sedi, venuti fossero a
dimora sui gioghi del Vesuvio. Uditene i versi che riporto dal Libro IV
de’ suoi Epigrammi, sotto il n. 44:

Hic est pampineis viridis Vesuvius umbris;

Presserat hic madidos nobilis uva lucus.
Hæc juga, quam Nisæ colles, plus Bacchus amavit,
Hoc nuper Satiri monte dedere choros.
Hoc Veneris sedes, Lacedæmone gratior illi,
Hæc locus Herculeo nomine clarus erat [73].

Così Pompei era del pari celebre per le sue pere e ne forniva le più
ricercate mense, come Tivoli le poma; ferace per le messi e per gli
ulivi, e gli scavi ci hanno dato saggi di frumento ed olive appunto,
come altri molti frutti sia naturali che preparati, pane, focaccie ed
altrettali leccornie; nè parrà vero che mentre tutti questi camangiari
appajono anneriti e bruciati dalle ardenti ceneri onde furono investiti,
parte del grano rinvenuto conservasse tuttavia la proprietà vitale, e
seminato, malgrado fossero trascorsi più che diciassette secoli,
germogliasse e porgesse la propria spica e le olive fossero
conservatissime ancora nell’olio.
Virgilio nelle Georgiche aveva la fertilità di queste terre celebrato in
questi versi:

Quæque suo viridi semper se gramine vestit,

Illa tibi lætis intexet vitibus ulmos
Illa ferax oleæ est: illam experiere colendo
Et facilem pecori, et patientem vomeris unci.
Talem dives arat Capua et vicina Vesevo
Ora jugo [74].

Dalle onde poi del Tirreno, che baciavano, frangendosi, il piede alla
voluttuosa Pompei, il pescatore pompejano, tra i cento svariati pesci
traeva in copia il Garo, che or non saprebbesi designare con nome
conosciuto, e con esso facevasi colà il caviale liquido, che nella
bassa Italia si fa tuttavia. «Evvi, dice Plinio, un altro genere di liquore
assai ricercato, al quale si è dato il nome di garum: esso è composto
d’intestini di pesci o d’altre parti che sarebbero diversamente a
gittarsi, e che si fanno macerare nel sale in guisa che divenga
l’effetto della putrefazione. Questo liquore componevasi una volta col
pesce che i Greci chiamavano garon» [75]. Lo stesso Plinio attesta
che Pompei andasse assai lodata, come Clazomene e Lepti, per il
garo [76].
Orazio ne faceva menzione, dicendolo composto di succhi di pesce
iberico:

Garum de succis piscis iberi [77].

Marziale del pari in un suo epigramma:

Sed coquus ingentem piperis consumet acervum:

Addet et arcano mixta falerna garo [78].

E altrove lo stesso poeta:

Nobile nunc sitio luxuriosa garum [79].

Era per ultimo lungo queste amenissime sponde che il Vesuvio

sogguarda, che i medici solevano mandare a curarsi e risanare gli
affetti da mal sottile, e siffatta salubrità di tali luoghi Varrone ricordò
in quelle parole: ubi montana loca ut in Vesuvio, quod leviora et ideo
salubriora, constatataci di poi anche dall’autorità di Polibio e di
Procopio.
Queste erano le condizioni di Pompei ne’ primi anni dell’Era
Cristiana, negli ultimi quindi di sua esistenza, e dei quali io mi faccio
ad intrattenere il lettore.
 CAPITOLO V.
Storia.
PERIODO SECONDO — IL CATACLISMA.

T. Svedio Clemente compone le differenze tra Pompeiani

e Coloni — Pompei si rinnova — Affissi publici — La flotta
romana e Plinio il Vecchio ammiraglio — Sua vita — La
Storia Naturale e altre opere. — Il novissimo giorno —
Morte di Plinio il Vecchio — Prima lettera di Plinio il
Giovane a Tacito — Diversa pretesa morte di Plinio il
Vecchio — Seconda lettera di Plinio il Giovane a Tacito —
Provvedimenti inutili di Tito Vespasiano.

