Department of the Classics, Harvard University

The Younger Pliny's Debt to Moral Philosophy

Author(s): Miriam Griffin
Source: Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, Vol. 103 (2007), pp. 451-481
Published by: Department of the Classics, Harvard University
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/30032231
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 THE YOUNGERPLINY'S DEBT
TO MORALPHILOSOPHY*
MIRIAMGRIFFIN

HOW AREWE EVERTO UNDERSTAND thecontribution madebyphilosophy

to the intellectualequipmentofeducatedRomansin general?
Clearlywemuststartbyextending ourstudiesbeyond thosewhowrote
avowedly philosophical worksin Latin,likeLucretius, Cicero,Varro,
andSeneca,orwhoovertly adheredtoa particular school,likeAtticus,
or whoofferexplicitcomments on thetenetsofparticular schools,
likeHorace.We mustmapthementallandscapeofthosewhomake
use ofandrecognizephilosophical languageandpatterns ofthought,
consciously orat leastsemi-consciously, without regarding themselves
as adherents ofa schoolor as purveyors ofitsdoctrines. Thetaskis
difficult.
It meanstrying to drawa linebetweentheordinary fruits
of
a rhetoricaleducationinRome,wheredeclamation madeuse ofphilo-
sophicalcommonplaces, andsomedeeper, clearerawareness orperme-
ationofphilosophical ideasandstylesofargument.
Lettersare a particularly helpfulgenreinthisrespect, becausethe
writerwillspeakdifferently to differentcorrespondents according
to his assessmentof theirphilosophicalsophistication. Lettersto
the moresophisticatedthusenableus sometimes to observehim
consciously writing ina philosophical vein.Atthesametime,because
wecanassumethatheintends hisphilosophicalknowledge toberecog-
nizedbyhis correspondent, he revealsto us thatthereare othersin
hisgeneration ableto operatecomfortably inthatvein;ifhe publishes
lettersofphilosophical resonancefora widerreadership, he suggests

*An earlierversionofthispaperwasdeliveredas theLoebLectureat Harvard

in
of2000.I amgrateful
February totheanonymousreaderforHSCPforhelpfulsuggestions
andtothelatePeterBrunt greatly
whosescepticism improvedthefirst
draft.

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452 MiriamGriffin

thathisfamiliaritywithphilosophical vocabularyandargumentation
is notuncommon amongtheeducated.Forthesereasonsalonethe
youngerPliny, a prolific
letterwriterwhooffered a collectionofhis
lettersto thereadingpublic,is a naturalcandidateforsucha study.
Evenifweassumethat,contrary toPliny'sopeningprotestation,many
orevenalloftheletters werespeciallycomposedforpublication,1 they
wouldretaintheirvalueas evidenceforphilosophical knowledge at
Rome,fortheywereaddressed to namedcontemporaries whosetastes
wereknown tothereading public,andtheywerealsomeanttosucceed
withthatpublic.In factPlinyis particularly
helpful
becausehe makes
the philosophicalinspirationofmanyofhis ideas quiteexplicit.He
hadindeedgoodreasontodo so during thereignsofNervaandTrajan
whentheletters werewritten andpublished.

PLINY ON PHILOSOPHERSAND PHILOSOPHY

Atthedateoftheearliest inourcollection,
letters justafterthemurder
oftheEmperor Domitianin September of96 andearlyin thereignof
Nerva,Plinywasa seniorsenator,andthereweregoodnon-philosoph-
icalreasonsforPlinytoemphasize hisacquaintancewithphilosophers,
as he does,forexample,in 1.5; 1.10;2.18;3.11;9.13.Those philosophers
andsenatorialdevoteesofphilosophywhohadbeenexiledfrom Rome
bythetyrant somethreeyearsbeforehadjust beenrecalledto Rome
withgreat6clat,andNervamadehisownpositionevenclearerwhen
he invited
DioChrysostom, on hisreturn
fromexile,to visitRome(Or.
41.7;44.12;45.2)andJuniusMauricusto dinewithhim(PlinyEp.4.22.1).
Whentheletterswerepublished underTrajan,thesamelinewouldstill
correct":
havebeen"politically joinedtheemperor's
Mauricus consilium
andTrajaniscreditedwithsayingtoDioChrysostom, whomheallowed
toaccompany himinhistriumphal "I do notunderstand
chariot, what
youaresaying,butI loveyouas myself"
(Philostr. It
VA488). wasunder
1 Henderson "So theLettersputoutthattheyare to be receivedas (if
2002b:21,
theyare)re-cycledactualcorrespondence,sampledbutnotrigged;butno readers(are
supposedto)takethisbait:itissurely
a prefatorial towards
gesture ."Most
informality..
assumethatsomeofthepublished
scholars inBooks1-9are"realletters"
letters revised
andrewritten.See,forexampleHoffer oneoftheworksthatledthewaytothe
1999:9,
literary
current approachtakenbyanglophone toPliny.
scholarship

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 TheYounger DebttoMoralPhilosophy
Pliny's 453

NervaorTrajanthatphilosophers wereat lastaccordedvariousprivi-

legesand immunities hithertograntedto teachersof rhetoricand
literature andtodoctors-clearly a recognitionoftheirpositivecontri-
butionto society.2Thephilosophical persecution thathadstarted with
Nerowasover!
In Letter 3.11,Plinynamesall sevenofthesenatorial Domitianic
victims of93,callsthem hisamici and saysthat he himselfwasinserious
dangerwhentheywerekilledorexiledin 93 (2-3).InJanuary of97,a
letter(1.5.10)showshimeagerly awaiting thereturn from exileofJunius
Mauricus andrejecting theapproaches ofthefrightened informer who
had led the attackon Mauricus'brother, Arulenus and
Rusticus, on
Herennius Senecio.Thesetwohadbeenputto deathbyDomitian for
writing eulogisticbiographies oftheNeronian victims ThraseaPaetus
andHelvidiusPriscus(Agric. 2.1).Thegrouphad an intellectual pedi-
gree reaching back to Nero.RonaldSymenotedthat "Plinywent out
ofhiswayto advertise eagerconcern forthesurviving members ofthe
group, especially Theothersurviving
theladies."3 members ofthegroup
besidesMauricuswereindeedladies.Therewastheshadowy Gratilla,4
apparently thewifeofRusticus; therewereArriaandFannia,thewife
anddaughter ofThraseaPaetus(3.11.3)-"this tediouspair,"as Sherwin-
Whitecalledthem.5 FanniahadalsobeenthewifeofHelvidius Priscus
whohad been expelledfromRomeunderNeroand latermartyred
underVespasian; shewasalsothestepmother oftheyounger Helvidius
Priscus,thethirdoftheDomitianic martyrsinPliny'slist.
Plinyclaimsan earlyconnectionwiththe group(1.14.1).The
requests from JuniusMauricus thatPlinymentions intheearlyletters
makeitdifficult to doubthisclaimthatArulenus Rusticus hadbeenan
influence on himinyouth(1.14.1),forMauricus asksforPliny'shelpin
finding a suitableteacherforthesonofhismartyred brother Rusticus

2 Plin.Ep.10.58.1utphilosophus
showsthattheimmunity
from
juryserviceenjoyed
by
FlaviusArchippuswas claimedqua philosopher,
whereasFIRA1, nos. 73, 77 = MW458,a
decreeof75,showsthatVespasian didnotincludephilosophers privileges
ingranting to
grammarians, anddoctors
rhetors as teachers tosociety.
useful SeeGriffin
1989:21-22.
3 Syme Shelton
1991:608. 1987analyzes bywhich
thetechniques Pliny
in3.11contrives
a notunheroicpictureofhisconduct in93.
seeBirley
4 Forheridentity, 2000:99.
5 Sherwin-white1966:243.

