Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Ethics at The Edges of Law 1St Edition Cathleen Kaveny Full Chapter
Ethics at The Edges of Law 1St Edition Cathleen Kaveny Full Chapter
Cathleen Kaveny
Visit to download the full and correct content document:
https://ebookmass.com/product/ethics-at-the-edges-of-law-1st-edition-cathleen-kaven
y/
i
Ethics at the
Edges of Law
Christian Moralists and
American Legal Thought
z
CATHLEEN KAVENY
1
iv
1
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers
the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education
by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University
Press in the UK and certain other countries.
1 3 5 7 9 8 6 4 2
Printed by Sheridan Books, Inc., United States of America
v
To the
Religion Department Lounge
1879 Hall
Princeton University
vi
vi
Contents
Preface ix
Acknowledgments xiii
Introduction xv
viii Contents
Conclusion 239
Notes 243
Index 285
ix
Preface
x Preface
Preface xi
Acknowledgments
The chapters in Ethics at the Edges of Law: Christian Moralists and American
Legal Thought wrestle with the writings of important contemporary scholars
in the field of Christian ethics, all of whom have taught me a great deal
about fundamental questions of love and justice. I thank my interlocutors
for the opportunity to engage their ideas and benefit from their wisdom,
not only in print but also in many face-to-face conversations over the years.
I would also like to extend my appreciation to colleagues at Duke
University, Princeton University, St. John’s University, the University of
St. Thomas, the University of Virginia, and Yale University for inviting
me to try out some of my ideas in conferences and colloquia they organ-
ized. Special thanks to friends at the University of Notre Dame (where I
taught for many years) and Boston College (my new home) for helping me
think more deeply about the intersection of theology and law, especially
Lisa Sowle Cahill, John Finnis, James Keenan, John Paris, John Robinson,
and Vincent Rougeau. I benefited enormously from the generosity of John
Coughlin, Michael Perry, and Jonathan Rothchild, who graciously provided
incisive comments on the entire manuscript. I am also indebted to William
Werpehowski for his wise advice. Lu Ann Nate, my assistant at Notre Dame,
was extremely helpful in the early days of the project. Daniel DiLeo, a gradu-
ate student in theological ethics at Boston College, provided insightful sug-
gestions as I brought the manuscript to completion. Some of the chapters in
this book are revised versions of my previously published essays, reworked
to contribute to a coherent whole. They are: “Listening for the Future in
the Voices of the Past: John T. Noonan, Jr. on Love and Power in Human
History,” Journal of Law and Religion 11, no. 1 (1994): 203–27, “A Response to
John T. Noonan, Jr.,” Proceedings of the Catholic Theological Society of America
54 (1999): 57–64, and “Development of Catholic Moral Doctrine: Probing
the Subtext,” University of St. Thomas Law Journal 1, no. 1 (2003): 234–52
(chapter 1); “Hauerwas and the Law: Framing a Productive Conversation,”
xvi
xiv Acknowledgments
Law and Contemporary Problems 75, no. 4 (2012): 135– 60 (chapter 2);
“Between Example and Doctrine: Contract Law and Common Morality,”
Journal of Religious Ethics 33, no. 4 (2005): 669–95 (chapter 3); “Erastian
and High Church Approaches to the Law: the Jurisprudential Categories of
Robert E. Rodes, Jr.,” Journal of Law and Religion 22, no. 2 (2007): 405–32
(chapter 7); “Mercy, Justice, and Law: Can Legal Concepts Help Foster New
Life?,” in George Augustin, ed., Marriage and Family: Relics of the Past or
Promise of the Future? (Mahwah, NJ: Paulist Press, 2015), 75–106 and “Mercy for
the Remarried: What the Church Can Learn from Civil Law,” Commonweal,
August 14, 2015. (chapter 8); and “What is Legalism? Engelhardt and Grisez
on the Misuse of Law in Christian Ethics,” The Thomist 72, no. 3 (2008):
443–85 (chapter 9). All citations to Scripture are from the New Revised
Standard Version, as accessed on the website BibleGateway.
