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Felix Kumah-Abiwu
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Felix Kumah-Abiwu
Sabella Ogbobode Abidde Editors
Jerry John
Rawlings
Leadership and Legacy: A Pan-African
Perspective
Jerry John Rawlings
Felix Kumah-Abiwu • Sabella Ogbobode Abidde
Editors
Jerry John Rawlings

Leadership and Legacy: A Pan-African
Perspective
Editors
Felix Kumah-Abiwu Sabella Ogbobode Abidde
Department of Africana Studies Department of History and Political Science
Kent State University Alabama State University
Kent, OH, USA Montgomery, AL, USA
ISBN 978-3-031-14666-4 ISBN 978-3-031-14667-1 (eBook)

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-14667-1
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To the memory of former President Jerry
John Rawlings
(June 22, 1947–November 12, 2020)
And to all past and future political leaders
of Africa.
The Africa we want for the future generation
is in our collective hands as Africans.
Let us continue to demand effective/servant
leadership from our leaders and promote a
culture of accountability across the African
continent.
Preface
The opportunity to lead this book project on the leadership and legacy of former
President Jerry John Rawlings has not only been a great honor for me in many ways,
but working with my co-editor on the project has been one of the rewarding moments
in my professional career as an academic/scholar on African politics and the field of
African affairs. Like many of our contemporaries who had their formative education
on the continent of Africa in the late 1980s, 1990s, and the 2000s, my co-editor and
I also had our formative educational years on the continent during these periods
when Jerry Rawlings could not be avoided in our educational pathways. Jerry
Rawlings did not only dominate Ghana’s political landscape but his name was pop-
ular across the African continent by his long stay in power as a military leader
(1981–1993) and a democratically elected President of Ghana (1993–2001). For
some, Rawlings epitomizes the leadership traits and ideals of some of our transfor-
mational/nationalist African leaders such as Kwame Nkrumah, Jomo Kenyatta, and
Kenneth Kaunda, among many others, who not only fought for our freedom from
European colonial rule but were also outspoken about anti-imperialism and neoco-
lonialism in post-colonial Africa. These nationalist leaders promoted the ethos and
ideas of Pan-Africanism, African personality, and African unity. Jerry Rawlings also
promoted these ideas during his era.
Former President Rawlings was considered by most as a transformational leader,
and Ghana is today a shining example of stability, democracy, and development
because of the leading role he played in the country’s transition to democratic rule
in the early 1990s. Many of his admirers also share the view of how former President
Rawlings was a compassionate leader who devoted his life to improving the human
condition, especially the plight of ordinary people. He was a fearless, pragmatic,
and visionary leader with big ideas. It is also well-documented in the extant litera-
ture that the role and leadership of Jerry Rawlings concerning his pragmatic deci-
sion to accept and implement the external aid package that was negotiated in the
1980s were critically important in changing the direction of Ghana to growth/devel-
opment from a near economic collapse and social decay in the 1980s. While recog-
nizing the roles that have been played by previous political leaders of Ghana and
ordinary Ghanaians in the progress and development of the country since 1957,
vii
viii Preface
Ghana’s admiration today in the international community as one of Africa’s stable

and advancing democratic countries is partly due, as many have argued, to Jerry
Rawlings’ leadership. His post-presidency roles on the African continent with the
African Union (AU) on important issues of conflict resolution and peacebuilding
initiatives have also been widely applauded.
Yet, Jerry Rawlings has also been despised by some because of his authoritarian
style of leadership and human rights issues, especially during the military regime of
the AFRC and the PNDC eras. In sum, the name Jerry John Rawlings, or
J.J. Rawlings, as he was popularly known, like other political leaders of history,
tends to evoke mixed reactions and multifaceted views, opinions, and varied per-
spectives among scholars, public intellectuals, and ordinary Ghanaians and Africans.
His passing on November 12, 2020, not only shocked and saddened many Ghanaians,
Africans, and those in the African diaspora, but going through the process of think-
ing about J.J. Rawlings and the critical question of how his leadership and legacy
can be critically assessed/examined and how he can best be remembered, gave birth
to my idea to put this scholarly book together to honor his memory. Thanks to my
colleague, and co-editor, Dr. Sabella Ogbobode Abidde, who agreed to the idea of
us working together as co-editors on this important and timely book in a mutual
spirit of scholarly collaboration, Pan-Africanism, and African unity to honor late
former President Jerry Rawlings’ leadership and legacy.
Kent, OH, USA Felix Kumah-Abiwu

Montgomery, AL, USA Sabella Ogbobode Abidde
Fall 2022
Acknowledgment
The process of writing an important/timely book of this nature can be challenging,

but it can equally be rewarding when surrounded by loving family members, trusted
colleagues, and other great friends who provide constant support and encourage-
ment along the way.
We would like to express our profound thanks and appreciation to our immediate
family members for their extraordinary support and encouragement throughout the
process of working on this book.
To our colleagues and fellow scholars who have contributed to this edited vol-
ume, we say thank you for sharing your ideas and perspectives on Jerry Rawlings.
Special thanks to the anonymous reviewers of the proposal and the manuscript. Your
constructive comments and useful suggestions have enriched the book. Thank you!
Thanks to colleagues in our respective academic departments at Kent State
University and Alabama State University and other friends in the academy who
have continued to encourage us to keep the scholarly agenda on political leadership
in Africa and other critical issues on African affairs moving forward for a better
future for the continent.
We also appreciate the professionals at Springer Publishing for all their support.
To you, Lorraine Klimowich, for your extraordinary guidance and professionalism
throughout the process. Thanks to you, Mahalakshmi Saravanan, and the rest of the
team for your excellent work.
And thanks to you, the reader of this important book on the leadership and legacy
of Jerry John Rawlings. We hope that your knowledge and understanding of his
leadership and legacy in terms of his achievements and limitations as a political
leader will inspire and challenge us to create a brighter pathway for Africa’s effec-
tive leadership, peace, security, democracy, and overall development.
ix
Introduction
The literature on African politics and the broader field of African affairs has for
several decades underscored the importance of effective political leadership to
Africa’s peace, stability, and development. In other words, weak, corrupt, vision-
less, and ineffective political leadership as well as fragmented state institutions have
contributed largely to Africa’s current challenges. While the African continent con-
tinues to suffer from these challenging issues, especially with poor leadership,
Africa has also been blessed with transformational political leaders such as late
former President Jerry John Rawlings of Ghana among other extraordinary leaders
in the post-colonial era. To enhance our knowledge and understanding of former
President Jerry Rawlings’ political leadership and legacy as one of Africa’s transfor-
mational leaders, the idea emerged to produce this edited volume titled, Jerry John
Rawlings-Leadership and Legacy: A Pan-African Perspective.
The main thesis of the book focuses on the centrality of political leadership and
strong democratic institutions as important elements for Africa’s quest for develop-
ment with a focus on Jerry Rawlings. The emphasis on Rawlings’ leadership and
legacy is meant to provide a context of how his political leadership was instrumental
in changing the direction of Ghana from a near economic collapse and social decay
in the 1980s to a country that has embraced political reforms in the 1990s. While
former President Rawlings has generally been described as one of Africa’s transfor-
mational/compassionate leaders who devoted his life to improving the human con-
dition, especially the plight of the ordinary people, he was also criticized by some
for his authoritarian style of leadership and human rights issues. The central pur-
pose of the book is threefold. First, it examines the role and place of good and effec-
tive political leadership in the development of Africa. Second, it seeks to situate
Jerry Rawlings’ political leadership and legacy in post-colonial Ghana and the rest
of Africa. Finally, the book seeks to enhance our knowledge and understanding of
Jerry Rawlings as one of Africa’s preeminent political leaders, although he has also
been vilified by some for his limitations.
xi
xii Introduction
To achieve the above objectives of the book, we have been successful in gather-
ing leading experts/scholars on African politics and the broader field of African
affairs who have contributed outstanding chapters on various aspects or perspec-
tives on the leadership and legacy of Jerry Rawlings. These perspectives cover the
political eras of Jerry Rawlings on critical issues of political leadership, Ghana’s
foreign economic relations, policy making/administration, heritage tourism, gender
and women issues, Pan-Africanism, and the African diaspora. By systematically
examining the different viewpoints of Rawlings’ leadership and legacy, we have
provided a balanced perspective in our efforts to better understand his leadership/
legacy and Ghana’s political landscape during his eras. The Pan-African perspective
of the book with regards to the contributors and their interdisciplinary fields of
expertise also makes the book unique, timely, and novel.
The book contains a total of 20 chapters from contributors with backgrounds and
expertise in various disciplines in the social sciences. Areas of their expertise range
from the fields of political science, foreign policy, public administration, policy
studies, economics, legal studies, anthropology, geography/urban studies, and soci-
ology. The book is divided into three main parts. Part I provides an overview of
governance and leadership in Africa, while Part II examines Ghana’s political land-
scape with a focus on the political eras of Jerry Rawlings. Part III explores Rawlings’
leadership and legacy from a Pan-African perspective.
Chapter 1, which is titled “Leadership-Institutions-Development Nexus in
Africa: A Jerry John Rawlings Perspective,” draws on the leadership-institutions-
development nexus or framework to examine leadership and development in Africa
with a focus on Jerry Rawlings. Written by Eunice Annan-Aggrey, Senanu K. Kutor,
Elmond Bandauko, and Godwin Arku, the chapter argues that poor leadership and
weak institutions are still responsible for Africa’s development challenges.
Challenges such as poverty, inequalities, unemployment, conflicts, and poor public
service delivery are cases in point. With regards to Jerry Rawlings, the authors argue
that he has been hailed as one of Africa’s transformational leaders given the impor-
tance of his leadership in impacting state institutions and development in Ghana and
the rest of Africa.
Chapter 2, with the title, “Africa’s Nationalist and Transformational Leaders: A
Survey,” by Richmond Danso, looks at the life and politics of three African leaders-
Kwame Nkrumah (Ghana), Jerry John Rawlings (Ghana), and Thomas Sankara
(Burkina Faso). The chapter argues that these leaders have not only left a lasting
footprint on the politics of their countries as well as the continent, but they also had
a huge impact on the political, economic, and social aspects of their respective
countries and the African continent. The chapter underscores the commonality of
the three leaders in their extraordinary impact and the way they have inspired each
other, especially Rawlings and Sankara. Thus, Jerry Rawlings drew inspiration from
Kwame Nkrumah’s political thought and ideas on Pan-Africanism, African unity,
and anti-imperialism, while Thomas Sankara was also inspired by Jerry Rawlings’
revolutionary ethos and ideas on anti-imperialism.
Introduction xiii
In Chap. 3, “One-Party and Military Dictatorship in Africa,” Samuel Kofi Darkwa

provides a compelling analysis or explanations for the emergence of one-party rule
and military regimes in post-colonial Africa. Describing these authoritarian govern-
ments as the “twin of African woes,” the chapter argues that the twin woes have
contributed adversely to the continent’s problems far more than any disaster the
continent had ever witnessed. The author is of the view that governance in Africa
has become a racketeering venture where political leaders assume and maintain
political power to benefit themselves and their collaborators with less concern for
the plight of the ordinary people. The author observes that Jerry Rawlings stood out
as one of the exceptions by carrying out a successful economic transformation of
Ghana and returning the country to a democratic rule, but his minuses appear to
overshadow his pluses.
Chapter 4 by Olusoji A. Odeyemi, titled “Kwame Nkrumah, Obafemi Awolowo,
and Jerry Rawlings: Continuity and Change in Political Leadership,” added to the
previous discussions on the challenges of Africa’s political leadership. The author
posits that Africa has had a mixture of tribulations and triumphs in its post-colonial
history and leadership. The author maintains that the absence of effective leadership
and good governance has continued to fuel instability and underdevelopment on the
continent. Amid these challenges, Kwame Nkrumah and Obafemi Awolowo were
transformational leaders because of their courage and commitment to addressing
the problems of Africa. Jerry Rawlings, the author argues, fits a similar category of
Africa’s transformational leaders because of the way he was decisive in his decision
that rescued Ghana from a near economic collapse in the 1980s.
In Chap. 5, titled “On the Question of Governance: Has Africa Seen the Last of
the Coup Years?”, Sabella Ogbobode Abidde examines the impact of military coups
on leadership and governance across Africa. The chapter begins by looking at coup
d’états and the question of whether Africa has seen the last of the coup years. The
chapter explores some of the fundamental factors that have contributed to coup
d’états and attempted coups in Africa since the independence era. While there have
been less than 20 successful coups from 2011 to 2022 given the acceptance of mul-
tiparty democracy by African states, the recent coups on the continent are raising
further concerns among scholars. At the same time, given the infrequency of coups
and the continuing acceptance of democratic rule, the author wonders if Africa has
indeed turned the corner to embrace multiparty and representative democracy.
Chapter 6 introduces the second part of the book authored by Kwame Badu
Antwi-Boasiako and Charles Fredrick Abel. In their chapter titled “Jerry Rawlings:
An Officer, a Statesman, and a Pan-Africanist,” the authors examine how Flight
Lieutenant Rawlings took up the leadership in Ghana in times of tumult, conflict,
and confusion. The chapter argues that Jerry Rawlings applied a model of governing
that was grounded in the insights of Machiavelli’s political thought, which main-
tains that in times of instability in a state, a strong leader is needed to save the
republic. The chapter concludes that Rawlings was not only a courageous military
officer but a statesman with a vision whose leadership spanned beyond Ghana as he
called for African unity, including those in the diaspora, which made him a
Pan-Africanist.
xiv Introduction
Michael Kpessa-Whyte’s Chap. 7, titled “Jerry John Rawlings and the Politics of
Risky Public Policy Decisions in Uncertain Times,” examines the lingering puzzle,
among others, about Jerry Rawlings as a military Head of State and later democrati-
cally elected civilian President of Ghana and his sudden foreign economic decision
to switch from socialist policies to neoliberal capitalism policies in the 1980s.
Drawing on prospects theory, the chapter offers fresh insights on Rawlings’ policy
shift from socialist policies to policies inspired by neo-liberal capitalism in the early
1980s. The chapter illustrates the central thesis of prospects theoretic decision anal-
ysis, which suggests that leaders opt for highly risky choices when faced with
threats to their survival, but are more cautious when confronting obvious gains.
In Chap. 8, “An Assessment of Social Development under Jerry John Rawlings,”
Emmanuel Adugu argues that Ghana’s implementation of the International Monetary
Fund and the World Bank–supported Economic Recovery Program (ERP) and
Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) in the 1980s and 1990s under the govern-
ment of Jerry John Rawlings was successful in reversing Ghana’s protracted eco-
nomic decline with its associated dysfunctional effects on social development. The
chapter employs the Human Development Index and Gini Coefficient trends in
Ghana from 1990 to 2000 for the analyses. The chapter argues that the ERP and
SAP programs that were pursued by the Rawlings administration facilitated the
privatization of telecommunications services, which resulted in increased accessi-
bility to information and communication technologies to many Ghanaians through-
out the country. The author concludes by underscoring the argument that Rawlings
provided the political leadership that was needed for these socio-economic
achievements.
Chapter 9 by Rosina Foli, titled “Trajectories and Contrasts of Policymaking
under Jerry John Rawlings,” examines Ghana’s policy changes under the leadership
of Jerry Rawlings, who started his rule in 1981 as a military leader and metamor-
phosed into a civilian leader by 1993. Significant policy changes that have occurred
during the administration of Rawlings include the shift from a socialist-oriented
policy outlook at the beginning of his rule in 1981 to a market-oriented policy by
1983. The author argues that the economic recovery/structural adjustment programs
(ER/SAPs) that were adopted in 1983 continued into the Fourth Republic and
helped to deepen the interaction between Ghana and many global financial institu-
tions. Although the switch from military to constitutional rule was nudged by both
internal and external factors, the commitment of Rawlings to the process is applaud-
able. The chapter suggests that the ER/SAPs may have contributed to the transition
to constitutional rule. Besides the 1992 constitution, Rawlings, according to the
author, will also be remembered for instituting the local government system through
the PNDC Law 207 and his commitment to popular participation in governance.
In Chap. 10, “Trends in Ghana’s Public Administration under Jerry Rawlings,”
James Korku Agbodzakey looks at the trends in Ghana’s public administration
under Jerry Rawlings. The chapter focuses on four key areas: decentralization, civil
service reform, economic recovery program/structural adjustment program, and
nongovernmental sectors’ contributions in the social policy domain. The chapter
interrogates whether public administration in Ghana during the Rawlings era
Introduction xv
concentrated on building and increasing state capacities or measuring state outputs