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454 MiriamGriffin

(2.18) and a suitable husband forhis daughter (1.14). And Rusticus

himself,inthetimeofDomitian, had askedPlinyto supportsomeone
ina legalcase (1.5.5).Inhisletterto Mauricusrecommending a bride-
groomfrom BrixiainCisalpine Gaulforthedaughter ofRusticus,
Pliny,
a nativeofComum, speaksofnostra Italiaandremarks
ontheverecundia,
andevenancientrusticvirtueofthatareaofnorthern
frugalitas, Italy
(1.14.4),therebyassociatinghimselfin originand virtuewiththe
martyr's family.
Pliny'sfirstpublishedworkconsistedof his speechesAvenging
Helvidius an attackon PubliciusCertus,
Priscus, whohadbeenrespon-
sible forthe convictionof the youngerHelvidiusPriscusunder
Domitian(Epp.9.13.1;14; 24; 4.21.3;7.30.4-5).The attackhad come to
nothingas Nervawouldnotendorseit,fearing a generalwitch-hunt;he
preferredmoresymbolic gestures,emphasizing, thedangers
likePliny,
he hadpersonally experienced underDomitian through hisfriendship
withthegroup.6
In Letter1.10describing theperiodafterthereturnoftheexiles,
Plinycelebrates thephilosopher Euphrates: "IfRomehas evergiven
a hometo theliberalarts, they can be said to flourishtheretoday;
fromamongthemanydistinguished examples,I needonlynamethe
philosopher Euphrates" (1-2),and he bemoans(10) hisdutiesat the
statetreasury whichprevent himfromattending Euphrates'
lectures,
urginghiscorrespondent "tohandyourself over to himforfiling
down
and polishing up"(11).7Plinyis keento emphasizeherethathisown
interest
inphilosophy wasalreadymanifest in hisyouthwhenhe was
servingas a militarytribune in Syria(ca. 81/2)someseventeen years
before."
Therehe metEuphrates, who thought him promising(1.10.3).
Euphrates was nowteachingin Rome,and Plinysaysthathe under-
standshis virtuesevenmorenow,thoughitwouldtakeone sapiens
(WiseMan)to understand anotherone fully(4). In theletteralready
mentioned about theDomitianic victims(3.11),Plinyintroduces us to
anotherphilosopher calledArtemidorus, whohadbeenexiledat that

6 Philostr.VA7.8;11,cf.Plin.Ep.7.33.9.
7 illiteexpoliendum
limandumque permittas,
as translatedbyHenderson2002b:11.On this
passage,see also Hoffer1999:129,140.
8 Birley
2000:7.

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 TheYounger DebttoMoralPhilosophy
Pliny's 455

time,as mayalsobe trueofEuphrates. InthecaseofArtemidorus, Pliny

claimsnotonlyto haveadmiredhiminyouth(5),butto havehelped
himlaterwithmoneywhenhewasindanger(2).Plinystatesthateven
inyouthhe realizedArtemidorus wasa sapiens,
oras closeto a sapiens
as itis possibleto be (5),andhe emphasizes(7) thatArtemidorus was
chosenas a son-in-law byMusoniusRufus himself,a philosopher who
hadbeenexiledbyNeroas partoftheso-calledStoicOpposition and
whohadlinkswiththeDomitianic victims.
Euphrates hadbeena pupil
ofMusoniusRufus(FrontoAdM.Ant.Imp.I = p135.3van den Hout2),so
in hislettersaboutthesetwophilosophers,
Plinyis establishing, that
he was connected,notonlywiththeexiledsenators, butwiththeir
philosophicalmentors.In fact,intheArtemidorus
letter,
Plinyhimself
claimshimself tohavelovedandrevered MusoniusRufus"as faras our
ages permitted"(3.11.5).9

THE NATUREOF PLINY'S PHILOSOPHICALEDUCATION

DidPlinyhimselfhaveformal philosophical FromthisLetter
training?
3.11Guillemininferred thathe had studiedphilosophy withMuso-
niusRufus,10 it
though is hard to thinkhe wouldnot havemadethis
claimifhe could.In fact,Pliny,bornin 61/2,can onlyhavebeenold
enoughto forma connection withMusonius inRomeafterthephilos-
opher'sreturnunderTitusfromhissecondperiodofexile,"11 andthat
was shortlybeforePlinywas leavingforSyriaca. 81/2.However,it is
possiblethatPlinydidhavesomephilosophicaltraininginyouth.Pliny
certainlyimpliesthathe hadheardEuphrates in disputation
(1.10.5),
probably alreadyin Syriawherehe was servingas a military
tribune,
andhe couldhaveincludedphilosophy inhisgeneraleducation, like
Tacitus'father-in-law
Agricola 4) orhisfriend
(Agric. MiniciusFundanus
(Ep.7.12,cf.5.16.8).12

9 quantumlicitum est peraetatem.Hoffer 1999:130notesthatthebackground to Ep.

1.10is the recallof the exiles but thinksthatPliny,hereand in Ep.3.11,plays downthe
connectionofthesenatorialvictims,
andofMusonius,withphilosophy
to emphasize
toGreekprofessional
theirsuperiority philosophers.
10 Guillemin1943:viii-ix.
11 Perhapsin79 (PIR2M753).
12 SeeSyme1991:605
ontheidentity
oftheaddressee
andhisinterests.

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456 Miriam
Griffin

Plinyhimselfindicatesthathe had read somephilosophy (Epp.

Thatis notsurprising,
7.26.4;8.9.2;8.19.1).13 giventhathisteacherof
rhetoric,Quintilian(Epp.2.14.9; 6.6.3), recommendedstronglyto his
pupils(10.1.35)
thereading writers
ofphilosophical whosepreceptsare
nobleandwhosestyleis eloquent(12.2.27).Quintilian
showshimself
conversant with the works of Chrysippus(SVF 3.734-737), which
thefirst
satisfy thoughnotthesecond.Among
criterion Greekphiloso-
phers admiredfortheireloquence (10.1.81-84),he recommendsPlato
aboveall,andPlinyhimself usesPlatoas a standardofphilosophical
eloquenceinpraising Euphrates (Ep.1.10.5)andcouldquotethePhaedo
in Greek(4.25.5).In Latin,we can be confidentthatPlinyhadreadat
least someofCicero'sphilosophical works:he admiresCicero,and
Quintilianspecificallyrecommends them(10.1.123).Plinyalsoquotes
famousphraseon thepoverty
Lucretius' oftheLatinlanguage, "patrii
sermonis egestas"(4.18.1).He had almostcertainly readSenecatoo,
thoughQuintilian disapproved ofhisstyle(10.1.125).
ForoneofPliny's
Letters hisownletterswithphilosophical
contrasts letters(9.2.3),of
whichtheLetters toLuciliuswerethemostfamous,andplausibleallu-
sionstoSeneca'sworksinPliny'scorrespondence havebeenadduced.14
too is heavilyindebtedto Seneca's De Clementia.'5
The Panegyricus