I am very grateful to Cynthia Read, my editor at Oxford University
Press, for her support and patience. And I extend my heartfelt appreci-
ation to my friends and family for their encouragement—and their sus-
tained forbearance—as I brought this manuscript to completion.
xv
Introduction
xvi Introduction
Introduction xvii
legal cases and doctrines (part II), to an examination of how legal concepts
and categories can shed light on current problems and controversies in
Christian ethics (part III). Taken as a whole, the book aims to demonstrate
the substantive contributions that engagement with the law can make to
important discussions in different facets of the field.
xviii Introduction
Introduction xix
xx Introduction
Introduction xxi
ways of categorizing law. One can distinguish between criminal law, which
concerns norms whose violation is seen as an attack on the whole com-
munity, and civil law, which regulates the behavior between and among
members of that community. One can differentiate between federal law
and state law, as well as between common law and statutory law. Just as
Christian ethicists work in different subspecialties, so do legal scholars;
their work includes fields such as administrative law, constitutional law,
corporate law, international law, tax law, and trusts and estates. Just as
Christian ethicists operate with different foundational commitments, so
do legal theorists and judges. Some see the fundamental point of legal
norms as maximizing economic efficiency, while others maintain that its
purpose is to protect and expand the sphere of individual freedom. Just as
Christian ethicists adopt different methodologies, so do lawyers and legal
scholars. Some are strict constuctionists, emphasizing the “letter” of the
law, while others are comfortable allowing the “spirit” of the law to develop
organically over time.
In making a case for a more constructive and fruitful relationship
between Christian ethics and law, I cannot do justice to all areas or per-
spectives in legal studies, any more than I can do justice to all areas or
perspectives in Christian ethics. At the same time, I am committed to en-
gaging legal matters with some particularity, rather than remaining on
the level of generalities. So, I have repeatedly drawn from the areas of law
I know best: the common law of contracts, which I have taught to first-year
law students for over two decades, aspects of criminal law that are related
to my longstanding interest in the relationship of mercy and justice, and
facets of criminal procedure that help define distinct human acts for pur-
poses of moral and legal analysis.
I hope all these points of contact between law and Christian ethics are
fruitful and interesting. At the same time, the last thing I want to do is
imply that the legal topics and cases I draw on here exhaust the possi-
bilities for engagement. My earnest hope is that other scholars will build
many additional bridges, showing how concepts and cases from tort law,
insurance regulation, property law, and many other legal fields can both
enrich and challenge the ongoing work of Christian ethics.
xxi
xxi
PART I
the tension between honoring the particularity of each person’s life cir-
cumstances, on the one hand, and formulating generally applicable norms
that promote the common good, on the other hand. In Christian ethics,
this tension has been explored as a matter of the relationship between love
and justice.
moral practices that those teachings foster and the living system of canon
law in which they take their place. More specifically, Noonan refuses to
separate the ideas and ideals of canon law from the way in which they
were formulated by and applied to particular human persons in the context
of human institutions. Consequently, the book is organized around six
specific cases, which are annulment petitions brought before the Roman
ecclesiastical courts between 1653 and 1923. Each case presents the Curia
with the unavoidable task of ranking the priority of various commitments
of the tradition that stand in mutual tension, such as between the theo-
logically driven affirmation of the possibility of a valid, intentionally vir-
ginal marriage (as typified in the Catholic tradition by that of Mary and
Joseph) and the more practically minded Augustinian view that persons
contracting marriage must be open to the good of procreation.12 Following
their often serpentine courses through different layers of ecclesiastical bu-
reaucracy, Noonan shows how the final disposition of each case depends
as much upon the individual quirks of the persons involved as upon more
abstract and impersonal doctrinal exigencies.
Noonan’s subsequent massive historical studies—a treatise on bribery,13
and both a casebook14 and a monograph15 on religious liberty—manifest
his increasing dexterity in reflecting the development of moral and legal
movements through the prism of individual lives and choices. One might
say that Noonan’s insistence upon situating moral concepts not only in a
rough social context but even more precisely within the lives of particular
persons, bespeaks an epistemological commitment to historical specificity
that surpasses even that of Maclntyre. Yet his commitment to such spec-
ificity is not merely epistemological. It is a necessary entailment of his
theological anthropology, and the conception of human obligations to one
and other which it generates.