and outcomes because of the various realities and initiatives for citizens’ benefit.
The chapter highlights some of the achievements of public service reforms that
were undertaken during the Rawlings era.
Chapter 11, “Gender Equality and Women Empowerment under the Jerry John
Rawlings Government (1981–2001),” which is authored by Maame Adwoa Gyekye-
Jandoh and Ivy-Chara Owusuaa Yeboah, highlights the trajectory of Ghana’s gender
equality and women’s empowerment experience under the leadership of Flight
Lieutenant Jerry Rawlings and his PNDC regime from 1981 to 1992 and later the
presidency of Jerry Rawlings and his National Democratic Congress (NDC) from
1993 to 2001. With data from secondary sources and a few expert interviews with
key persons in both the PNDC and NDC governments, this chapter presents an
analysis of the quest for gender equality and women empowerment in Ghana from
1981 to 2001 when Jerry John Rawlings served as Ghana’s head of state and a
democratically elected President.
Cindy Pressley Davis and Kwame Badu Antwi-Boasiako, in Chap. 12, “Nana
Konadu Agyeman-Rawlings and the 31st December Women’s Movement,” under-
score the empowerment of Ghanaian women through the lens of various women
organizations with a particular reference to Nana Konadu Agyeman-Rawlings and
the 31st December Women’s Movement (31st DWM). The chapter argues that Nana
Konadu Agyeman-Rawlings, the wife of Jerry John Rawlings, who ruled Ghana
from 1981 to 2001, had great support from Jerry Rawlings in building a strong
women’s movement that became a force to reckon with in women’s affairs in Ghana.
The authors argue that the initial momentum that welcomed the Movement in its
early days died when there was an impasse among the leadership of the Movement.
It was seen more as a political wing of the ruling party instead of a women’s non-
governmental group for empowerment and development which further affected the
momentum of the Movement after Rawlings left power.
Chapter 13 by Felix Kumah-Abiwu, titled “Ghana’s Fourth Republic, Democratic
Governance, and Jerry Rawlings,” explores the evolution of Ghana’s Fourth
Republic and Jerry Rawlings’ role/legacy in the democratic process since 1992. The
chapter looks at Ghana’s state institutions and other democratic elements in terms
of their successes and challenges in the Fourth Republic. Democratic elements such
as the media, civil society groups, judiciary, political parties, and electoral justice
issues or post-election conflict resolution matters have been examined. While rec-
ognizing some of the flaws that have continued to face Ghana’s democracy, the
chapter argues that former President Rawlings’ contributions to Ghana’s democracy
cannot be overlooked when examining the evolution and consolidation of the coun-
try’s Fourth Republic.
Chapter 14, “Jerry Rawlings’ Leadership, Media, Civil Society, Political Parties
and Ghana’s Democratic Consolidation Process,” by Peter Arthur, provides a good
transition for the discourse on Rawlings’ leadership in Ghana’s Fourth Republic.
The chapter observes that Ghana’s democracy has been a relatively stable one since
the country transitioned to democratic rule in 1992 under Jerry Rawlings with sev-
eral peaceful and competitive presidential and parliamentary elections as well as the
xvi Introduction
alternation in power between the two main political parties. Although remarkable,
the author argues that significant democratic challenges remain. Within the context
of these issues, the chapter draws on the theory of good governance and democratic
consolidation in examining how civil society organizations (CSOs), political par-
ties, and the media are influencing the governance and democratic process in Ghana.
Particularly, the chapter examines the strengths and weaknesses of political parties,
CSOs, and the media as agents of democratic consolidation. The debate on the lead-
ership and legacy of Jerry Rawlings, which has been perceived as playing an instru-
mental role in Ghana’s democratic transition by initiating political reforms in the
early1990s, has also been examined.
In Chap. 15, titled “Complexities of Ghana’s Foreign Policy under Jerry John
Rawlings (1981–2001),” Felix Kumah-Abiwu and Kwame Boafo-Arthur have
explored the complexities of Ghana’s foreign policy under Jerry John Rawlings.
While acknowledging the fact that Rawlings has been part of Ghana’s political land-
scape at three different times, the first being the short period of the Armed Forces
Revolutionary Council (AFRC) regime in 1979, the chapter focuses on his two lon-
ger eras. That is the PNDC era, which lasted from 1981 to 1993, where Rawlings
served as a military leader and Chairman of the PNDC, and the second major era
(1993–2001), where he served two terms as the democratically elected President of
Ghana’s Fourth Republic. To understand the trends and complexities of Ghana’s
foreign policy during the two eras, the chapter draws on the role approach or role
theory of foreign policymaking for the analyses of the chapter with emphasis on the
leadership and legacy of Jerry Rawlings and Ghana’s foreign policy making.
The third part of the book which focuses on the Pan-African perspective of Jerry
Rawlings starts with Chap. 16, titled “Post-Presidency of Jerry Rawlings and the
African Union.” Authored by Timothy Adivilah Balag’kutu, the chapter examines
the legacy of former President Jerry Rawlings’ relationship with the African Union
(AU) and his role as a continental statesman and a Pan-Africanist. Drawing on his
role as AU High Representative to AMISON in Somalia, the author applies Mazrui’s
dichotomous (national-continental) theory of Pan-African greatness to analyze how
Rawlings’ leadership/legacy reflects his commitment to Pan-Africanism. The chap-
ter argues that Rawlings’ militaristic arrival onto the Ghanaian national stage, his
ultra-disciplinarian military rule, and some of the excesses under his revolutionary
stewardship may have overshadowed his leadership and contribution to Ghana’s
development and history. However, for his influence and contribution to develop-
ment on the African continent and Pan-Africanism, Ex-President Rawlings com-
mands overwhelming respect and appeal across Africa.
Chapter 17, “Flight Lieutenant Jerry John Rawlings, Pan Africanism, Heritage
Tourism and Ghana’s Development,” which is authored by Rachel Ama Asaa
Engmann, provides a good insight into how Flight Lieutenant Rawlings employed
heritage tourism to advance the socio-economic development of Ghana. The chapter
observes that Rawlings attempted to reconcile the neoliberal economic demands of
the World Bank and IMF with his government’s socialist agenda, and one of his key
strategies was to employ heritage associated with Pan-Africanism, the transatlantic
slave trade, and slavery to attract foreign capital investment, uniting Ghanaians,
Introduction xvii
continental Africans, and African diasporans, through the development of heritage

tourism. Drawing on personal interviews conducted with late President Rawlings
for the study, the author adopts a chronological approach to addressing three objec-
tives. First, the chapter introduces the role of heritage and its relationship to nation-
building and nationalist agendas in postcolonial Ghana. Second, it describes
Rawlings’ innovative initiative that capitalized on the commodification of heri-
tage – more specifically, the coastal forts and castles associated with the transatlan-
tic slave trade – for African diasporic consumption. Third, it traces Rawlings’
legacies as each successive Ghanaian government has attempted to build upon its
heritage tourism initiatives to further heritage and development agendas.
Chapter 18, “A Comparative Analysis of Structural Adjustment Programs in
Ghana and Zambia: Policies and Performance” by Chali Nondo and Felix Kumah-
Abiwu, provides readers with useful knowledge and information on the historical
and contemporary connections between Ghana and Zambia. The chapter traces the
IMF/World Bank’s inspired structural adjustment programs (SAP) that were imple-
mented in both countries in the early 1980s with explanations for the reforms and
their impact on both countries. The chapter engages in a comparative analysis of the
policy reforms in Ghana and Zambia during the 1980s and analyzes their relation to
economic growth and performance. In Ghana, the SAPs were adopted by late for-
mer President Rawlings, while in Zambia, it was implemented under the leadership
of former President Kenneth Kaunda. Both countries launched the SAPs in 1983.
The socio-economic impact on both countries in terms of economic variables such
as per capita GDP, trade openness (net FDI inflows), poverty, and income inequality
have been examined.
In Chap. 19, titled “Pan-African Women Empowerment: Forum for African
Women Educationalists (FAWE)-Ghana Chapter,” Peter Otiato Ojiambo, looks at
Rawlings’ leadership and legacy with respect to gender equality and empowerment,
especially in the field of education in Ghana and Africa. The chapter discusses the
role Rawlings’ leadership played in creating space for leading Ghanaian women
educators to champion gender equality and women empowerment through the
Forum for African Women Educationalists (FAWE). FAWE is the only Pan-African
non-governmental organization that has for the last three decades strived to promote
girls’ and women’s education in Africa. It strives to ensure that African girls receive
equal education which is vital for the economic, social, and political development
of the continent. The chapter examines the literature on girls/women education in
Ghana/Africa, what FAWE is, how the idea of FAWE came about, its creation, and
FAWE-Ghana Chapter’s work in advancing gender equality and empowerment dur-
ing the Rawlings era.
Finally, in Chap. 20, “Jerry Rawlings, Pan-Africanism, and the African Diaspora,”
Rodney Worrell takes readers into a deeper echelon of the African diaspora’s per-
spective on the leadership/legacy of Jerry Rawlings. The author notes that late for-
mer President Rawlings must be credited for re-establishing Ghana as the epicenter
of Pan-Africanism and for building a close bond with the African diaspora that
seemed to have been marginalized with the rise of continental Pan-Africanism. The
chapter examines the initiatives and policies pursued by President Rawlings which
xviii Introduction
promoted the bonds of Pan-Africanism between Africa and the diaspora. The chap-
ter provides readers with a working definition of the disputed concepts of Pan-
Africanism and the diaspora. It discusses the period when Ghana was the hub of
Pan-Africanism under the leadership of Kwame Nkrumah. The author explains the
significance of Rawlings’ efforts in canonizing three giants of Pan-Africanism:
WEB Du Bois, George Padmore, and Kwame Nkrumah which further elevated
Ghana’s image/status as the “mecca” for the African living in the diaspora. Rawlings’
efforts in promoting Pan-African cultural festivals such as PANFEST, Emancipation
Day celebration in Ghana, heritage tourism, and dual citizenship for the diaspora
have been examined.
Endorsement
The edited volume on leadership and the legacy of Ghana’s Jerry J. Rawlings pro-
vides readers with empirically grounded analyses, and interpretively sophisticated
and cogent description of how and why leadership matters in the socio-economic
and political development of Africa. With an array of contributions by Africanist
scholars who have profound knowledge of Ghana’s pioneering role in Pan-
Africanism and the continent’s liberation, this book constitutes a welcome addition
to our understanding of African politics and the challenges of democratic consolida-
tion. The interdisciplinary and comparative approach makes this volume accessible,
and it will be of immense interest not only to scholars in the fields of African Studies,
democratization, governance, and political economy but also policy makers alike.
—Dauda Abubakar, Professor of Political Science & African Studies, University of
Michigan-Flint, USA
Except Kwame Nkrumah (first President), J.J. Rawlings has had tremendous impact
on modern-day Ghanaian living and work conditions. By ruling Ghana three sepa-
rate times, he assumed peculiar roles in Ghana’s history. Equally important, he led
and sustained one of Africa’s and indeed one of the world’s most neo-liberal econo-
mies through IMF-World Bank backing starting in the early 1980s. This book is the
first on the theme of the roles and legacy of Rawlings in the context of Africa’s
leadership and governance, using Pan-Africanist and interdisciplinary approaches.
Thus, the authors do not only situate Rawlings’ impact on Ghana but also in and
outside Ghana and the world. The Ghanaian, African, and world perspectives in this
book make it an important publication on Africa/global politics, governance, and
development.
—Kwamina Panford, Professor Emeritus, Africa/Global Political Economy,
Energy, Natural Resources, and Human Capital. Northeastern University, Boston,
USA, and UENR, Sunyani, Ghana
xx Endorsement
Whereas most studies focus on the role of institutions and how to reform them to
make the state work, the state in Africa has been shaped and remains an arena where
the political leadership and idiosyncratic characteristics of leaders nurture institu-
tional growth and nation building. This book’s incisive and elaborate focus on Jerry
Rawlings’ state-building efforts and intentional democratic leadership in Ghana
provides the needed insights for analyzing and modelling political leadership and
nation-building in Africa. It is highly recommended for politicians, academics and
consultants on African politics and governance.
—Gedion Onyango, Senior Lecturer, University of Nairobi, Kenya
From Chairman Rawlings to President Rawlings, many in Africa and across the
world were enthralled by his personality and leadership style. Beyond the display of
the pivotal issues that will continue to define his legacy, this intelligent volume of
carefully collected chapters vividly projects the man and his message. This repre-
sents an excellent guide.
—Richard Aidoo, Professor, Coastal Carolina University, USA
Contents
Part I Governance and Leadership in Africa