THE ROLEOF PHILOSOPHY IN LIFE

Enoughhas beensaidto showthat,in Pliny'scase,theacquaintance
withphilosophy andphilosophersthatitwas so opportuneto parade
underNervaand Trajan,was genuineand indeedoflong-standing.
Whatconception didPlinyhaveoftherolethatphilosophyshouldplay
life?
inpractical
Quintiliancomplained thatcurrentphilosophers did notliveby
theirpreceptslikephilosophers
ofold,a remarkthatmatchedthesenti-

13AsBUitler
1970:28
notes,studiainEp.8.9.2means"philosophicalwritings,"a rareuse
forPliny,
though common inCicero.Moreover, itis difficult
despiteBiitler1970:28n5, to
inviewofPliny'sreference
denythatthestudiaof8.19.1alsoincludesuchliterature, to
consolation
literature
inEp.1.12.13(seebelow,p462).
14Henderson 2002b:119-122.Plinyis carefulto distancehimselffromletterslike
Seneca's at Ep.9.2.2-3(see below,pp468-469).
15 Stinchcomb 1936:165;Durry1938:31-32.

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 TheYounger DebttoMoralPhilosophy
Pliny's 457

mentsofthereigning EmperorDomitian Plin.Ep.

(Quint.1.proem.15;
Likehisteacher,
10.58.6).16 Plinyclearly thattheproperfunc-
thought
tionofphilosopherswasto serveas exempla
ofthevirtues
theypreach
(3.11.6;1.22.5-7).The two he singlesout are describedas performing
thisfunction. Notonlydidtheirpasthistories andtheiraffiliations
thecurrentnotionofpoliticalcorrectness,
fulfill buttheirconduct
accordedwiththeperennialRomanattitudes: Euphrates is seemlyin
appearance, long-haired andbearded, butelegantlyso (Ep.1.10.6).He
is married withchildren an exampleofcivicduty(cf.
(8),thussetting
Ep.4.15.3);he is acceptedas a son-in-law
bya manofhighpositionin
theprovince, thusat homeinhighsociety. He doesnotdespisepublic
service:clearlyno indecorous Cynic.
Heis eloquent,
achieving Platonic
sublimity (5), and his instruction
is humaneand realistic(7): clearly
no pin-pricking Stoic.EpictetusshowsthatEuphrates, at leastat first,
shunnedall theexternalsignsofbeinga philosopher whileactingin
accord with his philosophical teaching(4.8.17-20).'7The portraitof
Artemidorus addsa strainthatremindsus ofEpictetus'
idealCynic:he
is knownforhisphysicalendurance, abstinencefromfoodanddrink,
evenforhis"custodianship oftheeyes"(touse a conventterm).18In
thishe is likeMusoniusRufus,whoaccordedioKrlotq a posi-
and rt6voq
tivevalue,and Seneca and his teacherAttalus,whoabstainedfrom
certainluxuriesand comforts(Ep.108.15-16,23).19
Likehiscontemporary 4),Plinygivesexpression
Tacitus(Agric. to
theRomanviewthatexercising
thevirtueslearnedfromphilosophy

16 ForQuintilian'sconcernto please Domitian,writingas he was duringtheDomitianic

seeWinterbottom
reignofterror, 1964:96.
17Frede1997reviewsall theevidenceandconcludes thatEuphrates wasa respected
exampleoftheStoicismofhistime.Jones2003thinks he maybe Mestrius Euphrates
honored atAthens. Hoffer1999:126-140 analyzes portrait
Pliny's ofa tame
as a depiction
philosopherwhohas soldouthisvaluesandhisself-respect andfindsitironic,
butthe
Romanized portrait seemsto fitPliny'sownideaofwhata philosopher shouldbe (see
below,pp458,475).
18Ep.3.11.6:Mitto,quapatientiacorporis iuxtaetaestates
hiemes utnullis
ferat, laboribus
cedat, inciboinpotuvoluptatibus
utnihil tribuat,
utoculos
animumquecontineat.
19Musonius 6 (p25Hense);7 (pp28-31Hense),cf.Ep.18ontemporary periodsofabsti-
nenceadvocated bySeneca.Ontheattraction thatCynicaioKrjotheldforStoicphilo-
sophersat Rome,whothrough itcouldacquirean airofantiqua see Griffin
virtus, 1996:
201-202.

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458 MiriamGriffin

in practicallifeis superior
to theactivitiesofeventhemostrespect-
ableprofessional philosophers.Plinypraiseshisfriend,
thejuristTitius
Aristo, forcombining hisdevotion to philosophywithpriscafrugalitas
andfullinvolvement inpubliclifeas an advocateandjurist(1.22.5-6).
Andthe professional philosophers ofwhomPlinyapprovesendorse
theseRomanpriorities. Euphrates,trueto histeacherMusonius Rufus
(7,p31Hense),insisted thatthenoblestpartofphilosophy istoputinto
practicewhatthephilosophers teach.He glossedthis,inPliny'scase,
as "to holdpublicoffice,presideat trials,andpassjudgment,expound
and administer
justice"(1.10.10).20
IntheopinionofRonaldSyme,"Theletters ofPlinybetray noinflu-
ence fromanylessonsimparted byEuphratesor byArtemidorus.'21
However, as Euphratessays,philosophy canbe appliedin publiclife,
andwe can infactsee Plinydoingthis.ThusinLetter 1.23he usesthe
Stoicideaofone'spersonaas a determinantofone'sduties,to answera
questionaboutwhether ornotholding theoffice oftribuneoftheplebs
is compatiblewithpleadinginthelawcourts.22He concludes theletter
bysaying that,inimposingononeselfa persona,a WiseManwillchoose
one so suitedto himthathe can carryitthrough (quaesapientiviroita
Theseallusionsto thesapiensand one's persona
aptandaestutperferatur).
at theendoftheLetter,
as wellas Pliny'suse oftheverbdecetat the
beginning,23
pointus towardsthe celebratedStoic doctrineof decorum
and personae,of whichthe cleareststatementis in Cicero'sDe Officiis.
There,undertheheadingofdecorum, Cicerospeaks ofthefourpersonae
distinguishedby Panaetius,the twopersonaefurnished by nature,
humanandindividual,thethirdfurnished bychanceandfortune, and
thefourth persona,
theone we chooseourselves(Off.
1.115-117).Like
Pliny,he makesthepointthatin establishingourwholewayoflife
we shouldchoosecarefully"so thatwe can be constantto ourselves

20 Ep. 1.10.10:agerenegotiumpublicum,
cognoscere
iudicare,
promere etexercere
iustitiam.
21 Syme1991:573.
22 Butler1970:21n3;67 notesthe connectionbetween 1.23 and Cicero'streatmentof
decorumin De Officiis. I agree withRiggsby1998:89that his otherparallels(Epp.6.27;
7.33.5)arenotconvincing.
23 Cf.Horace,Ep. 1.1.11announcinghis (poetic) conversionto philosophy: quidverum
atquedecens.See McGann1969:10-14.