Pompei, dopo l’orribile guasto che aveva, pel tremuoto, toccato

nell’anno 63 di Cristo, dileguate mano mano le apprensioni, andava
rimettendosi a nuovo, facendosi, come già dissi, più bella.
A’ romani imperatori della famiglia Giulia, a Galba, Otone e Vitellio,
era nell’anno 70 dell’E. V. succeduta la serie de’ Flavj, e primo di
essi, Tito Flavio Vespasiano. Tra le cure della sua amministrazione
volse pure il pensiero a Pompei ed a delimitare i confini del territorio
della romana republica, occupato nel Pago Felice-Augusto dalle tre
coorti dei veterani, onde componevasi la militare colonia, e togliere
ogni pretesto, per i quali si rinnovassero i dissidj del tempo di Publio
Silla e le ribalde soperchierie, spedì Tito Svedio Clemente, rinomato
giureconsulto e tribuno. Studiò egli le rispettive ragioni de’ cittadini e
de’ coloni; vide la prepotenza di questi ultimi e la violenza, nè
bisognava di molto a capirla, poichè non vi fosse uom dappoco o
fanciullo che a prima giunta non la sentenziasse in quegli avanzi di
guerre astute e ladre; e così saviamente ogni cosa compose e
provvide a’ diritti de’ primi, che grati i decurioni elevarono la sua
statua sur un piedistallo, precisamente sul posto de’ diritti acquistati
e riconosciuti, presso la strada, cioè, dopo l’emiciclo di Mammia
sull’angolo della via che scorge alla villa di Cicerone, scolpendovi a
perenne ricordanza, la seguente onorifica iscrizione:
EX . AVCTORITATE
IMP . CÆSARIS
VESPASIANI . AVG.
LOCA . PVBLICA . A . PRIVATIS
POSSESSA . T . SVEDIVS . CLEMENS
TRIBVNVS . CAVSIS . COGNITIS . ET
MENSVRIS . FACTIS . REI
PVBLICÆ . POMPEJANORVM
RESTITVIT [80].

Il De Jorio die’ conto della statua di Svedio, dicendo che accanto al

muro dell’angolo della strada, in livello molto superiore al suolo
antico si trovò una statua togata di marmo: nella mano sinistra
teneva un volume ed un anello al dito: la testa e le mani
s’incontrarono a piccola distanza: il pilastro che la sosteneva portava
incastrata l’iscrizione [81].
Il benemerito E. Brizio seppe questa statua discernere per quella di
T. Svedio Clemente fra quelle collocate al Museo di Napoli: vi lesse
la sigla S nel castone dell’anello, significante forse sigillum, forse
Svedius, e descrive del personaggio che rappresenta: il volto è
d’uomo avanzato in età, i capelli sono radi ed è calva la fronte; dalla
faccia si presume una complessione gracile del corpo [82].
I duumviri stessi, a secondare le dette conciliazioni, e a prevenire
ulteriori dissidj e conflitti fra cittadini e coloni, provvidero a che questi
ultimi avessero ne’ pubblici spettacoli un posto che non avevano
prima, e l’iscrizione che questo provvedimento testifica, leggeremo
nel capitolo che tratterà de’ teatri.
Eliminati così gli inceppamenti che frappor si potevano al suo
risorgimento, Pompei lo veniva in ogni modo affrettando.
Presso il Foro Civile e la Basilica era maggiore la ressa degli operai
a sgomberare le rovine, a rinnovar le colonne: pietre vulcaniche e
travertino si venivano in que’ luoghi trascinando da’ giumenti; le
case, i templi, gli archi sollecitavano un medesimo lavoro; le vie
erano animate di carri e di popolo, gli Edili sorvegliavano le opere, i
cittadini profondevano l’oro e la fatica degli schiavi alle riparazioni e
come a Roma l’incendio appiccato da Nerone aveva recato il
beneficio di sgomberare di luride casupole e di sostituirvi palagi
marmorei di privati e publici sontuosi edificj, anche a Pompei il
disastro di sedici anni prima, dissipata la naturale paura che
s’avesse a rinnovare, aveva occasionato miglioramenti non pochi.
È così presto dimenticato il dolore e il pericolo corso, quando ogni
cosa sorride d’intorno!
Questo bel cielo che si distende sopra Pompei, questo azzurro mare
che ne bacia il clivo su cui si posa, quella lussureggiante
vegetazione che la circonda, questo aere molle che lusinga i sensi,
questo monte perfino che le sta di fianco, e lievemente fumigando,
sembra ognuno rassicurare che più non sia per ricominciare la sua
lotta interna, nè dare sfogo a furori esteriori, tutto consigliava, tutto
persuadeva al ritorno nelle graziose casette del passato, a
ripopolare la gentile città, a renderla più bella, più ornata, più
delicata.
Pittori, accorsi da Grecia, vi istoriavano le pareti di leggiadri
appartamenti, e preparavano ne’ triclinj e nelle esedre fomiti
irresistibili alle lascivie dei commensali e vi compivano meraviglie di
arte; scultori ne adornavano gli impluvii, i tablini e gli atrii di
vaghissime statue e mosaici; artefici d’ogni maniera fornivano le
ricche suppelletili e gli xisti olezzavano di rose ed oleandri a
profumarne eziandio le camere terrene od ombreggiavansi di
pianticelle e d’arbusti esotici a miglior frescura di esse, e così
ricorreva la vita più giovanile e tumultuosa per le arterie tutte della
graziosa città.
I doviziosi dipingevano sulle muraglie delle case od all’ingresso della
città in caratteri rossi e neri affissi publici di appigionamento; nè sarà
privo di interesse qui trascrivere quello che Giulia Felice, figlia di
Spurio, fe’ pingere in rosso e fu rinvenuto intatto come se fatto jeri,
per chi concorrere voleva all’affitto per cinque anni continui di tutti i
suoi beni. Consistevano questi in un bagno, in un venereo, o luogo
di dissolutezze, ed in novecento taberne, o botteghe, nelle quali si
vendevano merci e gli artefici esercitavano i loro mestieri, colle
pergole, o balconi, sporti all’infuori delle case e co’ cenacoli, o
camere superiori per l’abitazione de’ mercanti, e si lasciava tempo
ad aspirare alla condizione di tali beni da’ sei agli otto d’agosto;
apposta la condizione si quis domi (o damnatum) lenocinium
exerceat ne conducito, espressa nelle sigle iniziali, onde l’affisso si
chiude; se pure non vogliasi assegnare ad esse quella significazione
che vi dà l’illustre Fiorelli, il quale così ristabilirebbe la formula: si
quinquennium decurrerit locatio erit nudo consensu.
IN PRÆDIIS . IVLIÆ . SP . F . FELICIS
LOCANTVR .
BALNEVM . VENERIVM . ET . NONGENTUM . TABERNÆ . PERGVLÆ
CENACVLA . EX . IDIBUS . AVG . PRIMIS . IN . IDVS . AVG . SEXTAS
ANNOS . CONTINVOS . QVINQVE
S . Q . D . L . E . N . C . [83]