1 Leadership-Institutions-Development Nexus in Africa:
A Jerry John Rawlings Perspective�� 3
Eunice Annan-Aggrey, Senanu Kwasi Kutor, Elmond Bandauko,
and Godwin Arku
2
Africa’s Nationalist and Transformational Leaders: A Survey �� 21
Richmond Danso
3
One-Party Rule and Military Dictatorship in Africa�� 35
Samuel Kofi Darkwa
4 Kwame Nkrumah, Obafemi Awolowo, and Jerry Rawlings:
Continuity and Change of Political Leadership�� 49
Olusoji A. Odeyemi
5 On the Question of Governance: Has Africa Seen the Last
of the Coup Years? �� 63
Sabella Ogbobode Abidde
Part II Jerry John Rawlings and Ghana’s Political Landscape

6
Jerry Rawlings: An Officer, a Statesman, and a Pan-Africanist �� 81
Kwame Badu Antwi-Boasiako and Charles Fredrick Abel
7 Jerry John Rawlings and the Politics of Risky Public Policy
Decisions in Uncertain Times�� 99
Michael Kpessa-Whyte
8 An Assessment of Social Development
Under Jerry John Rawlings�� 115
Emmanuel Adugu
xxi
xxii Contents
9 Trajectories and Contrasts of Policymaking

Under Jerry John Rawlings�� 137
Rosina Foli
10 Trends in Ghana’s Public Administration
Under Jerry Rawlings�� 151
James Korku Agbodzakey
11 Gender Equality and Women Empowerment
Under the Jerry John Rawlings Government (1981–2001)�� 167
Maame Adwoa Gyekye-Jandoh and Ivy-Chara Owusuaa Yeboah
12 Nana Konadu Agyeman-Rawlings and the 31st December
Women’s Movement�� 183
Cindy Pressley Davis and Kwame Badu Antwi-Boasiako
13 Ghana’s Fourth Republic, Democratic Governance,
and Jerry Rawlings�� 197
Felix Kumah-Abiwu
14 Jerry Rawlings’ Leadership, Media, Civil Society, Political
Parties and Ghana’s Democratic Consolidation Process �� 213
Peter Arthur
15 Complexities of Ghana’s Foreign Policy Under Jerry
John Rawlings (1981–2001)�� 233
Felix Kumah-Abiwu and Kwame Boafo-Arthur
Part III A Pan-African Perspective of Jerry Rawlings

16
Post-Presidency of Jerry Rawlings and the African Union�� 253
Timothy Adivilah Balag’kutu
17 Flight Lieutenant Jerry John Rawlings, Pan Africanism,
Heritage Tourism and Ghana’s Development �� 271
Rachel Ama Asaa Engmann
18 A Comparative Analysis of the Structural Adjustment
Programs in Ghana and Zambia: Policies and Performance�� 289
Chali Nondo and Felix Kumah-Abiwu
19 Pan-African Women Empowerment: Forum for African
Women Educationalists (FAWE)-Ghana Chapter�� 311
Peter Otiato Ojiambo
20
Jerry Rawlings, Pan-Africanism and the African Diaspora�� 327
Rodney Worrell
Index�� 345
List of Figures
Fig. 1.1 Leadership-institutions-development nexus.

(Source: Figure designed by authors with ideas
from Dartey-Baah (2014))�� 5
Fig. 6.1 Saving the Republic. (Source: Figure designed
by authors with ideas from Gagne (2011)) �� 83
Fig. 8.1 HDI Trends in Ghana from 1990–2000. (Data sources:
World Bank, UNDP, TheGlobaleconomy,
and Ourworldindata) �� 120
Fig. 8.2 Ghana’s GDP per capita, ppp: 1990–2000. (Data sources:
World Bank, UNDP, TheGlobaleconomy,
and Ourworldindata) �� 121
Fig. 8.3 Mobile subscribers per 100 fixed main lines in Ghana:
1995–2004. (Source: ITU, 2004)�� 129
Fig. 10.1 The figure depicts public administration trends during
the Rawlings era�� 162
Fig. 18.1 Net ODA Received in Sub-Saharan Africa (measured
in Billions of dollars) (Source: Figure designed
by the authors with data from the World Bank)�� 290
Fig. 18.2 Per capita GDP growth in Ghana, 1970–1993.
(Source: Figure designed by authors based on
World Bank Development indicators data) �� 294
Fig. 18.3 Ghana’s external debt stock (in millions of dollars), 1
970–1993. (Source: Figure designed by authors based
on World Bank Development indicators data)�� 295
Fig. 18.4 Comparison of GDP per capita (2010 U.S. Dollars)
for Zambia, Ghana, Kenya, and China, 1964–1980.
(Source: Figure designed by authors based on
World Bank Development indicators data) �� 301
xxiii
xxiv List of Figures
Fig. 18.5 Historical prices of copper/MT (US $), 1961–1976.

(Source: Authors’ calculation based on data from
the International Monetary Fund) �� 301
Fig. 18.6 Percent change in GDP per capita (constant 2010 US$)
in Zambia, 1964–1980. (Source: Authors’ calculation
based on data from the International Monetary Fund)�� 303
Fig. 18.7 Zambia’s current account balance, 1970–1992.
(Source: Authors’ design based on World Bank Development
indicators data)�� 304
List of Tables
Table 5.1 Number of Military Coups (successful and attempted)

per Sub-region, 1960–2022�� 71
Table 8.1 HDI trend in Ghana from 1990–2000�� 120
Table 8.2 Access to telephones in 2000 by world region�� 130
Table 8.3 Digital access index for Ghana�� 130
Table 18.1 Macroeconomic indicators in Ghana, 1970–1982�� 295
Table 18.2 Contribution of copper production to Zambia’s Economy,
1964–1978�� 300
Table 18.3 Selected macroeconomic data for Zambia, 1964–1992 �� 302
xxv
About the Editors
Felix Kumah-Abiwu is an Associate Professor in the Department of Africana

Studies at Kent State University in the United States (US). He is also the Founding
Director of the Center for African Studies at Kent State. He received his PhD in
Political Science from West Virginia University in the US. He also studied at Ohio
University for his graduate degree program in Communication and International
Development. He obtained his BA degree in Political Science from the University
of Ghana and an MA in International Affairs from the Legon Centre for International
Affairs & Diplomacy, University of Ghana, Legon. His research focuses on political
leadership in Africa, foreign policy analysis, elections/democratization, African
security/international relations, narcotics policy, Black males/public education in
the African diaspora, and African-centered theories. In addition to his published
books, scholarly book reviews, encyclopedia entries, and several book chapters, Dr.
Kumah-Abiwu’s scholarly articles have also appeared in the Commonwealth
Journal of International Affairs (The Round Table), Journal of Pan African Studies,
West Africa Review, International Journal of Public Administration, Journal of
Men’s Studies, Urban Education, Journal of Economics/Sustainable Development,
Commonwealth & Comparative Politics, and African Security Review.
Sabella Ogbobode Abidde is Professor of Political Science and a member of the

graduate faculty at Alabama State University. He holds an MA in political science
from Minnesota State University Mankato, and a PhD in African studies, world
affairs, public policy and development studies from Howard University. His has
edited books including The Challenges of Refugees and Internally Displaced
Persons in Africa (Springer, 2021); China in Africa: Between Imperialism and
Partnership in Humanitarian Development (Lexington Books, 2020); and Africa,
Latin America, and the Caribbean: The Case for Bilateral and Multilateral
Cooperation (Lexington Books, 2018). Dr. Abidde is a member of the Association
of Global South Studies (AGSS); the Caribbean Studies Association (CSA); the
Latin American Studies Association (LASA); and the African Studies Research
Forum (ASRF).
xxvii
About the Authors
Charles Fredrick Abel holds a JD, MA, and PhD, from Duquesne University and
the University of Maryland respectively. He is Professor of Political Science and
Public Administration at Stephen F. Austin State University, Nacogdoches, Texas,
USA. He is the author of Punishment and Restitution, Justice in Public
Administration, Evolutionary Critical Theory, Dependency Theory and the Return
of High Politics, and in Defense of Political Trials. His articles, chapters, and ency-
clopedia entries include a broad range of topics in the fields of administrative jus-
tice, organizational theory, political economy, public law, educational ethics,
political methodology, international political economy, and criminal theory.
Additionally, he has practiced law as both a city and county attorney and is a recent
recipient of The Emerald Literati Award for outstanding authorial contributions.
Emmanuel Adugu PhD is a Research Methodologist and Lecturer in the

Department of Government, Sociology, Social Work, and Psychology at the
University of West Indies, Cave Hill Campus, Barbados. He is an Ohio State
University-trained development sociologist and a certified survey research method-
ologist. His research and publication profile focus on climate change in the context
of sustainable development; automation/future of work and social trust; civic
engagement; digital activism; political consumption; and action research designs.
His publications have appeared in several scholarly journals.
James Korku Agbodzakey is Associate Professor of Public Leadership and the

Director of the Urban SERCH Institute at the University of North Texas Dallas. He
earned his PhD in Public Administration from Florida Atlantic University. He also
obtained two graduate degrees in Public Administration and International Affairs
from Ohio University. He earned his Bachelor of Arts degree in Political Science
from the University of Ghana. He has worked for governments, private and non-
profit entities in Africa, the U.S., and the Caribbean on various projects. He cham-
pioned public health and sustainable development efforts through his work with the
Florida Atlantic University’s Public Procurement Research Center, Broward
Sheriff’s Office, United Nations, International Monetary Fund/Kelly Services,
xxix
xxx About the Authors
University of The Bahamas, Nova Southeastern University, and Save Lower Volta
Network, among many others. Dr. Agbodzakey served on the Executive Committee
and National Council of the American Society for Public Administration (ASPA),
and as the President of the Conference of Minority Public Administrators (COMPA)
in 2020–2021. His publications have appeared in several scholarly journals.
Eunice Annan-Aggrey is a PhD Candidate in the Department of Geography and

Environment at the University of Western Ontario in London, Ontario, Canada. Her
research interests include international development, the Sustainable Development
Goals, local governance, gender equality, poverty reduction, and environmental
sustainability.
Kwame Badu Antwi-Boasiako PhD, is a journalist by profession, a former broad-

caster and football commentator with the Ghana Broadcasting Corporation.
Schooled at the Ghana Institute of Journalism, Accra, Ghana, and the University of
North Texas, Denton, Texas. He obtained a bachelor’s degree in journalism and two
master’s degrees in journalism and public administration. He also attended
Mississippi State University for a doctorate in public policy and administration.
Currently, the Chair of the Department of Government and Full Professor of Public
Administration and Political Science at Stephen F. Austin State University,
Nacogdoches, Texas, USA. His primary research focuses on terrorism, traditional
institutions and democracy in Africa, decentralization, affirmative action, and diver-
sity in the public sector. He co-authored a book: Traditional Institutions and Public
Administration in Democratic Africa and co-edited: The Theories of Decentralization
and Local Government: Implementation, Implications, and Realities: A Global
Perspective. He has published in several journals including Political Preferences,
International Social Science Review, Journal of Southwest Council of Latin
American Studies, Journal of African Studies and Development, Administration and
Society among many others.
Godwin Arku is a Professor in the Department of Geography at the University of

Western Ontario, London Ontario, Canada. His research interests span the ‘urban’
and ‘economic’ sub-division of human geography, especially the transformation of
urban systems in a changing global environment. He is also interested in issues of
Third World development, especially in Africa. Professor Arku is also the editor-in-
chief of the African Geographical Review (AGR).
Peter Arthur is Associate Professor of Political Science and International

Development Studies at Dalhousie University, Canada. His research interests focus
on sub-Saharan Africa, with an emphasis on the contribution of small-scale enter-
prises, disruptive technologies, new regionalism, capacity development, post-
conflict reconstruction, the governance of oil, and natural resources management.
His works have appeared in edited volumes and journals, including Africa Today,
African Studies Review, Commonwealth and Comparative Politics, and Journal of
Contemporary African Studies.
About the Authors xxxi
Timothy A. Balag’kutu is a Lecturer at the Centre for Peace and Security

Research, University of Professional Studies, Accra (UPSA) in Ghana. He holds a
PhD in Global Governance and Human Security from University of Massachusetts
Boston; two Masters’ degrees in Political Science and International Affairs from
Ohio University; and a Bachelor’s degree in Political Science and Swahili from
University of Ghana, Legon. A multidisciplinary researcher/scholar, his research
interests include non-Western international relations theory, African international
relations, peace and security, democracy and democratization, as well as, extractive
and environmental sustainability, with regional expertise in Africa. His work has
appeared in Routledge Handbook of Environmental Conflict and Peacebuilding; A
Research Agenda for Global Environmental Politics; Corporate Social Responsibility
and Canada’s Role in Africa’s Extractive Sectors; The Extractive Industries and
Society; African Studies Quarterly; and Commonwealth and Comparative Politics.
Elmond Bandauko is a PhD Candidate and SSHRC Vanier Scholar in the

Department of Geography and Environment at the University of Western Ontario in
London Ontario, Canada. His research interests include urban transformation in
African cities (gated communities and new cities), smart cities, gender, and urban
development, Urban policy, Housing struggles of the urban poor, and urban infor-
mality in cities of the developing world.
Kwame Boafo-Arthur is a Professor in the Department of Political Science at the

University of Ghana, Legon. He holds a BA and MA in Political Science from the
University of Ghana and Carleton University Ottawa respectively. He received his
PhD from the University of Ghana. He is also a Barrister-at-Law and Solicitor of the
Supreme Court of Ghana. He was a former Director of the Legon Centre for
International Affairs and Diplomacy (LECIAD) and a Fulbright African Senior
Research Scholar at UCLA, 1997–98. He has published extensively on Ghana’s
Foreign Policy, Ghanaian Politics, Globalization, Africa’s Political Economy and
Chieftaincy and development among others. He is the editor of Ghana: One Decade
of the Liberal State (Zed London, 2007), Voting for Democracy in Ghana Vols. 1 &
2 (Freedom Publications, Legon, Accra 2006) co-editor of Local Government in
Ghana: Grassroots Participation in the 2002 Local Government Elections (Uniflow,
Accra, 2003) and author of Democracy and Stability in West Africa: The Ghanaian
Experience (DCPR/NAI Uppsala, 2008). He has published in Research Review, the
Journal of Third World Studies, Journal of Asia and African Studies, African Journal
of International Affairs, The Journal of African Policy Studies.
Richmond Danso received his PhD in International Relations and American

Government from the Department of Political Science at Howard University. He
also earned an MPA from Montana State University, Bozeman and an undergradu-
ate degree in Political Science from the Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and
Technology (KNUST), Ghana. His research focuses on governance, leadership, and
development in Africa. He has taught classes in American government, political sci-
ence, international relations, and Africana studies at Howard University and Trinity
xxxii About the Authors
Washington University. His writings have appeared in Bertelsmann Foundation’s