For Noonan, the study of ethics, law, and theology are historical enter-
prises because the persons who engage in these activities are historical
beings. Moreover, because human nature is essentially social, and human
society also moves within time, he recognizes that those of us who are liv-
ing today stand in community and conversation with the dead. The shape
of our minds and hearts is informed by the ideas and purposes of our
forebears, much as the shape of our bodies is informed by their genetic
material. We manifest our fidelity to the persons of the past not in slavish
repetition of old formulas but rather in sensitively attempting to discern
the core purposes of traditional doctrine and in creatively applying it to
a new situation. Such a process requires us both to understand and to
7
“monsters” that strangle justice with favoritism. On the other hand, the
subsumption of persons into the inexorable impersonality of rules can be
ruthless.
Noonan’s book on bribery exhaustively probes the former problem: a
bribe comprises “an inducement improperly influencing the performance
of a public function meant to be gratuitously exercised.”32 A bribe-taking
judge prostitutes justice and tramples upon impartiality. In reproachful
contrast to judicial graft and as the paradigmatic just judge, the God of
the Book of Deuteronomy and of the apostle Paul eschews prosōpolempsia
(which literally means “face-lifting”)—that is, corrupt respect of persons.33
Justice must be impartial. Acknowledging the necessity of the impersonal
rules that give form to institutions serving purposes beyond the individual,
and recognizing the need for human beings to participate in these institu-
tions by playing socially defined roles, Noonan affirms such impartiality.
Yet in other writings, he stresses that at least as much damage has
been inflicted throughout history by neglect of the individual persons
interacting by necessity or by choice with the coercive power of the legal
system. A major culprit is the use of rules to construct masks, or “ways
of classifying individual human beings so that their humanity is hidden
and disavowed.”34 Playing on the ambiguity of the Latin term persona,
Noonan explores several ways in which the American legal system has
allowed masks (personae) to be used to conceal persons (personae) in both
his Persons and Masks of the Law and The Antelope.
The latter book provides a case study in one of the most deadly and effi-
cient uses of legal terms to obscure humanity: the subsumption of enslaved
Africans and their descendants under the category of “property.” The
Antelope was a ship captured off the coast of Florida by American agents in
1820, with about 280 Africans on board destined for the slave markets.35
At the time, it had been illegal for over ten years to import slaves anywhere
into the United States, and the president had recently acquired power to
ensure the “safekeeping, support and removal beyond the United States”
of Africans taken on captured ships. Despite these facts, over one hun-
dred Africans from the ship died, many of neglect or mistreatment, and
nearly forty were enslaved.36 Only about 120 of them were finally deemed
free persons, and were put on ships to Liberia seven years after their cap-
ture.37 Noonan tells the tale of the political machinations, the bureau-
cratic ennui, the petty calculations, and the self-delusion that enabled,
for instance, men like Judge William Davies and Justice William Johnson
to “overcome” their personal revulsion to slavery long enough to uphold
1
its legality under international law and decide that foreign slave traders
should be allowed to recover their “property” in the courts of the United
States.38
According to Noonan, the masks that trigger moral catastrophes such
as that befalling the Antelope are of two kinds: masks imposed on oth-
ers, such as “property” in the case of slaves, and masks impressed upon
on oneself, such as “the court” and “the law” in the case of judges rend-
ering opinions.39 Practically and morally, they are deeply interconnected.
Practically, it is only by secreting their own human feeling under imper-
sonal masks that such fundamentally decent persons as Holmes, Cardozo,
Wythe, and Jefferson could bear to place such dehumanizing masks on
the faces of those over whom they exercised power. From a moral perspec-
tive, however, the two types of masking are deeply interrelated; to mask
another, in fact, is also to mask oneself. For Noonan, as for Maritain, it is at
the essence of personhood to relate with knowledge and love to other per-
sons. Consequently, to treat another as less than human also denigrates
one’s own humanity.