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 TheYounger DebttoMoralPhilosophy
Pliny's 459

(forthewholelengthofourlife),notwavering in anyofourduties"
(1.119).24
Thenreverting to an olderclassification
ofdutiesbysocial
roles(cf.Sen.Ep.94.1;SVF1.351),Ciceronotesthatfora magistrate,
therearecertainofficia
thatgo withthatposition,including
upholding
thedignitas (civitas)one represents(1.124).
and decusofthe community
Plinygivestheseideasan interesting In arguing
application. that
everythingturnson yourconceptionoftheofficeoftribune(1-2),
he manages to suggestthat,evenwithina sociallydefined
role,you can
makea choiceofpersona. Ifyouthinkthat,evenunderthePrincipate,
thetribunate is a seriousoffice(as Plinyclearlydoessincehe heldit),
thenserving as an advocateincourtmight leadyoutoactina wayyou
to
wouldthinkinappropriate theoffice andmoresuitedto a private
citizen:you wouldstandwhenotherswereseated,thoughothers
shouldriseand givewayto a tribune; youwouldhaveyourspeeches
limitedbythewater-clock, though a tribune cannotbeinterrupted and
cansilenceothers; youcould not as a
respond, tribune normally would,
to theappealofeitherpartyin court,byusingyourvetoor rightof
auxilium.Therefore, whenPlinywastribune, he preferred to serveas
tribune toall,thanas advocatetosome(4).
Elsewhere too,whenspeakingofhisliterary activities,he appar-
entlyalludesto the doctrineof decorum. Excusinghimselffornot
following hisunclein writing history, he writes, "Myuncle,whowas
alsomyfather byadoption, wasa historian ofscrupulous accuracy, and
I findinthephilosophers (apudsapientes) thatitis an excellentthing
(honestissimum) to followin thefootsteps ofone's maiores, provided
thattheytrodan honestpath"(5.8.5).25 I believethatRadiceis right
to translateapudsapientes hereas "inthephilosophers," i.e. in their
writings.Ofcourse,Romantradition itselfinsistedon imitation ofthe
but the combinationofsapientesand honestissimum
maiores, here,and
theexpress thathisunclereally
statement countsas hisfather,
seemsto
be a reminiscence
ofwhatCicerowroteinthesamesectionofDeOfficiis

24 utconstare
inperpetuitate
vitaepossimusnobismet
ipsisnecinulloofficio
claudicare.
from
Translations arefrom
DeOfficiis andAtkins
Griffin 1991.
meusidemque
25 Avunculus peradoptionem paterhistorias
etquidem scripsit.
religiosissime
Invenioautemapudsapientes
honestissimum essemaiorumvestigia si modorecto
sequi, itinere
praecesserint.

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460 MiriamGriffin

aboutthefourth
persona:
"Thosewhosefathers or ancestors aut
(patres
wonglorybyoutstanding
maiores) performance in a particular
field
generally to excelling
devotethemselves inthesamewaythemselves"
(off1.116).26
Plinyis even moreexplicitabout the relevanceof philosoph-
ical doctrine tojustconduct. Letter8.2 is aboutjusticeinprivatelife.
Guillemin says ofthis letter
in her editionthatmorethananyother,
it showstheinfluence ofStoicismon Pliny.27 The subjectis a grape
harvest forwhichvariousdealershadagreedto paya goodprice,and
whichthenfailed.Rather thanjust makethesamerebatetothemall,
Pliny decidedon an elaborate
schemeofproportional justice.He starts
hisexplanation (2) bysayinghowimportant he thinksitis "topractise
justiceinprivateas inpubliclife,in smallmattersas ingreat,andto
applyittoone'sownaffairs nolessthantootherpeople's.Forifallsins
areequal,thenso areall merits."28 Thislast,an unambiguous allusion
to Stoicdoctrine, he proceedsto followup byexplaining howprop-
erlyhebehavedinthisminormatter. Havingdecidedthatto treatall
thedealersequallywasnotin factaequum(2), he decidedto be more
generousto thosewhohad donehima greaterservicebyinvesting
largesums(3-4),orbyshowing morefidesand payingup in advance
(6).Thiswasto expressgratitude "according to eachone'sdesert"(pro
cuiusquemeritogratia,7) and to treat people "in proportionto their
honestworth"(quantoquismelior etprobior,
8).
WhatPlinyhadinmindwastheStoicconception ofjustice,taken
overfrom as practical
Aristotle, wisdomin thingsto be assigned(SVF
1.200),morespecifically,
a distribution
toeachofwhatwasaccording to
hisdesert(Kaz' &fiav:SVF3.263;3.280,3.DiogenesofBabylon47;dignum:
Ofcourse,as Plinyadmits,
Cic.Rep.3.18).29 hiscareful also
calculations

26 Quorum veropatresaut maiores

aliquagloriapraestiterunt,
ii student
plerumque
eodemin
generelaudisexcellere.
27 Guillemin
1959:3n1:
"Cettelettre
etsurtout
la findu §2 denoteplusqu'aucuneautre
dustoi'cisme
uneinfluence surPline."
28 utinmagnis itainparvis,
utinalienisitainsuisagitareiustitiam.
Namsipariapeccata,pares
etiamlaudes.
29 See also Musonius8 (Hensep33) and Sen. Ep.81.7.As pointedoutbySorabji1993:142-
143,Stoicjusticeconsiders
desertanddesertis connectedwithmeritandappropriate-
ness,notrights InEp.9.5Pliny,
orentitlement. inadvising whowasgoverning
a friend a

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 TheYounger
Pliny's
DebttoMoralPhilosophy 461

businessacumen:theybrought
sprangfrom himgoodwillandgavean
incentiveto the dealersto payup promptly
in future(Ep.8.2.7-8).
One importantcontribution thatphilosophyhas alwaysbeen
expectedto maketo humanlifeis helpingmento deal rationally
withdeath.Plinyalludesfrequently to thisservice.HisLetters show
the contributionofphilosophy to decisionsaboutsuicide,ensuring
thatreasongovernsboththe decisionand the performance ofthe
act. WhetherEuphrateshad deliveredlectureson the subject,and
whether, ifhe did,Plinyhad heardthem,we cannotknow,butit is
notunlikely,forin 119,whenPlinywaslongdead,Euphrates himself
committed suicide:he persuadedtheEmperor Hadrianto allowhim
to drinkhemlocka la Socrates,urging theorthodox Stoicgrounds of
extreme ageandillnessandarguing hiscaserationally,as a goodStoic
should(DioCass.69.8.3).3o
In anycase,Plinyrecordsthesuicideofhis
ownpoliticalmentor, thesenatorCorelliusRufus,inappropriate philo-
sophicalterms.Atan advancedage,Corellius decidedto putan endto
hissufferingsfromgoutbyvoluntary starvation(Ep.1.12).Plinywrites
thathe wasled to hisdecisionby"thesupremacy ofreasonwhichis
equivalentto necessityforWise Men" (summaratioquaesapientibus
pro
est,3),andhe setsouta calculation
necessitate ofadvantages anddisad-
vantagesin Corellius'situation.Thisis a clearallusionto the Stoic
theoryofsuicide,accordingto whichthedecisionis to be madein
accordance notofthegoodthingsandbadthings
witha calculation, in
one'slife(becauseonlyvirtueandviceweregoodandbadandevery-
thingelse "indifferent"),
butofthe"positiveindifferents,' lifeitself
beingno morethana "positiveindifferent.""' Corellius'reasonsfor
living,suchas family,friends,andgoodrepute,wereoutweighed by