Transformation Index (BTI) and the Washington Post. He is also a regular guest on
different local and international TV programs including Voice of America’s Straight
Talk Africa and Africa 54 where he discusses issues relating to Africa’s develop-
ment and governance.
Samuel Kofi Darkwa is the Director of Governance and Administration at the

Institute of Economic Affairs, Ghana (IEA-Ghana). He received his MA and PhD in
Political Science from West Virginia University. He also has MA in Linguistics and
Literature from the University of Wisconsin, Madison as well as a BA in Political
Science from the University of Ghana, Legon. His research interest focuses on elec-
toral politics and democratization, public policy and administration, political com-
munication, comparative foreign policy, international development, and African
Diaspora. Dr. Darkwa has several scholarly publications, including articles and
book chapters. His recent work (book chapter) with his colleagues on the “Historical
Perspectives of Policymaking and Administration in Africa” has appeared in the
Routledge Handbook of Public Policy in Africa. He has also written book reviews
published by the African Studies Quarterly.
Cindy Pressley Davis PhD, is Associate Professor of Public Administration and

Director of the Master of Public Administration program at Stephen F Austin State
University, Nacogdoches, Texas, USA. She received her PhD in Public
Administration at Florida Atlantic University in 2008, her Juris Doctor from the
T.C. Williams School of Law at the University of Richmond, Virginia in 2001, and
a bachelor’s degree in political science from the University of Florida in 1998. She
has published in a variety of outlets including journals Administrative Theory &
Praxis, International Journal of Organization Theory and Behavior, PS: Political
Science & Politics, and edited volumes including Toward a More Livable World:
Social Dimensions of Sustainability and Civic Education in the Twenty-First
Century: A Multidimensional Inquiry. Primary research interests include the socio-
cultural dimensions of public administration and policy, environmental justice, and
diversity in the public sector.
Rachel Ama Asaa Engmann is an Associate Professor and Director of the

Christiansborg Archaeological Heritage Project (www.christiansborgarchaeologic-
alheritageproject.org). She holds a PhD in archaeology from Stanford University
(US). She is particularly interested in decolonizing approaches to archaeological
heritage praxis. Dr. Engmann’s publications have appeared in several scholarly
journals.
Rosina Foli is a Senior Lecturer in the Political Science Department of the

University of Ghana. She obtained her doctorate from the Johnson Shoyama
Graduate School of Public Policy, University of Saskatchewan. She also taught
briefly in the Department of Political Studies at the University of Saskatchewan.
Her research interests include the social policy in developing countries, governance,
About the Authors xxxiii
and poverty reduction in sub-Saharan Africa, ideational factors in policy making,

and transnational policy processes in the context of national policymaking. Besides
her contribution to book chapters, her work has appeared in the following journals:
Global Social Policy, Policy and Society, and Poverty and Public Policy.
Maame Adwoa Gyekye-Jandoh is a Senior Lecturer and former head of the

Department of Political Science at the University of Ghana, Legon. She received a
Bachelor of Political Science (Honors) with Sociology from the University of
Ghana, and MA (Comparative Politics and American Politics) and PhD degrees in
Political Science (Comparative Politics) from Temple University in Philadelphia,
PA, USA. She was a postdoctoral fellow at The Amsterdam School for Social
Science Research from January 2009 to December 2012 and consulted for the
KONRAD-Adenauer Foundation, Ghana Parliamentary Service Board, and the
Centre for Gender Studies and Advocacy, University of Ghana (CEGENSA) among
others. Her current research interests include democratic prospects in Africa; elec-
toral politics/democratic consolidation in Ghana; ethnicity/democracy in Africa;
civil society and political extremism; gender dimensions of policymaking; and
obstacles to women’s participation in politics in Africa. She has published in schol-
arly journals such as the Contemporary Journal of African Studies, the Ghana
Social Science Journal, Legon Journal of the Humanities, Springer Nature, and the
African Journal of Democracy and Governance, as well as chapters in edited books
published by Palgrave Macmillan, Springer, and CODESRIA.
Michael Kpessa-Whyte is a Political Scientist by profession. He holds a PhD

from McMaster University, Ontario, Canada, and currently works as a Senior
Research Fellow at the Institute of African Studies, University of Ghana, Legon.
Between 2013 and 2017 he served as a Policy Advisor at the Office of the President
of the Republic of Ghana, and also an Executive Director of the National Service
Scheme. His research is broadly in the areas of public social policy, political behav-
ior, institutional theory, and electoral politics. He is presently a co-Principal
Investigator in an Open Society Foundation funded Pan African research project
known as the Gender Equitable and Transformative Social Policy in Post-Covid
Africa (GETSPA). Dr. Kpessa-Whyte is an activist intellectual with a regular voice
in the media on issues of social justice, democracy, civic responsibility, electoral
reforms, inclusive development, and nation-building in Ghana and Africa and also
the coordinator of the PhD program at the Institute of African Studies.
Senanu Kwasi Kutor is a PhD Candidate in the Department of Geography and

Environment at the University of Western Ontario, London, Canada. His research
interests span transnationalism, geographies of wisdom, immigration and wellbe-
ing, migration, immigrants’ integration, and urban informality in cities of the devel-
oping world.
Chali Nondo is Associate Professor of Economics and Chair of the Business

Administration Department in the College of Business at Jackson State University.
xxxiv About the Authors
He holds a PhD in Natural Resource Economics from West Virginia University and
an MBA from the California University of Pennsylvania. His research focuses
on environmental and resource economics, energy economics, economic develop-
ment, efficiency and productivity growth, and applied econometrics. His research
work has appeared in peer-reviewed journals such as the Journal of Energy
Economics, Journal of Applied Economics, African Journal of Economic and
Sustainable Development, and Energy Development, among others. He has also
contributed a book chapter to the collective volume: Econometric Methods for
Analyzing Development and is the lead author of the book titled, Environmental
Regulations and Economic Growth.
Olusoji A. Odeyemi teaches in the Department of Political Science at Upland

College of Education. He has held a previous appointment as a lecturer in the
College of Social Science of Wesley University, Ondo, Nigeria where he taught
courses in Political Science and International Relations. He received his higher edu-
cation at the University of Nigeria, Nsukka, Nigeria where he obtained a Master of
International Relations. His area of interest is foreign policy analysis, Nigeria’s for-
eign policy, and African politics. His research activities have led to several publica-
tions in scholarly journals, book chapters, and presentations at conferences in
Nigeria and Europe.
Peter Otiato Ojiambo is an Associate Professor, Department of African and

African American Studies, University of Kansas, USA. He holds a Bachelor of
Education degree specializing in Kiswahili and Religious Studies, a Master of
Philosophy degree in Sociology of Education from Moi University, Kenya; a Master
of Arts degree in International Affairs focusing on African Studies; and a PhD in
Educational Studies from Ohio University. Before joining the University of Kansas,
he taught at Ohio University and the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign.
His fields of teaching, research, and publication include African-centered educa-
tional biographies; comparative/international education; educational leadership;
non-Western educational thought; educational administration; and curriculum. His
recent book publications are: Kenyan Youth Education in Colonial and Post-colonial
Times: Joseph Kamiru Gikubu’s Impact (Palgrave, 2017) and Erasing Invisibility,
Inequity and Social Injustice of Africans in the Diaspora and the Continent
(Cambridge Scholars, 2017).
Rodney Worrell is a Lecturer and the Coordinator of Caribbean Civilization in the

Department of History & Philosophy at The University of the West Indies, Cave Hill
Campus, Barbados. Worrell is the author of George Padmore’s Black
Internationalism, Pan-Africanism in Barbados: An Analysis of the Activities of the
Major Pan-African Formations in Barbados. He has co-authored with Horace
Campbell, Pan-Africanism, Pan-Africanists, and African Liberation Struggles in the
21st Century. Worrell is presently completing Pan-African Thought and Action in
Barbados since 1919. He has extensively published on Pan-Africanism. Worrell is
About the Authors xxxv
also a Pan-African activist and has been a member of the Government of Barbados
Task Force on Reparations since 2013.
Ivy-Chara Owusuaa Yeboah is a Graduate Teaching and Research Assistant at

the Political Science Department of the University of Ghana, Legon. She received
an MPhil in Political Science from the University of Ghana, with a thesis titled:
Ghana and the Bretton Woods Institutions: The Political Economy of Revenue
Administration Reforms, 1983–2009. Her research interests are in gender studies,
international feminism, African agency, and international financial institutions. She
is poised to enroll in the PhD program in Political Science at the University of Ghana.
Abbreviations
ACEP African Centre for Energy Policy

AFRC Armed Forces Revolutionary Council
AG Action Group
AMISON African Union Mission in Somalia
APARC African Presidential Archives and Research Centre
ARPB Association of Recognized Professional Bodies
ARPCT Alliance for the Restoration of Peace and Counter Terrorism
AU African Union
AUC African Union Commission
AUHLR African Union High Level Representative
AWAG All Women Association of Ghana
BDPA Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action
CAP Common African Position
CDD Centre for Democratic Development
CDRs Committees for the Defense of the Revolutions
CEDAW Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination
Against Women
CEPA Centre for Policy Analysis
CESA Continental Education Strategy for Africa
CIA Central Intelligence Agency
CNN Cable News Network
CPA Center for Policy Alternatives
CPP Convention Peoples’ Party
CRC Convention on the Rights of the Child
CSO Civil Society Organizations
CSOs Civil Society Organizations
CSPIP Civil Service Performance Improvement Programme
CSRP Civil Service Reform Programme
DAE Donors to African Education
DAI Digital Access Index
DAs District Assemblies
xxxvii
xxxviii Abbreviations
DWM December 31st Women’s Movement

EC Electoral Commission
ECOMOG Economic Community of West African States Monitoring Group
ECOWAS Economic Community of West African States
EFA Education for All
ERP Economic Recovery Program
EU European Nations
FAWE Forum of African Women Educationalists
FEGAWO Federation of Ghanaian Women
FEMNET African Women’s Development and Communication Network
FM Frequency Modulation
GBA Ghana Bar Association
GCC Ghana Chamber of Commerce
GCPPA Ghana Printers and Paper Converters Association
GDP Gross Domestic Product
GEA Ghana Employers Association
GET Fund Ghana Educational Trust Fund
GIB Ghana Institute of Bankers
GMA Ghana Medical Association
GMMB Ghana Museums and Monuments Board
GNMA Ghana National Manufacturers Association
GPRTU Ghana Private Road Transport Union
GTA Ghana Timber Association
GTA Ghana Tourism Association
GTMO Ghana Timber Millers Organization
HDI Human Development Index
ICT Information and Communications Technologies
IDC Information and Documentation Center
IDEG Institute for Democratic Governance
IEA Institute of Economic Affairs
IMF International Monetary Fund
INEC Interim National Electoral Commission
ISODEC Integrated Social Development Centre
ISSER Institute of Statistical, Social and Economic Research
ITC Information Technology Center
ITU International Telecommunications Union
JFM June Fourth Movement
JJ Jerry John/Junior Jesus
JRJ James Ramsay John
LTA Leadership Trait Analysis
LTC Leadership Training Center
MDGS Millennium Development Goals
MFJ Movement for Freedom and Justice
MLGRD Ministry of Local Government and Rural Development
NCCE National Commission for Civic Education
Abbreviations xxxix
NCD National Commission on Democracy

NCGW National Council of Ghanaian Women
NCP National Convention Party
NCWD National Council for Women and Development
NDC National Democratic Congress
NDM New Democratic Movement
NGO Non-Governmental Organizations
NIP National Independence Party
NIRP National Institutional Renewal Program
NLC National Liberation Council
NPP New Patriotic Party
NRC National Reconciliation Commission
NRC National Redemption Council
NRCs National Role Conceptions
NUGS National Union of Ghanaian Students
OAU Organization of African Unity
ODA Official Development Assistance
ODA Overseas Development Administration
OPEC Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries
PA Public Administration
PAMSCAD Program of Action to Mitigate the Social Costs of Adjustment
PANAFEST Pan African Historical Theatre Festival
PDCs People’s Defense Committees
PJCC Permanent Joint Commission for Cooperation
PNDC Provisional National Defense Council
PNP People’s National Party
PP Progress Party
SAPs Structural Adjustment Programs
SDGs Sustainable Development Goals
SMC Supreme Military Council
SSA Sub-Saharan Africa
SSNIT Social Security and National Insurance Trust
TUC Trades Union Congress
UDI Southern Rhodesia’s Unilateral Declaration of Independence
UGCC United Gold Coast Convention
UN United Nations
UNAMIR United Nations Mission for Rwanda
UNAMSIL United Nations Mission in Sierra Leone
UNESCO United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization
UNFPA United Nations Fund for Population Activities
UNIA United Negro Improvement Association
UNICEF United Nations Children’s Fund
UNIP United National Independence Party
USA United States of America
UTAG University Teachers’ Association of Ghana
xl Abbreviations
VOIP Voice Over Internet Protocol

VSAT Very Small Aperture Satellite Terminal
WA West Africa
WANS West African National Secretariat
WASU West African Students Union
WB World Bank
WDCs Worker’s Defense Committees
WID Women in Development
WSC World Summit for Children
Part I
Governance and Leadership in Africa
Chapter 1
Leadership-Institutions-Development
Nexus in Africa: A Jerry John Rawlings
Perspective
Eunice Annan-Aggrey, Senanu Kwasi Kutor, Elmond Bandauko,

and Godwin Arku
Introduction
Africa’s socio-economic development in relation to other parts of the world is a

topical issue that has received scholarly attention over several decades.
Notwithstanding the theoretical lens one deploys to interrogate this old-age puzzle,
Bhattacharyya (2009) argues that it is an established fact that Africa is lagging behind
the rest of the world with respect to economic and social wellbeing. More recently,
a review of progress on the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs)
indicates that progress is significantly low in Africa (Annan-Aggrey et al., 2021).
Thus, a question that remains is: What are the fundamental drivers of Africa’s cur-
rent state of under-development? Is it poor leadership, the history of slave trade and
colonialism, weak institutions, or the nature of its geographic environment? Existing
literature provides varying explanations for Africa’s low level of development,
including management ineptitude (Kamoche, 1997), restricted attention to private
enterprise development (Fafchamps et al., 2001), poor governance (Nwankwo &
Richards, 2001) and limited staff motivation (Okpara, 2007).
This chapter follows the argument of scholars such as Afegbua and Adejuwon
(2012) who argue that Africa’s development challenges such as food insecurity and
poor economic growth are a result of the continent’s poor leadership and weak insti-
tutions. Evidence from different African countries, including Ghana and Botswana,
demonstrates that the character of leadership and the state of public institutions
matter for development (Nzau, 2011). Arguably, African countries which have ben-
efited from enlightened leadership over time have experienced positive gains in
development, while those which have not had strong leadership continue to
E. Annan-Aggrey (*) · S. K. Kutor · E. Bandauko · G. Arku