One crucial question that Noonan’s writings raise without fully an-
swering is how to differentiate between judicial attention to claimants
that wrongfully “lifts up faces” and attention that pays rightful regard to
the “particular flesh and blood and consciousness”40 standing before the
bench. When does attention to the specific details of the lives of particular
persons facilitate a just result, and when does it impede such a result? For
example, in the vast majority of cases, the comparative financial status of
the litigants appears both immaterial to any legal dispute between them
and irrelevant to their status as persons. Indeed, as Noonan emphasizes,
to favor a particular petitioner because she is powerful and rich clearly
seems to violate judicial impartiality. But what about giving special con-
cern to the poor? Consider Noonan’s assessment of Judge Benjamin
Cardozo’s decision in the most famous tort case of the twentieth century,
Palsgraf v. Long Island Railroad.41 A forty-three-year-old mother doing jan-
itorial work to support her three children, Helen Palsgraf was injured in
a freak accident involving a railroad employee while waiting for a train to
the beach. She sued the railroad for negligence. Cardozo not only denied
her claim for damages but also ordered her to pay both her own and the
railroad’s court costs, a sum which would have amounted to more than her
annual income and which the railroad could have collected by selling her
personalty. Of Cardozo’s imposition of costs, Noonan argues that “[o]nly
a judge who did not see who was before him could have decreed such a
12
result.”42 Under New York rules of practice, assessing costs was a matter
of judicial discretion. It is hard not to blame a judge who imposes costs
upon a poor plaintiff bringing a good-faith, colorable claim against a rich
corporate defendant. In fact, since the law explicitly gave Cardozo discre-
tion in this matter, one could even argue that his decision to levy costs on
Helen Palsgraf was as much a failure in applying rules as it was blindness
in assessing persons.
But Noonan does not address as forthrightly the question that high-
lights the tension between respect for rules and regard for individual per-
sons. Should Cardozo have taken account of Helen Palsgraf’s poverty and
the railroad’s great wealth in actually deciding the case? More specifically,
does Noonan’s construal of respect for persons imply that in the last anal-
ysis, Helen Palsgraf should have won her lawsuit against the Long Island
Railroad? He does not explicitly say, but hints that his answer would be in
the affirmative. Assuming for a moment that this is so, a more subtle ques-
tion presents itself. Precisely why does respect for persons require her to
win? Such respect could focus on two different aspects of Helen Palsgraf:
the specific details of her own unique life or the features of her existence
that she possesses in common with many other persons. Noonan does not
always distinguish between the two.
On the one hand, does Noonan think Cardozo should have given de-
cisive weight to the specific difficulties of Helen Palsgraf’s particular life,
such as the fact that she was the sole support of her children and already
worked two jobs? The considerable effort Noonan devotes to fleshing out
impersonal law reports with the details about her background supports
this position, as does his emphasis on the need for a love-informed justice
that concentrates on the needs of concrete individuals. On the other hand,
certain of his remarks suggest that extending Mrs. Palsgraf such special
consideration would have given too automatic a preference to this David
over this Goliath.43 Perhaps, then, respecting Mrs. Palsgraf as a person
entails taking account not of the aspects of her life that are specific to her
but of the more generalizable fact of her poverty and lack of social power.
If this had been Cardozo’s approach, he would have focused not on the
actual troubles of Mrs. Palsgraf but on the more general social problems
embodied in them.
This is not a moot point in our common law system where judges
make law, and where the opinions of those sitting on higher courts have
precedential weight. His position of power gave Cardozo both the freedom
and the responsibility to shape social policy through the legal framework
13
other Christians as well, to the extent that they hold themselves responsi-
ble for making the enduring insights of the tradition freshly applicable to
new eras and new questions.
Noonan calls the scholastic analysis of usury “the only detailed and
comprehensive philosophical effort in history to explore the requirements
of justice in the credit operations central to commercial life.”56 The early
Christian tradition’s “immensely important shift from treating usury as
a sin of uncharitableness or avarice to treating it as a sin of injustice”57
bears the same moral claim as the U.S. Bishops’ demand for a restruc-
turing of international banking practices to improve the lot of Third World
countries thirty years ago, and the recent and repeated condemnations
of unbridled capitalism on the part of Pope Francis.58 The later scholastic
tradition’s efforts to circumscribe the absolute prohibition against usury
in light of the experience of Christian merchants in Europe exhibits a
common kernel of insight with the emphasis of liberation theologians
upon the unity of theory and practice in the struggle for justice in South
America. Of course, the historical and political contexts of these theolog-
ical and ethical reflections diverge dramatically. So do the philosophical
tools they employ. But even as Christians affirm the necessity for those liv-
ing in different times and places to respond to the Gospel with their own
“freshness,” the same Spirit calls us into the “continuity” of eternal com-
munity with one another through Christ.59 Supporting that belief, John
Noonan’s work can foster the discernment of new patterns of unity and
difference in Christian moral thinking.