province, justicebyobserving
urgeshimtopractice ofrankanddignitas.
distinctions The
Stoicswouldnothavelikedhisequationofbeingdignus (worthy)
withsocialdignitas,
butinthisPlinywasnotuntrueto theoriginal conception
Aristotelian ofdistributive
justice,whichoffered ofsnobbishness.
an easyjustification ofoligarchy,"
"Supporters
saysAristotle(NE5.3.1131a26-28),"identify
merit,forpurposesofdistributive
justice,as
ornoblebirth."
wealth
30 The use ofhemlockalso recallsthe StoicsuicideofSeneca halfa centurybefore(Tac.
ForJones2003thePlatonicechomayidentify
Ann.15.64.3). withthebearded
Euphrates
ofPlut.Mor.710B-713F
Stoicsophist
31 See Longand Sedley1987:1.428-429;Griffin
1986:64-77;192-202.

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462 MiriamGriffin

thesufferingscausedbyhisprogressive disease.He hadlistened tothe

pleasofhisfamily,buthisdecisionwasunshaken.
Thenagain,Plinyrecounts howTitiusAristo, whowasalso facing
painfulillness,decidednotto commitsuicideafterrationally consid-
eringtheprosandconsofhissituation. Ofhisdetermination to rest
hisdecisionon theassessment byhisdoctorsofhischancesofrecov-
ering,Plinywrites"Manypeoplehavehisimpulse(impetus) andurge
(instinctus)
toforestall
death, todeliberate
buttheability andtoexamine
thearguments fordyingas reasonurges,and to acceptor rejectthe
idea oflivingor not,is themarkofa trulygreatmind"(1.22.10).32 By
thetimePliny's readers cametohisaccountofSiliusItalicus'voluntary
deathfromstarvation inEp.3.7,theyneededonlya fewverbalhints
to signala philosophical death(cf.possibly,
Epict.3.8.7):"he headed
straightfordeath,fixedin his resolve"(ad mortem
irrevocabili
constantia
decucurrit).33

PLINY'S CRITCISMSOF PHILOSOPHICALETHICS

YetPlinyis sometimescriticalofphilosophicalethics.He saysthathe

consultedconsolationliteraturewhentrying to acceptthesuicideof
Corellius
Rufus,butclaimsto havefailedand asksforfresharguments
againstgrief(1.12.13).He also recordshow one ofhis mostphilo-
sophicalcorrespondents sought,butfailedto find,solacein bereave-
mentfrom whathehadheardandwhathe hadtaught himself (5.16.8).
The manis MiniciusFundanusfromTicinum,one ofPliny'sfriends
fromtheregionofhishometownofComum.He hadlosthisyounger
daughter whowasnotyetfourteen, accordingto Pliny.Miniciusand

32 impetu quodamet instinctu

procurreread mortem commune cummultis, deliberare
vero
et causaseiusexpendere,
utquesuaseritratio,vitaemortisque
consilium velponere
velsuscipere
ingentisestanimi.
33Theidentification
ofthesuicideas philosophical
doesnotdependon assuming that
"Italicus"' Romanin Epictetus
thephilosophical as assumedby
3.8.7,is SiliusItalicus,
Sherwin-White Ontheimportance
1966:227. inCicero's
ofconstantia Romanized Stoicism
see Dyck1996:199,213;it is principallyseen in controlofthe emotionsand
in De Officiis,
ofdemeanor,
consistency hereinthefaceofdeath,butinOff1.112, whereitisattributed
inthecontext
toCatoUticensis inone'swayoflife,
ofsuicide,itrelatesto consistency
notperhaps
so relevant
toSilius.

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 TheYounger
Pliny's
DebttoMoralPhilosophy 463

hisdaughter MiniciaMarcellaarealsoknownfrominscriptions. They

confirm thatthefatherwas,as PlinymakesclearintheLetters (4.15;
6.6),a consularofgreatauthority,
andtheyshowthathisdaughter died
young, notyetthirteeninfact(CIL6.19931).34
PlinysaysofMinicius
that
he was erudituset sapiens(5.16.8,cf. 4.15.9),familiarfromyouthwith
elevatedstudies(altiora a phraseTacitususesofthephilosoph-
studia),
icalpursuits of the Stoicdevotee HelvidiusPriscus(Hist.4.5.1).35
What
PlinysayshereofMinicius' andofhisemotional
interests
philosophical
natureis confirmed andaugmented byPlutarch,whoyearsbefore, in
the90s(bothofMinicius' daughters andhiswifewerealive),36hadmade
himtheprincipal speakerin a dialogueon thecontrol ofthepassions,
notgrief, buttherelatedandcomplexoneofanger(Mor.462F-463A).
ThereMiniciusspeakswithrespectofhis StoicteacherMusonius
Rufus(453D),37 and dilateson thedifficultyofacceptinghelp,either
harshadmonition or gentleexhortation,whenintheimmediate grip
ofa passion,angerbeingparticularly intractable(453E-454B). Pliny's
picture ofhimis inaccordwiththis.
The factthatMiniciusfindsphilosophical consolation unhelpful
in hispresentsorrowclearlyevokesPliny'ssympathy, notcensure.
Plinysaysto his addressee,"Youwillforgive and evenadmirehim,
ifyouthinkwhathe has lost... Ifyouwriteanything to himabout
hiseminently justifiedgrief,remember notto offeranycrudeform
ofconsolation suggestive ofreproof,butgentleandhumanesolace"38
This is nottheonly occasion whichPlinyindicates
on thathisownway
ofhandling ethicalproblems is morerealistic
andhumane, lessuncom-

34 Bodel 1995 suggeststhatPlinywas stressingher proximity to the next stage oflife

as calculatedin sevens,i.e. adolescence,in keepingwiththereportthatshe was soon to
marry:he makesthe conventionalbut movingpointthatherweddingwas replacedby
herfuneral.
35 See Syme1991:606.
36 The date ofPlutarch'sDe Cohibenda Irawas establishedas betweenAD 93 and 100by
Jones1966:61-62.
37 His Stoicinclinationsmayalso showin his citationofa sayingof Seneca, unique in
Plutarch'scorpus(461F).
38 Ep.5.16.9-10:Ignosces,
laudabisetiam, quidamiserit...Proinde
si cogitaveris si quasad eum
de doloretamiustolitterasmittes,memento adhibere solaciumnonquasicastigatorium et nimis
sedmolleethumanum.
forte,