Department of Geography & Environment, University of Western Ontario,
London, ON, Canada
e-mail: eannanag@uwo.ca
© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature 3

Switzerland AG 2022
F. Kumah-Abiwu, S. O. Abidde (eds.), Jerry John Rawlings,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-14667-1_1
4 E. Annan-Aggrey et al.
experience underdevelopment with political instability, institutional fragility and

weak democratic governance. The chapter aligns with the notion that the type of
leadership prevalent in any society determines what that society becomes, implying
that agile and progressive leadership results in thriving societies while poor leader-
ship produces slow progress and underdevelopment (Agulanna, 2006). We argue
that leadership in Africa must not be examined in isolation because it is the nature
of leadership that can build or destroy institutions which have significant implica-
tions for development at different levels. Therefore, the chapter is framed within the
leadership, institutions, and development nexus. Specifically, the chapter conceptu-
alizes leadership to mean political leadership as defined by Van Wyk (2007, p. 5) as
“the primary holders, controllers and distributors of power and resources in a par-
ticular institution (i.e., institutional power) and/or territory (i.e., geo-political
power). This includes leaders who gained power through the ballot, and those who
gained power by bullets, including, warlords, vigilante and rebel leaders.”
Furthermore, this chapter emphasizes the multidimensionality of development, and
defines development as social change that allows people to achieve their human
potential in all aspects of life, including, economic, political, social, educational
and health.
Given that the future of Africa depends to a large extent on a sound understand-
ing of how leadership shapes development in different sectors of the economy, this
chapter discusses the leadership and legacy of Jerry John Rawlings (hereafter
Rawlings) and the impact of his tenure on institutional development in Ghana and
Africa, and highlights some of the successes and gaps in his leadership approach.
The chapter seeks to answer the following questions: What are the lessons from
Rawlings’ ideologies for institutional development and good governance in Africa?
In what ways did the leadership of Rawlings contribute to development or underde-
velopment in Ghana, Africa and beyond? Did his legacy impact institutional devel-
opment in Ghana, Africa and beyond? We demonstrate that despite mixed
perspectives on Rawlings’ leadership style, his legacies and ideologies influenced
institutions and development and offer relevant lessons for Africa. The rest of the
chapter is structured as follows. We start by giving an overview of the leadership-
institutions-development nexus in Africa. This is followed by a discussion on the
emergence of Rawlings on the political arena and the implications of his ideologies
and leadership approaches on institutional development in Ghana, Africa and
beyond. We then tease out lessons to support contemporary leadership and facilitate
leadership renewal in Africa.
npacking the Leadership-Institutions-Development Nexus:

U
A Theoretical Perspective
The nexus between leadership, institutions and development is well acknowledged

in literature. This is so because effective leadership translates into prudent public
policy formulation and implementation, as well as good public service delivery, to
1 Leadership-Institutions-Development Nexus in Africa: A Jerry John Rawlings… 5
meet the needs and aspirations of citizens (Dartey-Baah, 2014; Ohiorhenuan, 2019).
Leadership is a key element in solving development problems. Hence, effective
leaders create visions, set strategic goals and inspire the citizenry to achieve these
goals. Keohane (2005) reiterates that the core of leadership lies in providing or sug-
gesting solutions and mobilizing the energies of members of a group to act together
toward achieving collective goals.
Figure 1.1 illustrates the impact of two leadership styles on development out-
comes. The first leadership style is one built on a desire to get a particular job done
and make a living while the second one is built on an individual’s need for meaning.
The former results in poverty and undermines development due to policy failures.
Additionally, the lack of trust in leadership and incompetence in dealing with
changes that arise from the external environment in the areas of technology, eco-
nomic transformations and politics further impede development (Dartey-Baah,
2014). The alternative approach is a leadership style that is concerned with effective
management of public resources, and is visionary, ethical, without compromising
human values and principles. This leadership style is motivated by a vision to
achieve goals amid changing environmental factors. It reflects the characteristics of
Fig. 1.1 Leadership-institutions-development nexus. (Source: Figure designed by authors with

ideas from Dartey-Baah (2014))
the transformational leadership style. This kind of leadership coupled with coordi-
nation and participation of all stakeholders leads to improvement in economic effi-
ciency and social cohesion (Dartey-Baah, 2014).
Given its history, the successful implementation of development policies in
Africa is hinged on effective leadership, that possess a clear vision for the desired
outcomes and pathways for progress. Responsive and responsible leadership in turn
builds capable institutions to foster good governance and promote accountability
and transparency, in order to address poverty and inequality. The strategic vision of
a country’s leadership, translated into long-term national plans and development
strategies, can help mobilize resources and build strategic partnerships among all
actors (civil society, NGOs, private sector, and international organizations). Strong
institutions are basically connected to organizations, rules, laws and policies and
administrative practices that are resilient to corruption, foster transparency and
accountability and are designed to effectively respond to the needs of citizens.
Effective leadership and strong institutions are thus key levers for mobilizing
resources, galvanizing actions and sustaining broader coalitions and alliances
towards the attainment of SDG targets.
When leaders are driven by the desire to serve their people, they ensure that the
needs of marginalized groups are mainstreamed in development policies. This
approach contributes to strengthening institutions such as decentralized governance
structures to be able to respond to the identified needs of the citizenry (Awortwi,
2016). Successful leadership therefore broadens participation and accountability
and promotes social cohesion. Strong institutions help to diffuse power so that spe-
cific individuals do not wield all the authority, and this enhances accountability and
transparency. Effective leadership and strong institutions working together thus
facilitate policy coherence and coordination and ensure that actions at all levels of
government are fully aligned to pursue broader development objectives.
eadership, Institutions and Development in Africa:

L
An Overview
The question then is: how does the leadership-institutions-development nexus mani-
fest in African countries? Political science and public administration scholars have
argued that Africa’s poor economic development despite its vast wealth of resources
is the direct result of weak leadership and poorly resourced public institutions
(Ochola, 2007; Everest-Philips, 2012). For a long time, the World Bank, International
Monetary Fund (IMF) and other international development organizations have
highlighted that Africa’s inability to meet its developmental aspirations reflects
weak leadership and poor institutional structures to hold political officials account-
able for their actions. Fundamentally, the crisis of Africa’s development has been
linked to the ‘crisis of its institutions.’ It is plausible that “good” institutions are the
critical factor in dealing with development challenges such as poverty, inequality
and limited access to public services (Birdsall, 2007). Countries without strong
political, economic, and social institutions that adapt to new constraints and oppor-
tunities are highly vulnerable to internal and external shocks. For example, highly
fragile states like South Sudan, Chad, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and
Somalia among others have virtually weak or collapsed institutions that struggle to
provide basic services to citizens. Many institutions in Africa are underdeveloped
(Luiz, 2009) and ineffective in executing their mandate such as peace building and
conflict resolution, investment promotion and infrastructure development. Several
factors, including political interference account for these deficiencies. For instance,
when the appointment of key officials is politically influenced, it results in the selec-
tion of incompetent individuals resulting in many situations of ‘square pegs in round
holes’ evident across the continent. Consequently, many African institutions lack
capacity which in turn leads to poor delivery of public services and sub-standard
infrastructure (Luiz, 2009).
Leaders in Africa have largely struggled to build, support and sustain strong
institutions at different levels. Leadership in Africa is seriously plagued with issues
of corruption and unaccountable governance. Arguably, undemocratic values, poor
governance and corruption are the most important systemic factors that continue to
weaken public institutions in most African countries (Mudacumura & Morçöl,
2014). Political economy theorists argue that post-independence elites in Africa
have largely entrenched their own interests, with control of the state and its resources
becoming the primary purpose of political contestation (van Wyk, 2007). Corruption
for instance siphons millions of dollars, thereby undermining service delivery
capacity of public institutions (Birdsall, 2007; Mbaku, 2010). Institutional fragmen-
tation and bloated bureaucracies, among other issues plaguing governance, often
translate into missed opportunities, inefficiencies, waste and delays. The concept of
checks and balances remains abstract which has left leaders to treat nations as their
own property (Bojang, 2017). This has further weakened bureaucratic institutions
for proper accountability and hence massive corruption, especially at the national
level. As the core institutional foundations in African countries become weak, pub-
lic financial resources are misappropriated and policies and programs aimed at fos-
tering transformative change are undermined. Regrettably, this creates precarious
conditions where citizens are haunted by poverty, inequality and inadequate access
to basic services.
In unpacking the leadership-institutions-development nexus, we need to be care-
ful not to simply reduce the complex drivers of Africa’s underdevelopment to mere
institutional inadequacies while neglecting more direct interventions in areas such
as health, education, poor infrastructure, war and conflicts among other challenges.
Whilst good institutions would certainly make these interventions more successful,
we need to realize that they are a means to an end rather than an end in itself. This
chapter illustrates Rawlings ideologies and leadership approaches to governance
and institutional development in Ghana, Africa and beyond. The next section con-
textualizes Rawlings ideology within the framework of the leadership-institutions-
development nexus. This is critical because a leader’s ideological position invariably
has the likelihood of facilitating or impeding institutional development, and devel-
opment in general.
awlings’ Ideologies and Implications for Governance

R
and Institutional Development in Ghana
A political ideology refers to traditions, beliefs and philosophies of political parties

(Wayo-Seini, 2006). In the case of Rawlings, his ideologies impacted development
during his tenure and continue to be relevant to date. Rawlings came into power as
a military officer and retired from political leadership as a democratically elected
President. Other African leaders like Yahya Jammeh of Gambia and Gnassigbe
Eyadema of Togo also ruled as both a military and democratically elected leaders
(Ndulu et al., 2008). However, Rawlings had unique leadership traits which had
significant footprints on institutional development, governance and development in
Ghana and the African continent. His leadership ideologies and philosophies are
explained in detail in the next sections.
One of the guiding principles of Rawlings’ leadership was his belief in ‘power to
the people’–a slogan that made Rawlings and the Armed Forces Revolutionary
Council (AFRC) distinct from the previous military administrations in Ghana.
Arguably, the previous military governments espoused the importance of vesting
power in the military, while Rawlings recognized the essence of citizens having a
say in the administration of the country. This chapter, therefore, contends that
Rawlings acknowledged the value of democracy, even during his days in military
uniform. In line with this belief, Rawlings ceded off power to Dr. Hilla Limann
through a democratically conducted election in 1979. Although he took over the
reins of the country again through a military coup in 1981, he eventually transi-
tioned the country into democratic governance in 1992.
Rawlings supervised multi-party elections in 1992, 1996 and 2000. He contested
as a candidate in 1992 and 1996 and won both. Like most other elections in Africa,
some critics accused his National Democratic Congress (NDC) election victories as
fictitious (see Jeffries, 1998). Other scholars, however, emphasize that the fact that
Rawlings’ military administration permitted the electoral process and constitutional
rule to materialize with representation from the opposition, epitomizes how far
political development has penetrated the political landscape of Ghana (Onadipe,
1997; Gyimah-Boadi, 1994). The return to democratic governance garnered several
benefits in support of Ghana’s development, such as political stability and the rule
of law with positive repercussions for socio-economic development. Specifically,
due to political stability as a result of Ghana’s transition into a democratic dispensa-
tion, the ease of doing business has been favorable, which culminated in an increase
in foreign direct investment and contributed to overall economic prosperity over the
past years.
Notwithstanding the democratic principles upheld by Rawlings, allegations of
his hostility to civil societies cast some level of indictment on his legacy. This is
because a healthy civil society is considered an essential vehicle for democracy to
flourish. Indeed, a vibrant civil society is widely held as both a prerequisite and an
indicator of good governance (see McGough, 1999; Roy, 2008). Therefore, evi-
dence provided by scholars like Atibil (2012) who contends that his regime
metamorphosed from being profoundly hostile to the elite components of the civil
society to becoming dictatorial of the opposition during his military and civilian
regime, respectively, highlight a significant flaw in his legacy. Some available evi-
dence suggests that any opposing views and criticisms of the Rawlings regime’s
policies were consistently arrested and detained (Emiljanowicz & Ibhawoh, 2021).
It can be argued that this setback identified in Rawlings’ regime reflects a common
leadership challenge in Africa which relates to the lack of leadership competence.
Failure to admit and deal with their own inadequacies makes leaders antagonistic
and hostile to any individuals or groups who identify any lapses in their administra-
tion. However, without effective whistleblowers and critics leaders may pursue poli-
cies that appear appropriate to them but may not inure to the benefit of the larger
public, especially, vulnerable groups.
Nevertheless, the impact of Ghana’s return to constitutional rule resonated across
the continent. To date, several African countries perceive Ghana as a beacon of
hope, given that the country returned to constitutional rule after several years of
political upheavals in the 1970s and 1980s. For instance, in 1999, Ghana’s young
democracy was an inspiration to her neighbour, Nigeria, as the latter was negotiat-
ing political transition from military rule to multiparty democracy. The eventual
election of Olusegun Obasanjo as president was in line with the model set by Ghana.
Other African countries followed the example of Ghana to embrace democracy.
Thus, the continent of Africa has witnessed a dramatic increase in the number of
procedural democracies since the 1990s (Burchard, 2014). Ghana continues to serve
as a model for political reform and to-date, political leaders across Africa continue
to learn from Ghana’s democratic experience. For instance, a delegation of parlia-
mentarians from Uganda and Zimbabwe visited Ghana’s parliament in November
2021 to learn how to build a strong, effective, and credible opposition in parliament
(TND News, 2021). Rawlings’ ideology of ‘power to the people’ therefore contin-
ues to be relevant for promoting pan-African development and offers several useful
lessons for contemporary African leaders, including, the need for commitment to
democratic tenets as well as the importance of a leader’s intellectual humility to
accept policies that promote development. As shown in Fig. 1.1, Rawlings’s leader-
ship style was transformative as he enabled public institutions to develop, thrive and
to embody the aspirations of the citizenry.
Another noteworthy tenet of Rawlings leadership is the premium he placed on
probity, accountability, integrity, and transparency. Indeed, the justification the
AFRC provided for the overthrow of the interim military government of General
Akuffo in 1979 included the objective to restore the ideals of honesty, accountabil-
ity, and political integrity (Hansen, 2013). Among the reasons provided for the coup
d’état was the accusation that criminals had become respectable people, thus,
Rawlings aimed to halt the misappropriation of state resources and to right the
wrongs of the past regimes (Brenya et al., 2015). Analysts like Adedeji (2001)
observes that the principle of accountability was one of the driving factors for the
‘second coming’ of Rawlings when he toppled President Limann’s administration
in 1981. Rawlings’ come-back seemed to be in response to the caution he gave to
President Limann during his inauguration that he would be watching him closely.
The principles of probity, accountability, integrity, and transparency also anchored