John Noonan concludes his 1965 edition of Contraception with an op-
timistic note about the possibility of change in the church’s prohibition
against artificial methods of birth control. Having demonstrated in the
volume that at the center of ecclesiastical teaching were the “values of
procreation, education, life, personality and love,” he argues that “About
these values a wall had been built; the wall could be removed when it be-
came a prison rather than a bulwark.”60 Issued three years after Noonan’s
book was published, the papal encyclical Humanae vitae did not remove
the wall. Noonan’s reaction to the encyclical is contained in an article enti-
tled “Natural Law, the Teaching of the Church and the Regulation of the
Rhythm of Human Fecundity,” which has been appended to the enlarged
edition of Contraception.61
In a polarized church, where the only acceptable options were ei-
ther “dissent” or “assent” to magisterial teaching on contraception,
Noonan’s response provoked puzzlement from both sides.62 On the
17
one hand, Noonan began with the claim that “the time for debate over
doctrine itself is past…. The time now is to understand the encyclical
and to answer questions within its framework.”63 Those who opposed
Humanae vitae could have feared that Noonan is abandoning the fruits
of his intellectually groundbreaking and liberating work in favor of sub-
mission to the magisterium. On the other hand, the practical import of
the appended article is that contraceptive practices must be avoided only
a small portion of every month. Those who supported Humanae vitae
could have seen this as an attempt to evade the strictures set down by
Pope Paul VI.
How, then, should Noonan’s appendix be perceived? Was it “dissent
from” or “assent to” magisterial teaching? It was neither, and it was both—
at least according to the way these terms are commonly understood. The
article exemplifies a distinctively legal mode of reasoning that fruitfully
transcends the rigidity of both categories. First published in the American
Journal of Jurisprudence in 1980, it reads like the brief of a lawyer whose
argument is circumscribed but not ultimately undone by the existence of
an authoritative and possibly opposing decision written by an eminent
judge.64 Without questioning the authority of Humanae vitae, Noonan
interprets it in such a fashion that the bulk of his book’s argument sur-
vives intact.
Consider his strategy. First, having announced his good faith in
attempting to work within the confines of the encyclical, he forestalls any
attempt to interpret it in light of the purposes of those opposed to the
Second Vatican Council. He insists that Humanae vitae be read together
with Gaudium et spes. Second, he stresses the considerable development
of doctrine that was ratified by the encyclical and supported by his own
historical study: personalism, the expression of conjugal love as a purpose
of marital intercourse, and the duty of married couples to make a respon-
sible judgment about the proper size of their families. Finally, under the
heading “Clarifications” of doctrine, Noonan considers three case studies
designed to test the flexibility within the boundaries of Humanae vitae. In
the third, noting that “nature” implies “normalcy” in Catholic thought,
Noonan suggests that the strictures of the encyclical do not prevent a mar-
ried couple from using contraceptives on all but the prudently estimated
four days each month when it is normally probable for intercourse to lead
to procreation. After considering possible arguments against his posi-
tion, Noonan concludes by noting that “it is scarcely an objection that the
scope of a law should be narrow. In general, Christians have been called to
18
tells nothing about the mode of their presence. A dissection can inform
us that the human body is composed of given percentages of various ele-
ments; that does not mean we can mechanically mix those elements and
obtain life. Analogously, a truly excellent legal brief does not merely com-
pile evidence but also proposes a vision of reality (or at least that portion
of reality which is in dispute) that is more complete and compelling than
the vision offered by the opposition. It is an exercise in aesthetics as much
as in organization, a task for rhetoric no less than for logic.67
Second, the fact that legal argument is oriented toward achieving a cer-
tain practical result for one’s client means that the way lawyers approach
authoritative sources differs from that of many scholars. For example,
when confronted with an authoritative ecclesiastical pronouncement,
many academic ethicists would see their task as twofold. First, they would
strive to pin down its meaning as objectively and precisely as possible, and
second, they would attempt to respond to that clearly fixed interpretation of
the pronouncement. By contrast, the dominant question for a lawyer is not
what to say to a controlling opinion, but what to do with it.