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464 MiriamGriffin

promising,thanwhatphilosophersrecommend. Thisbynomeanscasts
doubtonPliny'sdebttophilosophy,because,as weshallsee,themoral
philosophersthemselvessaidsimilar
things.
As regardsMiniciusFundanus,Pliny,afterrecommending gentle
andhumanesolace,whichtimewillrenderacceptable to him,goeson
to comparefreshgriefto a rawwound(crudum vulnus),
whichat first
rejects the remedyit later welcomes (5.16.11). In his commentary,
Sherwin-White contrastsSeneca'sLetter 99inwhichSeneca"wroteina
roughfashion abouta friend mourning a lostchild,withphilosophical
YetSenecahimself,
self-satisfaction."39 at thestartofthatletter,
care-
that the
fullyexplains he is notfollowing usual custom of handlingthe
bereavedgently:he has resortedto scoldingbecauseinthiscasehis
friendhasgoneon toolongand deliberately prolonged hisgrief(Ep.
99.1-2),andSenecacarefully distinguishes betweenthefirstonslaught
ofinvoluntary griefand the voluntary tearswe shed when we begin
to enjoygrieving(18-19).Itis clearthatSeneca,likePliny,wouldtreat
freshwoundsmoregently, as indeedhe does in Letter 63,consoling
Luciliuson thelossofa friend: "Letnottheeyesbe drynorletthem
overflow."Asfor Pliny'scomparison withfreshwoundsthatmustbe
leftfreeoftreatment altogether, thatpreciseanalogyis infactattrib-
utedtoChrysippus byCicero(Tusc.4.63,cf.SVF3.474[Origen]). Finally
we findspelledoutbySenecahimself whatPlinyimpliesin speaking
of"anycrudeform ofconsolation suggestiveofreproof,"namelythat
philosophers can be too harshin offering consolation.Writing to
consolePolybiusonthedeathofhisbrother, Senecasays:
Naturedemands something us;moreis addedbyvanity.
from
I wouldneveraskofyouthatyou shouldnotmournat all.
I knowthatonecanfindmenwhoseprudentia is ofa harsh
ratherthana bravekind,
whosay thatthesapienswillnot
grieve:theyseemto me neverto have experiencedany
mishapofthiskind.Otherwisefortune
wouldhavebeaten

39Sherwin-white 1966:348.
Or,as Henderson
2002b:119
putsit,"Senecathesenex
cared
forhisreaders,too,outto curethemfromhumancareswithcoldturkey treatment;
whereasin niceDrPliny'shands,re-hab.meansgentling
everyone downwithvariety,
empathyandloving miniaturism."

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 TheYounger DebttoMoralPhilosophy
Pliny's 465

outofthemthatproudsapientia andhavecompelled them,

evenagainsttheirwill,to admitthetruth.
Reasonwillhave
offeredenough,ifit removesfromgriefwhateveris super-
fluousandexcessive.40
OnesuspectsthatPlinyis in factimitating thephilosophers and,like
them,makinggoodadvertising copybycomparing hisownteaching
withextreme whicharelargely
doctrines, doctrinesofstraw.
8.16Plinyuses languageas explicitas Seneca'sherein
In Letter
condemning the unnaturalteachingofphilosophers. He defendsas
humanethegriefhe feelsat thedeathofhisslaves."I am awarethat
therearethosewhosaytheirdeathis a merefinancial lossandthink
theyaregreatmenand philosophers: whether theyare in factgreat
andphilosophic [or'wise']I cannotsay,buttheyarecertainly notmen"
(3).41 Theharshattitude thatPlinycriticizes andattributes to thesapi-
entesapparently combines theStoicprohibition ongrief(as a passion)42
withthenon-philosophical, certainly ideathata slaveisonly
non-Stoic,
a pieceofproperty, notinvolved inhumanrelations withhismaster.43
Thatidea has lefttracesevenin Seneca,44 thoughhe normally drew
fromtheStoicnotionthatall menareequalbynature, humanitarian
conclusionsaboutslaves,likethoseofPliny.Plinyalso claims(1-2)
exceptional forallowinghisslavesto makewills,as partof
humanitas
hisconception ofthehousehold as a miniature
respublica,
whereslaves
havethekindofprivileges thatcitizenshaveintherealrespublica. In
fact,theideaofthedomus as a miniature hadbeendeveloped
respublica
by Seneca in his famousLetter47 (14),and PetroniusmakesTrimalchio,

40 Sen. Polyb.18.4-5: aliquidenima nobisnatura exigit,

plusvanitatecontrahitur.
Numquam
autemegoa te ne ex totomaereasexigam.Et scioinveniri quosdamduraemagisquamfortis
prudentiae viros,qui negentdoliturum essesapientem: hinonvidentur mihiumquamineiusmodi
casumincidisse,alioquiexcussissetillisfortunasuperbam sapientiam etad confessionemeosveri
etiaminvitoscompulisset. ratio,
Satispraestiterit si idunumexdolorequodetsuperest etabundat
exciderit.
41 Necignoro alios eius modicasus nihilampliusvocarequamdamnum, eoquesibimagnos
homines etsapientes videri.Quian magnisapientesque sint,nescio;hominesnonsunt.
42 Thisis &Taitetawhich,along withthe doctrineof the indifferents, formedthebasis
ofStoicconsolation.
43 FortheStoicviewofslaveryand Seneca's,see Griffin 1976[1992]:257-268;458-460.
44 Tranq.11.3;Ben.6.2.3,cf.Cic.Att.1.12.4;Mart.5.37.20.

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466 MiriamGriffin

whohasphilosophicalpretensions,
carryitto ludicrous
lengths inthe
wherethewillsmadebyTrimalchio's
CenaTrimalchionis slavesaltuarii
alongwiththeedictsofthehouseaedilesanddecisions
arerecited, of
thedomesticcourts(53).45
Another ofPliny'simpliedcriticisms
ofphilosophers
concerns the
issue ofgloryand repute,a problemforphilosophers whodespised
thevaluesofordinary menandsoughtto raisetheirsights.So Tacitus
remarks thattheStoicHelvidiusPriscuswas criticized
forbeingtoo
eagerforfame,addingthesourcomment thatthedesireforgloryis
the last passion to be shed even by the Wise Man (Hist.4.5).46Pliny
speaksinLetter ofa personalactofgenerosity
5.1.10-13 thathaseven-
tuallyearnedhimnotjusttherewardofgoodconscience butofgood
nonconscientiae
reputation(fructum modoverumetiamfamae),forthe
recipienthaslefthima legacyandpraisedhisconductinhiswill.Pliny
concludes, "I am notenoughofa philosopher to be quiteindifferent
whether somerecognition anda kindofrewardaccrueto an actionof
minewhichI think virtuous."47
Theimplication hereis thatthe(Stoic)sapiens, or eventheStoic
philosopher, wouldbe indifferent to such recognition. In fact,the
Stoicsweremuchtroubled bythequestion(Sen.Ep.102.8-10). Cicero
tellsus that,whereasearlierStoicsthought E5oifa orbonafamaabso-
lutelyindifferent and notworthextendinga fingerfor,laterStoics
regarded the good reputeconcededbyfriends andrelations andgood
meningeneralas a positiveindifferent (Fin.3.57).Cicero'sfinalword
intheStoic-oriented is thatgoodreputebasedontruevirtue
DeOfficiis
and accordedbygoodmenis ourmostusefulresource(2.43).Pliny's
rewardforvirtuewas thensomethinghe could pursueevenwith
Stoicapproval, provideditwasnothisprimary motive. Indeed,Pliny's
language heremakescontact withthelanguageinwhichSenecahimself
expressesthephilosophy ofbeneficence. Plinyusestheverbaccedere
oftherelationship ofthefructusfamaeto hisconsciousness ofdoinga