the democratic dispensation of Rawlings.
However, the extent to which Rawlings practicalized these principles for the ben-
efit of the entire Ghanaian populace is debatable. While one school of thought
believes that Rawlings’ espousal of these principles is mere rhetoric, others hold the
view that Rawlings lived and practicalized these principles in the governance pro-
cess (see Adedeji, 2001; Jeffries & Thomas, 1993). His critics cite numerous allega-
tions of corruption and fund embezzlement levelled against his regime and argue
that Rawlings disappointed Ghanaians who reposed trust in him to fight against
corruption given his socialist orientations which identified with the marginalized
and oppressed in society (Brenya et al., 2015). Additionally, reports of his inability
to prosecute corrupt officials in his government were inconsistent with his emphasis
on the importance of accountability by public office holders. Arguments in favor of
Rawlings however highlight the gains experienced because of his ‘house-cleaning’
efforts which facilitated access to basic commodities by a wider section of the pub-
lic (Adedeji, 2001). Nonetheless, others also hold the view that the efforts to opera-
tionalize the values of probity and accountability amounted to the abuse of human
rights, for example in the case of public officials who were sentenced without trial
(Crocker, 2019; Osam, 2008). Indeed, abuse of human rights under Rawlings is one
of the most discussed flaws associated with his administration and leadership style.
Human rights abuses under the PNDC era, including, torture, detention, and seizure
of property traumatized society and generated an atmosphere of insecurity and sus-
picion (Attafuah, 2004; Oquaye, 1995). This situation aligns with the observation
that many leaders in Africa stumble into leadership unprepared and learn on the job
(Afegbua & Adejuwon, 2012). However, while leaders experiment and negotiate the
learning curve, they commit some mistakes and blunders that are difficult to reverse.
In the case of Rawlings, the National Reconciliation Commission (NRC) in 2011
uncovered several human rights abuses and their long-lasting impact on various
institutions and individuals (Emiljanowicz & Ibhawoh, 2021). These revelations
contradict the latter image of the Rawlings as the promoter of human rights, espe-
cially, from a socioeconomic standpoint (Jeffries & Thomas, 1993).
Irrespective of the debate, the principles of probity, accountability, integrity, and
transparency have governance implications for political leadership in Ghana, Africa
and beyond. First, these principles are critical for good governance. When public
officials and government office bearers are accountable for and honest about their
actions, it curbs corrupt practices and inures to good governance. Second, these
principles anchor public administration in any democratic dispensation. Given that
the values of integrity and accountability serve as the foundation for public admin-
istration, public officials should uphold and adhere to them, when serving the gen-
eral welfare (Matsiliza & Zonke, 2017). Upholding probity and accountability is
thus essential for strengthening institutions. Indeed, corruption is the antithesis of
accountability (Appau & Anku-Tsede, 2015). This is because the phenomenon of
corruption, both administrative and political breeds in an environment of opacity,
dishonesty, and a lack of accountability. Hence, the absence of accountability and
integrity incentivizes corruption to flourish in any society, including a democratic

environment.
Therefore, it is imperative for contemporary leaders on the African continent to
cherish and entrench these values in the governance process including in institu-
tional frameworks to curb corruption and ensure effective utilization and manage-
ment of public resources. Another tenet of Rawlings’ leadership with continuing
relevance for contemporary leadership in Africa is his pragmatic approach. In the
current epoch where societies are faced with several governance challenges,
Rawlings’ ideology of pragmatism has ramifications for good governance in Africa.
Several scholars have labelled Rawlings as a pragmatic leader. Colton (2020), for
instance, notes that although Rawlings was radical, he was equally a pragmatist. As
an illustration, he once said “we can no longer postpone the time for halting the
populist nonsense … we must not get into the way of thinking that revolutionary
activities are substitutes for productive work” (cited in Boafo-Arthur, 1999: 84).
This excerpt demonstrates Rawlings’ practical approach to issues affecting ordi-
nary people.
The pragmatic posturing of Rawlings’ was evident in his leadership during the
Economic Recovery Program (ERPs) in the 1980s. This is because Rawlings’ gov-
ernment was initially opposed to an International Monetary Fund (IMF)/World
Bank agreement, and thus invested significant time in search of feasible alternatives.
However, upon realizing that the IMF alternative was the most viable option to pur-
sue at the time, Rawlings’ government, under a committee headed by his finance
minister Kwesi Botchwey, outlined and submitted a four-year ERP to the IMF in
1983 (Adedeji, 2001). Economic analysts like Leith and Lofchie (1991) assert that
among factors that caused the Rawlings government to proceed with the Structural
Adjustment Program (SAP) was the fact that several of Ghana’s domestic prices,
including those paid by government agencies had risen, reflecting a shortage in
foreign exchange. This implies that the most practical decision at the time was what
Rawlings made: to adopt the ERPs. This chapter therefore aligns with Kumah-
Abiwu (2016, p. 307) argument that Rawlings’ decision demonstrated “flexibility of
thought to shift his ideological stand in order to secure the needed assistance for the
country.”
Notwithstanding these positive commendations of the SAPs, the recovery pro-
grams also brought some hardships to sections of the Ghanaian populace. Higher
prices through devaluations of the national currency, abrupt abolishment of subsi-
dies, introduction of user-fees for education and medical services, and reduction in
employment in the public sector impacted urban consumers (Harvey, 1991). The
implementation of the SAPs had differential impacts on specific institutions. For
example, while the education and health sectors experienced a significant reduction
in subsidies resulting in inequalities in service delivery; the mining sector experi-
enced a boost with the introduction of foreign direct investment through the drive
for privatisation. Among the citizenry, mixed perceptions on the impact of the SAPs
hold. For instance, some assert that the SAPs benefitted commercial farmers and
landowners who engaged the services of wageworkers to maintain and harvest
cocoa and related export tree crops (Harvey, 1991). Others opine that policies such
Another random document with
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“Oh, shucks,” said Laurie. “That doesn’t sound like sense. Does it,
Bob?”
“Well, I guess whoever owns this little strip wouldn’t object to a
person landing on it.”
“Of course not,” said Polly. “Besides, I don’t believe it belongs to
any one—except the town or the State of New York or some one like
that!”
“Guess we can find that out easy enough,” said Laurie, recovering
confidence. “Now, what’s the verdict? Think there’s anything in the
scheme?”
CHAPTER XV
ROMANCE AND MISS COMFORT
T hey did, even Ned allowing that, if certain obstacles already

indicated by him could be surmounted, and if Miss Comfort could
be persuaded to adopt a nautical life, the scheme had merit.
“All right,” said Laurie, “Then the next thing is to sound out Miss
Comfort. You can do that better than any of the rest of us, Ned.”
“Me? Where do you get that stuff?” demanded Ned. “It’s your
scheme.”
“But I haven’t your—your powers of description and—er—
persuasion, old-timer.”
“Nothing doing,” replied Ned implacably. “I’ll go with you and help
out, but it’s your idea, and you’ve got to spring it.”
“Yes, Laurie,” agreed Polly, “I think you can explain it more clearly
than Ned can, because you’ve thought it all out so wonderfully. But
we’ll all go with you, of course.”
“All right,” assented Laurie. “Let’s go and get it over with. I dare
say she won’t listen to it, though.”
“You can’t tell,” said Polly. “Miss Comfort is awfully—well,
courageous, Laurie, and she thinks you’re so wonderful that—”
“Huh,” muttered Ned. “Wonder where she got that notion.”
“Compared to the poor-farm,” declared Mae, “I think the Pequot
Queen is a perfect paradise!”
“Well, you just mention that to Miss Comfort, will you?” requested
Laurie gloomily as they started back.
“Guess there’s another thing we haven’t considered,” said Bob
thoughtfully.
“What are you doing?” asked Laurie disgustedly. “Stealing Ned’s
stuff?”
“No, but look here; Miss Comfort will be an awful long way from
folks who buy her cake and stuff, won’t she? Think they’ll hike way
down here?”
A short silence ensued. Then said Polly, “That is so, Laurie, but
maybe—”
“Sure, it’s so,” was the answer, “but will you allow me to remind the
gentleman that this place down here is just about a mile and a half
nearer than the poor-farm?”
“Never thought of that,” laughed Bob.
“Anyway,” said Polly cheerfully, “I don’t believe it will matter much.
If folks want Miss Comfort’s cakes they’ll come for them, or send for
them. As for what we buy, why, I wouldn’t mind coming for it a mite. It
—it’s just a nice walk!”
They found Mrs. Deane and Miss Comfort having tea in the sitting-
room when they reached the little blue house, and their errand must
needs be postponed until more cups and saucers and more sweet
crackers had been distributed. At last, however, with four pair of eyes
fixed on him with embarrassing attentiveness, Laurie set down his
cup, drew a long breath, and broke the moment’s silence with an
explosive “Miss Comfort!”
That poor lady was so startled that she nearly upset her tea.
Laurie plunged on hurriedly.
“I suppose you haven’t heard any more from your brother-in-law,
have you?”
“Why—why, no! No, I haven’t, Mr. Laurie.”
“Thought so,” resumed Laurie. “Well, now, here’s—here’s
something that it seemed to me—to all of us that maybe would be
something that you might sort of take into consideration if nothing
better turned up, because, after all, that poor-farm isn’t any place for
a lady like you, and being on the water isn’t anything at all if you’re
hitched up tight to the land and know you can’t sink, which you
couldn’t possibly, Miss Comfort, because there wouldn’t be enough
water under you.”
Laurie paused for breath and realized with confusion that he had
made an extremely poor start. Miss Comfort looked bewilderedly
from him to Mrs. Deane, to Polly, to Ned, and back to Laurie. “Sakes
alive!” she gasped. “What in the world is he talking about?”
Mae’s giggle came as a welcome diversion.
“Laurie,” said Polly, “you’ll have to start right at the beginning, you
know.” She turned to Miss Comfort. “He has a perfectly wonderful
idea, Miss Comfort, and we’re all just crazy about it. Now, Laurie.”
The interlude had allowed the exponent of the wonderful idea not
only to recover his breath but to rearrange his thoughts, and now he
began over and explained very creditably just what the idea was.
Occasionally one of the others threw in a helpful word, Miss Comfort,
who had taken up her crocheting after setting her tea-cup aside,
soon laid it down. Her face brightened as Laurie’s idea became
clearer to her and her eyes sparkled more than ever. She leaned
forward in rapt attention, and did not interrupt once. Even when
Laurie had said all he could think of and Polly had added an
enthusiastic postscript, Miss Comfort said no word for several silent
moments. Then she gave a deep sigh and clasped her thin hands
tightly above her crocheting.
“And I wouldn’t have to go to that place!” she breathed
wonderingly.
“Laurie, what did I tell you?” cried Polly joyously.
“I’m sure,” said Mrs. Deane, “it would be very nice, Pansy—” three
startled gasps followed—“but would you feel quite—quite at ease on
a boat?”
“I should,” replied Miss Comfort with surprising emphasis. “I’ve
always been fond of the sea, all my life. Maybe it’s because my
grandfather on my mother’s side was a sea-captain. That Spode tea-
cup that you admired so much was a part of a set that he brought
back from one of his voyages. Yes, ever since I was a child I’ve
longed for the sea and for ships. Once I almost took a trip from New
York to Fall River on a steamer, but just at the last moment mother
decided to go by train instead. I was tragically disappointed. And
now to think that after all these years I’m to—to go to sea!”
“But, you know,” said Ned, breaking the little silence that followed,
“it wouldn’t be exactly going to sea, Miss Comfort, for, of course, the
boat would be tied to the—the land, and—”
“It would be for me,” replied Miss Comfort softly. “I’d be living on a
boat with the water all around me. And I could watch the steamers
and the ships come and go. And there’d be the smell of the salt
water all the time, too. Oh, my dears, I’d love it! It—it sounds far, far
too good to be true, Mr. Laurie. Are you sure that—that everything
can be arranged?”
Miss Comfort felt for a square of linen with a narrow black border
and gently dabbed her eyes. Laurie felt it his duty to acknowledge
that he wasn’t sure at all, but he did nothing of the sort. He scowled
surreptitiously at Ned and answered firmly: “Absolutely, Miss
Comfort. There isn’t a doubt!”
And then, to Laurie’s surprise, Ned said just as convincedly, “It’s
as good as fixed right now, ma’am.”
Miss Comfort sighed happily and beamed about the circle. “Well, I
just can’t believe it,” she said, laughing tremulously at her own
emotion. “Why, I can’t think of anything that would make me happier
than to live on a real boat right on the water! Just think of going to
sleep with the lapping of the waves all about, and of waking up in the
morning and seeing the blue, blue ocean—no, I should say river—
stretching away and away! Oh, my dears, there’s romance about the
sea that I’ve always longed to know. Maybe, at my time of life, I
shouldn’t be talking about romance, but—”
“Fiddlesticks!” exclaimed Mrs. Deane vehemently. “Fiddlesticks,
my dear! At your time of life, indeed!” It seemed to the others that the
Widow might have borrowed Miss Comfort’s handkerchief and put it
to good use. Laurie cleared his throat.
“That’s right,” he said gruffly. “I guess folks can enjoy things like
that just as much at eight—sev—sixty as they can any time!” Aware
of Polly’s horrified look, he subsided. Miss Comfort, though, was far
too absorbed in the joyous prospect to heed.
“I must go and see it,” she went on animatedly. “Is it very far, Mr.
Laurie? I suppose,” she concluded, with a sigh, “it’s too late to go to-
day.”
“Yes’m,” assented Laurie. “I guess you’d better wait until to-
morrow. It’s quite a walk for—er—for any one.”
“We’ll all go down to-morrow morning,” announced Polly, “every
one of us. Yes, you will, too, mama. I’ll get Miss Billings to tend the
store for an hour. If we start at eight I can get back in time for
school.”
“Eight!” exclaimed Laurie.
“Of course. We’re all through breakfast at half-past seven, and—”
“But, Polly, maybe that would be too early for the boys, dear,”
interposed her mother. “Perhaps they don’t have breakfast—”
“It’s all right, Mrs. Deane,” said Ned. “We’ll meet you over at the
school corner at eight. Laurie was just thinking that perhaps we
ought to start earlier, weren’t you, old son?”
“Er—oh, yes! Sure! Still, eight will do, I guess.”
“Then that’s arranged,” said Polly. “Now let’s talk about the boat
some more.”
The next morning they all set out according to schedule to show
Miss Comfort the Pequot Queen. Laurie had doubts as to the
wisdom of this, for he thought it would have been better if they could
have fixed up the boat a little before exhibiting it. But, as Polly said,
Miss Comfort would never have waited. Laurie need not have
entertained any uneasiness. Even the river threw Miss Comfort into
a tremor of delight, and after that she walked so fast that Mrs. Deane
had hard work to keep up with her. When, while still at a distance,
Laurie pointed out the Pequot Queen with a few stammered words of
apology, Miss Comfort stopped still, clasped her hands, this morning
adorned with black silk mitts, and gazed long and silently. The boys
viewed her doubtfully and anxiously, but doubt and anxiety speedily
fled, for the little lady’s face expressed something very close to
rapture. The boys looked away. Ned whistled a few tuneless notes
softly. Then they went on, Miss Comfort walking faster than ever and
saying no word.
“Well,” said Laurie later, “you’ve got to hand it to her for
imagination. Why, when I said to her, ‘Here’s where the stove goes,’
or ‘You could put your bureau here, Miss Comfort,’ blessed if I don’t
think she actually saw them there! Once, after she’d decided to put
the kitchen table over on the further side of the cabin, she was over
there a few minutes later and sort of feeling around just like she was
trying to find the rolling-pin or something!”
“And wasn’t she pleased?” asked Bob. “Gosh, you’d have thought
we’d presented her with a million-dollar castle! The old girl is
certainly happy!”
“Cut out the ‘old girl’ stuff,” growled Ned. “She’s a lady.”
“Sure, I didn’t mean anything, Ned. And as for being old, gee, I’ve
seen a heap of younger folks that couldn’t have shown half her pep!”
A visit to the town hall obtained for them the information that the
tract of land between road and river behind the old bulkhead was
town property, and their informant assured them that no one would
object to the contemplated gangway.
Laurie got back to No. 16 alone to discover Kewpie, sweatered
and unkempt of hair, lolling in the Morris chair and fondling glove and
ball. “Say, where the dickens have you been?” Kewpie demanded
aggrievedly. “I’ve been waiting hours!”
“Hello!” said Laurie blankly. “Where—where did you drop from?”
“Came on the ten twenty, of course. Wanted to get some work in
before dinner. Thought you’d be all ready for me, too!”
Laurie returned the other’s reproachful gaze with one even more
reproachful, “Oh, gosh,” he sighed. “I was hoping you’d forget to
come back!”
CHAPTER XVI
MR. BROSE WILKINS
T here seemed nothing for it but to take Kewpie into their