In her efforts, the lawyer does not merely respond to a fixed and prede-
termined construal of the opinion but also actually helps shape its inter-
pretation. The opinion, itself one word in the continuing conversation of
law, provides the raw material and the framework that enable the lawyer
to exercise both creativity and judgment in proposing the next word. Some
purposes are emphasized, some phrasing borrowed; other elements are
downplayed or marginalized.
Thus the authority of the opinion is not a command for deference
imposed upon the lawyer’s mind like an extrinsic force. Rather, the opin-
ion’s authority lies in the fact that it becomes intrinsically incorporated
into the lawyer’s thought processes, reciprocally influencing and influ-
enced by them.
Taken together, these points suggest that what Noonan does in his
appendix is advocate a way in which Humanae vitae can be better incor-
porated into the vision of the church described in Contraception than
into that proposed by those who oppose development of doctrine in
the area of marriage and birth control. Rather than slaying the tiger, he
tames it. Particularly in times of great tension between “progressive”
and “conservative” Catholics, Noonan’s lawyerly approach may suggest
new tacks to Catholic theologians striving for faithful creativity within
their tradition.
20
The economy of Sapyga, the only genus, has been the subject of
difference of opinion. The views of Latreille and others that these
species are parasitic upon bees is confirmed by the observations of
Fabre, from which it appears that S. 5-punctata lives in the burrows
of species of the bee-genus Osmia, consuming the store of
provisions, consisting of honey-paste, that the bee has laid up for its
young. According to the same distinguished observer, the Sapyga
larva exhibits hypermetamorphosis (i.e. two consecutive forms), and
in its young state destroys the egg of the bee; but his observations
on this point are incomplete and need repetition. We have two
species of Sapyga in Britain; they differ in colour, and the sexes of S.
5-punctata also differ in this respect; the abdomen, spotted with
white in both sexes is in the female variegate with red. Smith found
our British Sapyga 5-punctata carrying caterpillars.
Fam. 2. Pompilidae.
The Pompilidae are perhaps the most extensive and important of the
groups of Fossores, and are distributed over all the lands of the
globe, with the exception of some islands and of the inclement arctic
regions. The sting of the Pompilidae, unlike that of most of the
Fossores, inflicts a burning and painful wound; the creatures
sometimes attain a length of two or three inches, and a sting from
one of these giants may have serious results. Although there is
considerable variety in the external form of the members of the
group, the characters given above will enable a Pompilid to be
recognised with approximate certainty. The elongation of the hind
legs includes all the parts, so that while the femur extends nearly as
far back as the extremity of the body—in dried examples at any rate
—the tibiae and the long tarsi extend far beyond it; thus these
Insects have great powers of running; they are indeed remarkable
for extreme activity and vivacity. They may frequently be seen
running rapidly on the surface of the ground, with quivering wings
and vibrating antennae, and are probably then employed in the
search for prey, or some other of the operations connected with
providing a store of food for their young. Spiders appear to be their
special, if not their only, prey. Several authors have recorded details
as to the various ways in which the prey is attacked. Fabre has
observed the habits of several species, and we select his account of
the modus operandi of species of the genera Pompilus and
Calicurgus, in their attacks on poisonous spiders that inhabit holes in
the ground or in walls. The wasp goes to the mouth of the spider's
burrow, and the latter then dashes to the entry, apparently enraged
at the audacity of its persecutor.
The Calicurgus will not actually enter a burrow when there is a spider
in it, because if it did so the spider would speedily dispose of the
aggressor by the aid of its poisonous fangs. The Calicurgus,
therefore, has recourse to strategy with the object of getting the
spider out of its nest; the wasp seizes its redoubtable foe by one foot
and pulls; probably it fails to extract the spider, and in that case
rapidly passes to another burrow to repeat its tactics; sooner or later
a spider is in some moment of inattention or incapacity dragged from
its stronghold, and, being then comparatively helpless, feels itself at
a disadvantage and offers but a feeble resistance to the wasp, which
now pounces on its body and immediately inflicts a sting between
the fangs of the foe, and thus at once paralyses these dangerous
weapons; thereafter it stings the body of the spider near to the
junction of the abdomen and cephalothorax, and so produces
complete inactivity. Having secured its prey, the wasp then seeks a
suitable hole in which to deposit it; probably an empty burrow of a
spider is selected for the purpose, and it may be at a height of
several feet in a wall; the Hymenopteron, walking backwards, drags
its heavy prey up the wall to bring it to the den. When this is
accomplished an egg is deposited on the spider, and the wasp goes
in search of a fragment or two of mortar, with which the mouth of the
burrow is finally blocked. Fabre's accounts refer to the habits of
several species, and give a good insight into some points of the
instincts of both the spider and the wasp. It seems that a sense of
superiority is produced in one or other of the foes, according as it
feels itself in suitable conditions; so that though a spider out of its
burrow and on the ground is speedily vanquished by the Pompilid,
yet if the two be confined together in a vase, both are shy and
inclined to adopt defensive or even evasive tactics, the result
probably being that the wasp will be killed by the spider during the
night, that being the period in which the attacking powers of the
spider are more usually brought into play.