45 Fortherealityofsuchinstitutions,
see Griffin
1976(1992): 263-264.
46Biitler
1970:21-22notesthatthethemeofEp.5.5 is "villigunphilosophisch
gedacht"
inthatPliny
findslife'sfulfillment
inposthumousreputation.
47 Nequeenimsumtamsapiensutnihilmeaintersit,
an iisquae honeste
fecisse
mecredo,
testifi-
catioquaedametquasipraemium
accedat.

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 TheYounger DebttoMoralPhilosophy
Pliny's 467

virtuousaction.Similarly,
Senecahadsaidthatthefirst
fructusbeneficii
is conscientia,
butthattherearefurther rewards,
therewardofglory
(fructus
famae)andthegiftsinreturn;a further an
rewardis,however,
totherealreturn,
accessio whichis theproperconferral
ofa beneficium
itself(Ben.2.33.1-3.).48
Thedistance Plinyaimstoestablish
betweenhimselfandthephilos-
ophers is thenlargelyinventedas regardscontent. is
Pliny'scriticism
reallydirectedat a pedagogictechnique usedbymoralphilosophers.
It is Senecahimself who,inthesameworkDeBeneficiis, actuallyspells
outtherationaleforthishyperbolic In thecourseof
styleofteaching.
promoting theideathatwe mustforget thebeneficia
wehavebestowed
butremember onlythosewehavereceived, hesays,
It is a mistaketo supposethat,whenwe saythattheman
whohas givena benefitoughtto forget, we wouldrobhim
ofall memory ofhisact,especially ifitwas a veryhonour-
ableone.Certainthingsweteachinan exaggerated formso
thattheyresultin true
measure.Whenwesay,"Heoughtnot
to remember," we reallymean,"Heoughtnottobroadcast,
norto boast,norto giveoffence" ... It is to quellexcessive
andreproachful memory ofitthatwehavetoldthemanwho
givesto forgetand,bywayofordering morethanhe is able
toaccomplish, wehaveurgedsilence.49
So whatPlinyobjectsto as excessiveharshness
andlackofhumanity
is oftena pedagogicstrategy,
a technique
ofprotreptic,
anddoubtless
recognized bythe audienceas such.DiogenestheCyniclikenedthe

48 Beneficiummihidedit;accepinonaliter,
quamipseaccipivoluit: iamhabet, quodpetit,
etquod
unumpetit, ergogratussum.Posthocususmeirestatetaliquodex homine gratocommodum; hoc
nonimperfecti reliquaparsest,sedperfecti
officii accessio... Sic beneficii
fructusprimusilleest
conscientiae;
huncpercipit,qui,quo voluit,munussuumpertulit; secunduset tertius
estetfamae
eteorum, quaepraestariinvicempossunt.
49 Ben.7.22: Errattamen,si quis existimat,
cumdicimuseum,qui beneficium dedit,oblivisci
oportere,excuterenosillimemoriam reipraesertimhonestissimae; quaedampraecipimus ultra
modum, ut ad verumetsuumredeant.Cumdicimus:"Meminisse nondebet,"hocvolumusintel-
legi:"Praedicarenondebetneciactarenecgravisesse"... ut haecnimiaetexprobratrix memoria
oblivisci
subsideret, eum,qui dedit,iussimus etplusimperando, quampraestari poterat,
silentium
suasimus.

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468 MiriamGriffin

techniquetothewayinwhichtrainers ofthechorussetthenotea little

highso therestwouldhittheright note(Diog.Laert.6.35).Kierkegaard
wasto write,"MostpeoplebelievethattheChristian commandments
a littletoosevere,likeputting
areintentionally theclockaheadhalfan
hourtomakesureofnotbeinglateinthemorning."s0

PLINY'S BRANDOF TEACHING

Plinyis himself and thereis a genuinecontrastbetween

a teacher,
thepedagogic techniques he employsandthosemostcommonly used
in philosophical In
discourse. Letter 3.18.2,discussinghispanegyric
ofTrajan,he contrasts hismodeofinstructing futureEmperors sub
exemplowithreceiving instruction andSherwin-White
a magistro, plau-
siblysuggeststhatthecontrast he makesis withpolitical
philosophy.51
SimilarlyPlinyiscareful
todistinguishhisletters
from atque
scholasticas
litteras(Ep. 9.2.2), like the lettersof Epicurusor,what he
umbraticas
musthavehadparticularly
in mind,thelettersofSenecato Lucilius.
Althoughhe speaks in Letter4.24.7 of teachingvelpraeceptis
velexem-
plisand althoughhislettersare at timesstraightforwardly
didactic,
he usuallyrelieson example,
principallyhisownexample.Ofcourse,
philosopherstoouseexemplainteaching, butPlinyreliesmoreheavily
on thistypeofteaching;andwhereasSenecatoo offers himself
as an
example(Epp.6.5;98.13),itis oftento expose his failures(Epp.63.14-15;
54.7;76.5)and laughat himself(Epp.12; 53.3-5;87.4-5),52whereasPliny
as a positive
on usinghimself
reliesparticularly In facthe
example.53
usuallyteaches byexample,
as he claimedto do in person(Epp.8.23.2-
4; 6.6.5-6)--showing
through ofhis ownpracticehowto
description
entertain(2.6),howto apportionone's time(9.40),howto chooseprop-
erty(4.6),how to enduresickness(7.1.7),or how to cope withdreams
(1.18.5).Thisadviceis particularly
aimedat hisyoungreaders,
justas

50 QuotedbyAuden1970:284.
1966:251.
51 Sherwin-white
52 OnSeneca's
teaching
byexample,seeGriffin 2007bandscholarlyliterature
cited
there.
53ButPliny's
useofhisownmoralizingtoteachhimself inEp.1.8(discussed
below,
isreminiscent
p470-471) ofSeneca
(e.g.Ep.6.4-6).