confidence, and this they did when, after dinner, Ned and Laurie
were back in No. 16. Kewpie, still demanding a work-out and
impatient at delay, proved that he was not entirely obsessed by
baseball. He became quite excited about Miss Comfort and the
Pequot Queen and demanded to be let in on the affair.
“Got any money?” asked Ned.
Kewpie smiled in an irritatingly superior manner and showed a
purse fairly bulging with bills and silver coins. “Which,” he observed
grandly, “reminds me that I owe you fellows a trifle.” The twins
accepted payment without demur.
“I asked about money,” said Ned when that matter had been
concluded, “because to get in on this game, Kewpie, you have to
have—er—three dollars.”
Kewpie’s countenance promptly betrayed the secret thought that
he could remain out and still manage to survive. Whereupon Laurie
added hastily: “Of course, three dollars makes you a life member,
you understand. You can become an ordinary member for two.”
Kewpie grinned and disentangled two one-dollar bills from the
wad. Ned accepted them gravely. “Want a receipt?” he asked.
“Yes, I’d like a receipt for your cheek,” responded Kewpie
flippantly. “Bet nobody else has put in any little old two dollars! Bet
nobody else has put in two bits!”
“The books of the association are always open to inspection,”
replied Ned coldly, pocketing Kewpie’s contribution.
“All right, Nid. Now, what about some pitching?”
Laurie tottered to his feet. “Come on,” he sighed. “But, oh, Kewpie
darlin’, I rue the day I first looked on your ugly face!”
Later that day the initial contribution to the expense fund was
augmented by like sums paid or pledged by the others, and the
colossal amount of twelve dollars resulted. Laurie opined that it
would suffice, since he meant to beg or borrow whenever possible.
In the evening the twins went over to see Bob’s father, and that
gentleman readily agreed to intercede with the Porter Quarry
Company in their behalf. “I’ll stop there in the morning, boys, and see
Porter himself. Bob, you stay around the telephone here, and I’ll call
you up about nine.”
And at a little after nine the next morning the message came. The
Porter Quarry Company, Mr. Starling telephoned, claimed no equity
in the Pequot Queen, and, furthermore, would be extremely relieved
to see the last of her!
Five minutes later Laurie and Bob had set out to find Mr. Wilkins,
who conducted the boat-yard a quarter of a mile beyond the new
location chosen for the Pequot Queen. There were a pier and a
landing, two weather-stained sheds, piles of second-hand lumber,
and a few boats in various stages of dissolution. But there was no
Mr. Wilkins, even though they crossed the lane and adventured to a
neighboring house. They had decided to give up the search for the
time when there came a hail from the river. A small launch chugged
toward shore, and a man waved to them from it. They went to meet
it. The noisy motor was stilled, and the man hailed again.
“Looking for dad?” he asked. He was a tall chap of possibly
twenty-two or three years with copper-red hair that curled closely
about his bare head. His face was long and thin and chiefly
remarkable for a lazy, good-natured, and very wide smile. The boys
explained their errand while the little launch floated close to the
inshore end of the wharf.
“Dad’s over to Hamlin doing a job of work. But I can give you a
tow. Where’s your launch?” Bob told him. “Huh?” asked young Mr.
Wilkins, his smile almost fading. “The old P. Q.? You bought her?”
They explained further. Young Mr. Wilkins looked dubious. “Don’t
know as I’d want to take a chance like that,” he said. “S’pose the
Porter folks had me pinched. May be all right, fellers, like you say,
but you don’t own her—”
“But we’ve told you that it’s all right,” interrupted Bob. “We wouldn’t
be stealing her, anyhow. All we want to do is bring her up the river
and tie her up to the bulkhead down there.”
“That’s so.” The tall youth’s smile broadened to normal. “All right.
When you want I should do it?”
“Pronto,” said Laurie. “Right off. How much will you charge for the
job?”
Young Mr. Wilkins viewed them swiftly and shrewdly. “Oh, it ain’t
worth more’n five dollars, I guess,” he answered carelessly.
“I’ll say it isn’t!” exclaimed Bob. “Listen, please. We’re not selling
you the boat. All we want is a tow.”
The other laughed merrily. “I wouldn’t give you five dollars for her,
feller. Well, how much do you want to pay?”
Oddly, perhaps, they hadn’t considered the question before. But
Laurie answered quite promptly, “Two dollars.”
“All right,” was the equally prompt reply. “Jump in!”
Two minutes later the launch was chugging out into the stream,
Laurie and Bob huddled in the stern seat, with the water rippling past
a scant four inches below the gunwale. The craft was rather an
amazing affair, being not more than fourteen feet in length and
apparently built of odds and ends. No two planks seemed the same
width, while, as for length, they were anywhere from two feet to ten.
Water trickled in from innumerable seams. The engine was a
diminutive thing of one cylinder, with a fly-wheel scarcely larger than
a good-sized dinner-plate, but it pushed the boat along at a good
gait, the boat shaking and trembling at every explosion in the
cylinder. The skipper, seated on an empty box by the engine,
laughed.
“How do you like her?” he asked. “Some cruiser, eh? I knocked
her together two, three years ago. Got that engine out of a yacht
dinghy that sank over by Eagle Beak one time. She’s sort of wet
underfoot, but she generally gets there. You fellers from Hillman’s?”
Bob said they were.
“Fine man, the Doctor. Used to work for him sometimes when I
was in high school. Mowed grass and so on a couple of summers.
My name’s Ambrose Wilkins. Called Brose generally. What sort of a
baseball team you fellers going to have up there this year?” He gave
a negligent tug at the tiller-line and swerved around the stern of a tug
that was backing out from the coal-wharf with a lighter snuggled
beside her.
“Why, pretty good, I reckon,” answered Laurie.
Brose Wilkins’s grin broadened more. “Guess you weren’t up there
when we played you that twenty-two to three game. Course not. That
was five years ago. That was some game, boys. Hillman’s didn’t get
a hit until the fifth and didn’t put a run over until the eighth. Then our
in-field went flooey for a minute, and your crowd piled in three runs.
Some game!”
“Did you play?” asked Laurie.
Brose nodded and squirted some oil in the general direction of the
little engine. “Yeah,” he answered. “Pitched.”
“Oh! Well, you must have been good,” replied Laurie.
“Fair,” the other acknowledged modestly. “That would have been a
shut-out if a couple of our in-fielders hadn’t cracked.”
Laurie stared intently at the Pequot Queen, now less than two
hundred yards away. After a moment he asked idly, “Do you still play
ball?”
“Yeah, I pitch for the Lambert team, over to Munroe. At least, I
been pitching for them. There’s a team down at Carmel that’s written
me a couple of times lately. Guess they’ll make me an offer soon. I
got twenty a game from the Lamberts, but I guess this Carmel
crowd’ll do better.”
“Twenty dollars a game?” asked Bob.
“Yeah. ’Tain’t much, of course, but it helps. Besides, I like to play
ball, and there ain’t so much doing up here that dad can’t tend to it
once a week. Well, here’s the old P. Q. Gee-whillikins, fellers, I
remember when this old scow was a regular lady! Say, what you
guys meaning to do with her, anyway?”
“That’s a long story,” evaded Laurie.
“All right. None of my business, eh? Reach under that seat, will
you, and pull out that coil of rope.”
No one paid any attention as the Pequot Queen’s weather-grayed
hawsers were cast off and, with Laurie and Bob at the bow, the long
idle craft moved slowly from the dock. Until the last moment Laurie
had feared that some officious employee of the quarry company
would object, and he breathed freely when the boat was clear of the
little harbor and her broad nose had been pointed up-stream. She
moved sluggishly since, as Brose Wilkins remarked, she probably
had enough water under her deck to fill a pond. “Water-line’s ’most a
foot under,” said Brose, “but she’ll come all right as soon as she gets
started.” The boys thought the three-quarter-inch manila rope that
Brose was using as a tow line perilously weak, but it proved quite
equal to its purpose. At first the little one-lung engine threatened to
throb itself into junk in its effort to move the Pequot Queen, but
gradually the larger craft got under way, imperceptibly at first, and
the voyage up the river began. It was slow going, but the tiny launch
never faltered, and the Pequot Queen, having, as it seemed, finally
made up her mind to say good-by to her old home and set forth on
an exciting adventure, displayed a cheerful willingness to follow this
new acquaintance.
On the coal-wharf a half-dozen workers paused in their labors and
stared incredulously. One shouted a question, and after that the
Pequot Queen wallowed leisurely past to a chorus of ribald
comments. In answer Laurie, seated on the bow rail, waved a
nonchalant hand. Further along other denizens of the waterfront
stood and stared at the sight. That they were causing a tremendous
sensation was quite evident to the passengers on the old ferry-boat,
and, boy-like, they enjoyed it thoroughly. Laurie regretted that they
hadn’t brought a flag and run it up on the short staff beside them!
Getting the Pequot Queen into her new berth was far more difficult
than persuading her to leave her old home. She had to be taken past
the sunken canal-boat without running her bow on the bottom, and
that task required patience and ingenuity. But Brose Wilkins was
equal to it, and finally, after much tugging and swinging and shoving
—the Pequot Queen’s steering apparatus was no longer of use—the
battered old craft was lying against the short stretch of bulkhead.
That her rail smashed off the upper plank of the bulkhead was
immaterial, since it allowed her to get a few inches nearer. That the
boys had neglected to bring anything to tie the boat up with
complicated matters at first. They had not brought the old hawsers
along since they had been uncertain whether they had been the
property of the boat’s former owners or of the quarry company. In
any case, those rotted ropes would have been of only temporary
use. Laurie offered to run over to a store and get some new line, but
Brose vetoed that suggestion.
“You fellers hold her here a few minutes,” he said. “We’ve got
some second-hand stuff over in the shed that’ll do fine and won’t
cost you but a few cents. All we need is about thirty feet at each
end.” He chugged off, leaving the boys sitting on the rail of the boat
with their legs dangling over the bulkhead planking. The Pequot
Queen showed no desire to leave her new home. In fact, she
seemed more desirous of pushing her way right up on the beach,
and Laurie audibly wondered whether they hadn’t better somehow
strengthen the bulkhead.
“I guess she’ll be all right when she’s once tied up,” said Bob.
“We’ll ask the Wilkins chap when he comes back.”
Brose allayed their fears as he climbed aboard the Pequot Queen
with a supply of thick hawser. “She won’t budge when we get her
fixed,” he assured them. “Ease her off a bit while I stick these
fenders over the side.” The fenders were two sausage-shaped
canvas bags attached to short lengths of cord, and he inserted them
between bulkhead and boat about ten feet apart, making the free
ends of the cords fast under the low rail. “They won’t cost you
anything,” he said. “They’re worn out. All right for this job, though.
Now let’s see.”
Ten minutes later the Pequot Queen was fast, bow and stern, the
worn but still serviceable hawsers securely tied to two spiles.
“There,” said Brose. “She’ll stay put till the Yankees win the World’s
Championship, fellers!”
“We’re awfully much obliged to you,” said Laurie gratefully. “You’ve
been mighty decent. Now, how much is it, rope and all?”
“Two dollars and seventy-five cents,” answered Brose. “But I’ll
throw off the seventy-five cents if you’ll tell me what in the name of
Old Joe Barnes you’re aiming to do with her now you’ve got her!”
Laurie questioned Bob silently, and, because they had taken a
sudden and immense liking to the queer, loose-jointed, red-haired
Brose, Bob nodded. So Laurie told him the whole story, and Brose
Wilkins’s eyes opened wide and his broad smile threatened to jostle
his ears while he listened. Once or twice he chuckled, too. And when
Laurie had finished he laughed until tears stood in his gray eyes.
Laurie frowned then. He supposed it did sound rather funny, but
Brose’s laughter lasted too long. It wasn’t that funny! Then, just when
Laurie was forming a stinging rebuke in his mind, Brose wiped his
streaming eyes with a sleeve of his old brown sweater and became
coherent. He had previously attempted without success to speak.
“Well, if that don’t beat the Cubs!” he gasped. “I got to hand it to
you fellers for using the old bean! And, say, what about Miss Pansy,
eh? Ain’t she running true to form? I’ll say she is! You can’t beat that
little woman, fellers. She’s plucky, she is! Think of her living down
here all by her lonesome, and tickled to do it because she’s on a
boat! Funny, eh? And sporting, too, eh? She’s a wonder, Miss Pansy
is!”
“You know her then?” asked Laurie, mollified.
“Know her? Know Miss Pansy Comfort? Known her since I was
that high.” Brose swept a hand along about six inches from the deck.
“Used to be in her Sunday-school class. Done odd jobs for her when
I was a kid, often. Shingled the shed roof for her not more’n four
years ago. Sure, I know her. Guess every one does. I heard
something about her having to leave that house up there, but I didn’t
know she was up against it like that. Well, say!”
“Don’t you think she’d get on all right here?” asked Laurie
anxiously. “I’ve been thinking that it’ll be sort of lonely here at night
for her.”
“She’ll get on. Trust her. She’s plucky. Anyway, no one would
trouble her. Why, gee-whillikins, I’ll look out for her myself! I’m going
past here all times, land or water, and I’ll keep the old eagle eye
peeled sharp. Another thing. You say you’re going to fix this old ark
up a bit. You’d have to, of course. Well, that’s where I come in, eh?
I’m sort of handy with tools, and I’d like mighty well to help. What
say, fellers?”
“Gosh,” answered Laurie joyfully, “I say ‘Sure!’ That’ll be simply
corking. And maybe you’ve got some tools?”
“Tools? Yeah. Or if I ain’t I can get them. When you aiming to get
at her and what you aiming to do?”
CHAPTER XVII
THE FUND GROWS
T hey parted from Brose Wilkins half an hour later. The work of
fixing up the Pequot Queen for Miss Comfort’s accommodation
seemed shorn of all difficulties. They were to start in the morning on
the gangway between boat and shore, Bob supplying the material
and Brose the tools. “Better get that up first,” said the latter, “so’s you
can get aboard without wading. You don’t need to bring much
material, fellers. There’s a pile of second-hand stuff over on our
wharf we can make use of. Don’t forget the spikes, though. I ain’t got
any spikes. Well, see you fellers again.”
Brose pushed off the launch with a foot, jumped nimbly aboard,
and waved a long, lean hand. And just then Laurie remembered
something.
“Hold on,” he called. “We haven’t paid you!”
“To-morrow,” said Brose. “It won’t be but seventy-five cents,
anyway; just the worth of that hawser. That tow ain’t going to cost
anything now I know who I done it for!”
The launch broke into sound and disappeared momentarily around
the stern of the Pequot Queen. When they saw it again Brose was
draped over the little engine, squirting oil.
I fear that Laurie begrudged Kewpie the two sessions of pitching-
practice that day. Certain it is that the afternoon session was
shortened to a scant thirty minutes, after which four boys set forth on
a shopping expedition, armed with a list that Laurie had made after
dinner. Still later they joined Polly and Mae at the shop. Progress
was reported and plans for the next day laid. Then Bob treated the
crowd, Kewpie virtuously choosing a ginger-ale.
To their disappointment, a light rain was falling that Thursday
morning when the four boys set forth for the Pequot Queen. Ned
trundled a wheelbarrow laden with lumber, and the others each
carried a couple of two-by fours or planks. Ned’s load also included a
paper bag of iron spikes, two hammers, and a hatchet. They chose
Ash Street in preference to the busier thoroughfares and, because
the lumber on the wheelbarrow was continually falling off and the
burdens on the boys’ shoulders required frequent shifting, their
progress was slow. The rain wasn’t hard, but it was steady, and Ned,
who had arisen in a depressed state of mind, grumbled alternately at
the weather and the wheelbarrow. They scarcely expected to find
Brose Wilkins on hand when they reached the boat, but there he was
awaiting them. Laurie introduced Ned and Kewpie, and work began.
By eleven o’clock a gangway led from the bank to the deck of the
Pequot Queen. Or, if you liked, you could call it a bridge. It was
twenty-six feet in length and thirty-two inches wide, and it was
supported midway by two posts which Brose had driven into the
sand. It was railed on each side so that, even in the dark, Miss
Comfort could traverse it safely. Later it was to be painted, the
planking green and the hand-rails white. At least, that was what
Brose said, and since Brose seemed to have taken command of
operations no one doubted the assertion. Ned and Kewpie, who had
been to Walnut Street on an errand, arrived just as the last plank
was laid, and the five drew up on the bank and admired the
gangway. Of course, as the material was all second-hand, the job
didn’t possess the fine appearance that new lumber lends. A stern
critic might even have sneered at the joinery, for Brose Wilkins
worked with speed rather than accuracy, and the gangway reminded
Laurie a little of Brose’s launch. But it was strong and practical, and
none of the admirers were inclined to be fastidious. On the contrary
the boys were loud in commendation, even Laurie and Bob, who had
wielded saw and hammer under Brose’s direction, praised the result
highly. Then they all walked along it to the deck and solemnly and
approvingly walked back again to the shore. As Bob said proudly, it
didn’t even creak.
They spent an hour clearing the boat of the worst of the dirt and
rubbish, preparatory to the more careful going over to follow in the
afternoon, and finally they parted from Brose and climbed the hill
again.
There was no pitching-practice that forenoon.
Shortly after half-past one they went to Mrs. Deane’s, reported
progress to Miss Comfort, borrowed two pails, a broom, a scrubbing-
brush, and a mop, and returned to the scene of their labors. Brose
was again ahead of them. He had taken down the smoke-stack and
was covering the hole in the roof with a piece of zinc sheeting. “I was
thinking,” he explained, “that she might want to use this place for
something, and there was a lot of water coming in around that old
funnel. After I paint around the edges of this it’ll be tight.” Brose
drove a last flat-headed nail and swung his legs over the side of the
boiler-room. “I was thinking that maybe she’d like to keep a few hens
in here.”
“Hens!” cried the quartet below in incredulous chorus.
Brose nodded. “Yeah, she was always fond of hens, Miss Pansy.
Used to have quite a lot of ’em until her fences got sort of bad and
they took to wandering into other folks’ yards. There wouldn’t be
much trouble here, I guess. They could go ashore and wander as
much as they pleased and not hurt anything.”
Ned broke into laughter. “Can’t you see Miss Comfort’s hens filing
ashore every morning with a big red rooster in the lead?”
“Sure,” agreed Brose. “Put up half a dozen nests and a couple of
roosts across here and you’d have a fine chicken-house. Anyhow, no
harm in stopping the leak.”
“I dare say she can use it for something, anyhow,” said Laurie.
“If it was me,” said Kewpie, “I’d keep ducks. Look at all the water
they’d have!”
For better than an hour dust flew from bow to stern on the Pequot
Queen, and the scrape of the scrubbing-brush and the slap of the
mop sounded from cabin, deck, and wheel-house. To introduce
water into the boiler room would have made matters only worse
there, for the floor and even the walls were black with coal-dust.
They cleaned out the fire-box and used the broom repeatedly and
closed the doors on the scene. But by four o’clock the rest of the
boat was thoroughly clean, and only sunlight and warmth were
needed to complete the work. The rather worn linoleum on the cabin
floor looked very different after Bob’s scrubbing brush and Kewpie’s
mop had got through with it. Even the paint in there had been won
back to a fair semblance of whiteness. By that time Polly and Mae,
released from school, had also arrived, and the Pequot Queen
resounded to eager voices. The rain had ceased and beyond the
hills westward the gray clouds were breaking when, carrying pails
and mop, broom and brush, the party of six went back to the shop in
merry mood.
It had been very hard to keep Miss Comfort away from her new
home thus far, and, since they wanted to have everything in shape
before she saw it, they didn’t recount to her all that had been
accomplished. “You see, ma’am,” said Laurie, “she was pretty dirty,
and—”
“But I’ll attend to the cleaning,” declared Miss Comfort eagerly.
“Land sakes, I don’t expect you boys to do that!”
“No, ma’am, well, now you take that hen—I mean boiler-room.
That wouldn’t be any sort of work for you.”
“But it doesn’t seem right to let you young folks do so much. Why,
just look at the boy’s shoes! They’re soaking wet!”
“Oh, Kewpie doesn’t mind that, Miss Comfort. Besides, I guess it’s
just outside that’s wet. Isn’t it, Kewpie?”
Kewpie moved his foot once or twice experimentally and obtained
a gentle squishing sound. He nodded. “That’s all,” he said.
“But,” resumed Laurie, “I guess we’ll have everything ready for you
by Saturday noon. I thought we might get the stove down that
morning and put it up. Then, maybe, on Monday you could move in!”
“You don’t think I could get settled Saturday?” pleaded Miss
Comfort. “I’d so love to spend Sunday in my—my new home.”
Laurie silently consulted the others and read assent. “Why, yes,
ma’am, I think we could have everything all ready by, say, half-past
ten or eleven.”
“That would be much nicer,” exclaimed Polly, “for then we could all
help get the things arranged.”
“Oh, thank you,” cried Miss Comfort gratefully. “To-morrow I’ll
engage Peter Brown to move my things Saturday morning. And to
think that it won’t be to the poor-farm! I told Mr. Grierson yesterday
about it. He’s one of the overseers, you know. He seemed—almost
—almost put out, and I thought for a moment he was going to insist
on my going to that place after all.” Miss Comfort laughed softly. “He
said he had been ‘counting on me.’”
“Yes, ma’am,” said Laurie, “you go ahead and arrange for the team
for Saturday at about ten thirty, and we’ll see that the place is all
ready, won’t we, Polly?”
“Yes, indeed, we will, Miss Comfort, even if we have to—to work
all night! Mae and I don’t have to go to school again for a week after
to-morrow, and we can do lots of things for you, I’m sure.”
“You’ve done so much already, my dear, all of you!” Miss Comfort
sighed, but it was a happy sigh. “I don’t know how to thank you, I’m
sure. It does seem as if—as if—” She faltered then, and before she
could continue Laurie got to his feet somewhat noisily and the others
followed suit.
“Got to go along,” he said hurriedly. “Change Kewpie’s feet—
shoes, I mean. Might take cold. See you in the morning, folks.”
Laurie made his escape, followed by the others, sighing relief.
Outside on the bricks, Kewpie’s shoes squished beautifully, but
Kewpie was frowning. “I like the old soul,” he announced, “but, say,
she’s awful leaky around the eyes!”
“So you’d be if you were seventy years old and folks were—were
kind to you and—and all that sort of thing,” replied Laurie gruffly and
vaguely. “Folks get that way when they’re old; sort of grateful and
tearful. They can’t help it, I guess!”