Fam. 3. Sphegidae.
Pronotum free from the tegulae; when the stigmatic lobes extend
as far back as the wing-insertion, they are placed below it and
separated by a space from it.
The habits of one species of this genus have been fully described by
Fabre; he assigns to the species the name of S. flavipennis, but Kohl
considers that it is more probably S. maxillosus. This Insect forms its
nests, in the South of France, in the ground, excavating a main shaft
with which are connected cells intended for the reception of the
provisions for the young. The entrance to the burrow is formed by
piercing a hole in the side of a very slight elevation of the soil. Thus
the entrance to the construction consists of a horizontal gallery,
playing the part of a vestibule, and this is used by the Sphex as a
place of retreat and shelter for itself; at the end of the vestibule,
which may be two or three inches long, the excavation takes an
abrupt turn downwards, extending in this manner another two or
three inches, and terminating in an oval cell the larger diameter of
which is situate in a horizontal plane. When this first cell has been
completed, stored with food, and an egg laid in it, the entrance to it is
blocked up, and another similar cell is formed on one side; a third
and sometimes a fourth are afterwards made and provisioned, then
the Insect commences anew, and a fresh tunnel is formed; ten such
constructions being the number usually prepared by each wasp. The
Insect works with extreme energy, and as the period of its
constructive activity endures only about a month, it can give but two
or three days to the construction and provisioning of each of its ten
subterranean works. The provisions, according to Fabre, consist of a
large species of field-cricket, of which three or four individuals are
placed in each cell. Kohl states, however, that in Eastern Europe an
Insect that he considers to be the same species as Fabre's Sphex,
makes use of locusts as provisions, and he thinks that the habit may
vary according to the locality or to the species of Orthoptera that may
be available in the neighbourhood. However that may be, it is clear
from Fabre's account that this part of the Sphex's duties do not give
rise to much difficulty. The cricket, having been caught, is paralysed
so that it may not by its movements destroy the young larva for
whose benefit it is destined. The Sphex then carries it to the burrow
to store it in one of the cells; before entering the cell the Insect is in
the habit of depositing its prey on the ground, then of turning round,
entering the burrow backwards, seizing as it does so the cricket by
the antennae, and so dragging it into the cell, itself going backwards.