Altra iscrizione pure fu trovata sul pilastro di una casa, la qual

significa che nell’isola Arriana Polliana di Gneo Alifio e Virginio
Maggiore, dalle prime idi di luglio (ossia otto di questo mese), si
affittano le botteghe colle pergole ed i cenacoli equestri, convenendo
il conduttore della casa con Gneo Alfio Maggiore.
INSVLA . ARRIANA
POLLIANA . GN . ALIFI . NIGIDI . MAI .
LOCANTVR . EX . I . IVLIIS . PRIMIS . TABERNÆ
CVM . PERGULIS . SVIS . ET . CŒNACVLA
EQVESTRIA . ET . DOMVS . CONDVCTOR .
CONVENITO . PRIMVM . GN . ALIFI
NIGIDI . MAI . SER .
La brevità del tempo concessa al concorso spiega la ricerca de’
locali e la tornata affluenza della popolazione in Pompei.
E con essa la foga delle gazzarre e de’ publici divertimenti.
Plauto e Terenzio somministravano al Teatro Comico le loro
composizioni. Ovidio la sua Medea e Seneca e i Greci tragedi le loro
opere al Teatro Tragico: il ludo de’ gladiatori ristabilito provvedeva
all’anfiteatro: i magistrati così di Pompei con siffatte lusinghiere
illecebre venivano richiamando le famiglie che sgomente l’avevano
abbandonata.
E i vicini traevano pur di nuovo alle sue feste; gli antichi usi, le
consuetudini prische, la voluttuosa vita, gli amori avevano come
prima, meglio di prima ripreso.
Venere Fisica vedeva nel suo tempio ripigliato il culto dalla prediletta
città cui dava anche il nome. Giove, Giunone ed Esculapio
accoglievano nei rispettivi loro templi voti e sagrificj, e l’egizia Iside si
rifaceva più venerata del bando cui era stata posta dall’Urbe co’ suoi
bugiardi e disonesti misteri.
La fama per ultimo aveva già susurrato la buona novella, che non
aveva ancora dichiarati credenti lungo tutte queste sponde, ma che
sapevasi come già percorresse le diverse provincie, a sostituir quella
fede che più non era profonda nei Numi, e ad abbattere quegli altri
altari, che ormai, più che dalla convinzione, erano dall’abitudine e dal
dovere frequentati, perchè quei riti erano collegati al modo di vivere
ed alle leggi connessi.
Era il prim’anno di Tito Vespasiano quando Pompei presentava tutto
questo superbo spettacolo di vita e di prosperità, — e siccome mi
avverrà di riferire tra breve l’immaturo fine di quel dottissimo e
celebre naturalista che fu Cajo Plinio il Vecchio, uopo è che a questo
punto informi il lettore del perchè l’illustre Comasco vi si avesse a
trovare.
Le due più importanti stazioni navali di Roma a’ tempi dell’impero,
riferisce Tacito avere Augusto stabilito a Ravenna ed a Miseno, dove
appunto ha principio, come sa il lettore, il bellissimo golfo di Napoli.