Jerry John Rawlings Leadership and Legacy A Pan African Perspective Felix Kumah Abiwu Full Chapter

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Jerry John Rawlings Leadership and Legacy A Pan African Perspective Felix Kumah Abiwu Full Chapter

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Jerry John Rawlings: Leadership and

Legacy: A Pan-African Perspective

Jerry John Rawlings

ISBN 978-3-031-14666-4 ISBN 978-3-031-14667-1 (eBook)

Ghana’s admiration today in the international community as one of Africa’s stable

Kent, OH, USA Felix Kumah-Abiwu

The process of writing an important/timely book of this nature can be challenging,

In Chap. 3, “One-Party and Military Dictatorship in Africa,” Samuel Kofi Darkwa

concentrated on building and increasing state capacities or measuring state outputs

continental Africans, and African diasporans, through the development of heritage

Part I Governance and Leadership in Africa

Part II Jerry John Rawlings and Ghana’s Political Landscape

9 Trajectories and Contrasts of Policymaking

Part III A Pan-African Perspective of Jerry Rawlings

Fig. 1.1 Leadership-institutions-development nexus.

Fig. 18.5 Historical prices of copper/MT (US $), 1961–1976.

Table 5.1 Number of Military Coups (successful and attempted)

Felix Kumah-Abiwu is an Associate Professor in the Department of Africana

Sabella Ogbobode Abidde is Professor of Political Science and a member of the

Emmanuel Adugu PhD is a Research Methodologist and Lecturer in the

James Korku Agbodzakey is Associate Professor of Public Leadership and the

Eunice Annan-Aggrey is a PhD Candidate in the Department of Geography and

Kwame Badu Antwi-Boasiako PhD, is a journalist by profession, a former broad-

Godwin Arku is a Professor in the Department of Geography at the University of

Peter Arthur is Associate Professor of Political Science and International

Timothy A. Balag’kutu is a Lecturer at the Centre for Peace and Security

Elmond Bandauko is a PhD Candidate and SSHRC Vanier Scholar in the

Kwame Boafo-Arthur is a Professor in the Department of Political Science at the

Richmond Danso received his PhD in International Relations and American

Washington University. His writings have appeared in Bertelsmann Foundation’s

Samuel Kofi Darkwa is the Director of Governance and Administration at the

Cindy Pressley Davis PhD, is Associate Professor of Public Administration and

Rachel Ama Asaa Engmann is an Associate Professor and Director of the

Rosina Foli is a Senior Lecturer in the Political Science Department of the

and poverty reduction in sub-Saharan Africa, ideational factors in policy making,

Maame Adwoa Gyekye-Jandoh is a Senior Lecturer and former head of the

Michael Kpessa-Whyte is a Political Scientist by profession. He holds a PhD

Senanu Kwasi Kutor is a PhD Candidate in the Department of Geography and

Chali Nondo is Associate Professor of Economics and Chair of the Business

Olusoji A. Odeyemi teaches in the Department of Political Science at Upland

Peter Otiato Ojiambo is an Associate Professor, Department of African and

Rodney Worrell is a Lecturer and the Coordinator of Caribbean Civilization in the

Ivy-Chara Owusuaa Yeboah is a Graduate Teaching and Research Assistant at

ACEP African Centre for Energy Policy

DWM December 31st Women’s Movement

NCD National Commission on Democracy

VOIP Voice Over Internet Protocol

Eunice Annan-Aggrey, Senanu Kwasi Kutor, Elmond Bandauko,

Africa’s socio-economic development in relation to other parts of the world is a

E. Annan-Aggrey (*) · S. K. Kutor · E. Bandauko · G. Arku

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature 3

experience underdevelopment with political instability, institutional fragility and

 npacking the Leadership-Institutions-Development Nexus:

The nexus between leadership, institutions and development is well acknowledged

Fig. 1.1 Leadership-institutions-development nexus. (Source: Figure designed by authors with

 eadership, Institutions and Development in Africa:

 awlings’ Ideologies and Implications for Governance

A political ideology refers to traditions, beliefs and philosophies of political parties

The principles of probity, accountability, integrity, and transparency also anchored

integrity incentivizes corruption to flourish in any society, including a democratic

T hey did, even Ned allowing that, if certain obstacles already

T here seemed nothing for it but to take Kewpie into their

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Kent, OH, USA Felix Kumah-Abiwu

Part I Governance and Leadership in Africa

Part II Jerry John Rawlings and Ghana’s Political Landscape

9 Trajectories and Contrasts of Policymaking

Part III A Pan-African Perspective of Jerry Rawlings

npacking the Leadership-Institutions-Development Nexus:

eadership, Institutions and Development in Africa:

awlings’ Ideologies and Implications for Governance