The habit of depositing its prey on the ground enabled Fabre to
observe the process of stinging; this he did by himself capturing a
cricket, and when the wasp had momentarily quitted its prey,
substituting the sound cricket for the paralysed one. The Sphex, on
finding this new and lively victim, proceeds at once to sting it, and
pounces on the cricket, which, after a brief struggle, is overcome by
the wasp; this holds it supine, and then administers three stings, one
in the neck, one in the joint between the pro- and meso-thorax, and a
third at the base of the abdomen, these three spots corresponding
with the situation of the three chief nervous centres governing the
movements of the body. The cricket is thus completely paralysed,
without, however, being killed. Fabre proved that an Insect so treated
would survive for several weeks, though deprived of all power of
movement. Three or four crickets are placed by the wasp in each
cell, 100 individuals or upwards being thus destroyed by a single
wasp. Although the sting has such an immediate and powerful effect
on the cricket, it occasions but a slight and evanescent pain to a
human being; the sting is not barbed, as it is in many bees and true
wasps, and appears to be rarely used by the Insect for any other
purpose than that of paralysing its victims. The egg is laid by the
Sphex on the ventral surface of the victim between the second and
third pairs of legs. In three or four days the young larva makes its
appearance in the form of a feeble little worm, as transparent as
crystal; this larva does not change its place, but there, where it was
hatched, pierces the skin of the cricket with its tiny head, and thus
begins the process of feeding; it does not leave the spot where it first
commenced to feed, but gradually enters by the orifice it has made,
into the interior of the cricket. This is completely emptied in the
course of six or seven days, nothing but its integument remaining;
the wasp-larva has by this time attained a length of about 12
millimetres, and makes its exit through the orifice it entered by,
changing its skin as it does so. Another cricket is then attacked and
rapidly consumed, the whole stock being devoured in ten or twelve
days from the commencement of the feeding operations; the
consumption of the later-eaten crickets is not performed in so
delicate a manner as is the eating of the first victim. When full-grown,
the process of forming a cocoon commences: this is a very elaborate
operation, for the encasement consists of three layers, in addition to
the rough silk that serves as a sort of scaffolding on the exterior: the
internal coat is polished and is of a dark colour, owing to its being
coloured with a matter from the alimentary canal: the other layers of
the cocoon are white or pale yellow. Fabre considers that the outer
layers of the cocoon are formed by matter from the silk-glands, while
the interior dark coat is furnished by the alimentary canal and applied
by the mouth of the larva: the object of this varnish is believed to be
the exclusion of moisture from the interior of the cocoon, the
subterranean tunnels being insufficient for keeping their contents dry
throughout the long months of winter. During the whole of the
process of devouring the four crickets, nothing is ejected from the
alimentary canal of the larva, but after the cocoon is formed the larva
ejects in it, once for all, the surplus contents of the intestine. Nine
months are passed by the Insect in the cocoon, the pupal state being
assumed only towards the close of this period. The pupa is at first
quite colourless, but gradually assumes the black and red colour
characteristic of the perfect wasp. Fabre exposed some specimens
of the pupa to the light in glass tubes, and found that they went
through the pupal metamorphosis in just the same manner as the
pupae that remained in the darkness natural to them during this
stage of their existence.
This is one of the smallest of the divisions of the Sphegidae, but has
a very wide distribution, being represented in both the Eastern and
Western Hemispheres. It is allied to the Sphegides, but differs by the
prolongation of the neck and of the head, and by the articulation
between the petiole and thorax being placed on the under surface of
the body; the wing-nervures are said to be of inferior importance
owing to their frequently differing in individuals of the same species.
These Insects appear to be rare in individuals, as well as few in
species, and but little has been recorded as to their habits; but it is
known that they live on cockroaches. Perkins has given a brief
sketch of the habits of Ampulex sibirica that is of great interest, but
requires confirmation. He says that this Insect, in West Africa, enters
apartments where cockroaches abound, and attacking one, that may
probably be four times its own size, succeeds, after a struggle, in
stinging it; the cockroach instantly becomes quiet and submissive,
and suffers itself to be led away and placed in confinement in some
spot such as a keyhole, and in one case was apparently prevented
from afterwards escaping, by the wasp carrying some heavy nails
into the keyhole. The larva of the Ampulex may be presumed to live
on the Blattid, as it is added that dead bodies of the cockroaches are
frequently found with the empty cocoon protruding from them. This
account, if correct, points to some features in the habits of this Insect
that are unique. A remark made by Rothney in reference to the
habits of A. (Rhinopsis) ruficornis seems to indicate some similar
instinct on the part of that species; he says, "I also saw two or three
of these wasps collar a peculiar cockroach by the antennae and lead
it off into a crack in the bark, but as the cockroach reappeared
smiling each time, I don't know what was up." The same observer
records that this species associates with Sima rufonigra, an ant it
greatly resembles in appearance, as well as with a spider that is also
of similar appearance (Fig. 72). Schurr has given a brief account of
the proceedings of Ampulex compressa, and his statements also
tend to confirm the correctness of Perkins' report. The habits of a
species of Ampulex were partially known to Réaumur, who described
them on the authority of M. Cossigni. The species is believed to be
A. compressa, which occurs not only in East India, but also in the
island of Bourbon, the locality where M. Cossigni made his
observation: his account is, like the others, a mere sketch of certain
points observed, the most important of which is that when Ampulex
cannot introduce the cockroach into a hole that it has selected as
suitable, it bites off some portions of the body in order to reduce the
poor Insect to the necessary extent.