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 Pliny's
TheYounger DebttoMoralPhilosophy 469

oldermenhadbeenhisteachersandtutors(1.12;4.17;2.1).54 As Paul
Veynewrites, "Pliny's
Letters are,andaremeanttobe,a handbook for
theperfectRomansenator,teachingbyexample.Theyare notonly
autobiographicaltestimony,butarealsointended exem-
tobe didactic,
WemayfeelthatVeyneisbeingovergenerous
plary."55 whenhegoeson,
"which-falsely-makes theirauthorseemhighly pleasedwithhimself."
ForPliny'spresentationofhimself as a positiveexample to imitateis a
high-riskstrategy.Thedidacticuse to whichbothhe and Senecaput
theirlettersalreadyriskscompromising epistolarycharm, for,as the
Greektheorist Demetrius held,a lettershouldbe likea conversation
and"Oneshouldnoturgea wayoflifeon a correspondent, forthatis
notchatting witha friendbutpreaching likea godtoa mortal"(232).
ButSeneca'sdepiction ofhisownmoralweaknesses, andfail-
struggles,
ureshelpstoredeemhislettersandmakehim"blushingly likeable."56

PLINY ON LIBERALITY

One area thatis particularly

promising forseeingthevariousways
in whichtheLetters impartinstructionis theexchange ofbenefits or
favors.Thiswas a topicthathad longattracted a greatdeal ofphilo-
sophicalattention,andphilosophers ofall schoolshadwritten books
TEpiXdptroy.57
Infact,Senecasaysthatitistheprincipal
taskofphiloso-
pherstoinstructus inhowtogiveandreturn beneficia
(Ep.73.9).Pliny's
teachinghereowesa demonstrable debttomoralphilosophy.58
Asusual,Plinyteacheslargelybyexample.Weseethata sizeable
proportionofhiscorrespondence belongstotheformal categoriesof
lettersofrecommendation, andlettersbestowing favors:othersshow

54 Forhisadvocacy
ofsuchmentoring
in general,Epp.8.14.4-6(in person);8.18.12(by
letter).
ss Veyne1990:9.
56 Henderson2004:26on Ep. 12: "The vignetteplaysoffactoragainstwriter,inditing
Senecaforundoingallthoselongyearsofhardwork,
andsogiving
usSenecaathismost
blushingly
likeable.'
57 Inwood1995:241-242.
58Thereaderwillfindsomeoverlap thissection
between oftherela-
andmydiscussion
tionbetween andthecodeexpounded
Pliny'steaching inSeneca'sDeBeneficiis
inGriffin
2003:102-112.

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470 MiriamGriffin

himserving as an intermediary
insecuring IndeedPlinyindi-
beneficia.
cates,as a separatesphereofactivitydistinctfromhispublicaofficia
and hisprivateintellectualpursuits(studia)and businessconcerns,
his amicorum (obligationsto his friends)whichare quasipublica
officia
(Ep.9.37.1),i.e. occupying
an intermediate
positionbetweenpublic
and private(3.5.19;7.15),and have priorityoverthe private(8.9). Like
otherRomans ofhisclass,Plinyiswillingly entangled ina weboffavors
as beneficiary andbenefactor. In Books1-9,thelettershe published
himself,he is teachinghispeers(orpotential peers)howto do it,and
demonstrating howwellhe himself concerned
doesit;he is principally
to demonstrate hisintentions andmethods, nothis material benefac-
tions,forhe evenpublished lettersthatfailedto securetherequests
madeonbehalf ofhisfriends."5
InBook10,inhisletters totheEmperor
Trajan,whichwerenotpublished byhim,he is presenting hisrequests
in a wayhe thinkslikely and his
tosucceed, showing gratitude ina way
he thinks willbuildup creditforfuturefavors. Alltheselettersthus
showustheapproved socialcodeinpractice.
Yet W.V. Harrishas drawnattentionto the problemof distin-
guishing textsthatassertan acceptedsocietalnormfromtextsthat
improve ontheconventional rules.He tendsto takePliny'spublished
lettersas showing "whatwasaspiredto,inhiscircleatleast"oradver-
tisingattitudesthatwerecorrect, "butstillneededtobe asserted."60
Letter butwithpublic
amicorum,
1.8,whichdeals,notwiththe officia
munificenceoreuergetism, is an exampleofteaching vel
velpraeceptis
Plinyishereconsidering
exemplis. whether ornottopublishthespeech
he haddeliveredwhenhe dedicatedthelibrary he builtat Comum, a
speechin which he had promised a furtherbenefaction,the setting
up ofan alimentaryschemeto providefinancial helpfortherearing
ofchildren.Pliny,
in givingtherationaleofhisgenerosity, makesan
comparison
implicit between thehigherstandard ofconduct he strives
and
to exemplify normal social He
practice. starts
by talkingaboutthe
(8) ofdwellingon his munificentiae
value tohimself ratio.He pointsto the
onthisspeechwouldmakehimabsorbandappreciate
factthatworking

59 Syme1960.
60 Harris2001:18,312,314.

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 TheYounger DebttoMoralPhilosophy
Pliny's 471

thevirtuous
sentiments itcontained(8),whichwouldresultin hisnot
as one doesat a suddenimpulsive
regret,
feeling actofgenerosity;in
otherwords,he wouldlearnto giveinaccordance withreason.Cicero
hadcondemned impulsiveindiscriminate
giving(Off.
1.49),andSeneca
in De Beneficiis donatioleads precisely
(4.10.3)pointsout thatinconsulta
to regret(cf.1.1.4).
Plinygoesontosaythathewillalsobetraininghimselfincontempt
ofmoney, becauseloveofliberality
freesonefromthebondsofavarice
(9).Senecatoostresses istheactofgivingwhen
thatthetruebeneficium
Then Pliny
the giverenjoysit and does it freely(Ben.1.6.1;1.5.3fin.).61
pointsoutthatthiskindofmunificence
isallthemorelaudablebecause
it springsfromconsilium, (9 fin.).Hereagainhe is stressing
not impetus
therationality one ofthemainthemesofDeBeneficiis
ofgiving, (1.15;
2.18.2-3).
Plinynext(10) turnsto whathe choosesto give-notgamesand
less popularyetin the public
gladiatorialcontests,but something
i.e. incentivesto rearchildren(12). CiceroinDe Officiis
interest, 2.56had
spokenagainstgivinggamesas a formofliberality,
and,amongPliny's
Plutarch(Mor.821F) and Dio Chrysostom
contemporaries, (Or.66.8-9)
condemnedsuch entertainments. Moregenerally,
Plinyadvocates
givingnecessary,
useful,and enduring things,
ratherthanagreeable
things
thatofferpleasure(10-12),withwhichwecancompareSeneca's
extendedtreatmentin De Beneficiis
1.11-12.2.
Finally,
we find(14) againthethemethatconcerned himinLetter
5.1,thatgloryshouldfollowgenerosity, notbe itsmotivation. Here
he stressesthat,evenifit does notfollow, thedeedis nonethelessa
nobleone.Cicerohadarguedthatliberality motivatedbygloryis more
apparent thanreal(Off. 1.44)andthatenduring reputeonlyadheresto
justconduct (2.71),whileSenecaisparticularlyconcernedinDeBeneficiis
toshowthattoconfer forhuman
is an officium
beneficia beingsandthat
oneshouldgiveas an actofvirtue, nottosecuregain(4.11).WhenPliny
closeshis letter(15) withthe idea thatone canbe blamedforbroad-
castingone'sownbeneficium, he is voicingoneoftheprincipal themes
ofSeneca,"Letthegiverofa benefit holdhistongue" (Ben.2.11.2).

61 Cf.Ep.7.22.3withwhichBitler 1970:126comparesBen.1.7.1.

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472 MiriamGriffin

Allofthis,wemight think,soundsquitebanal.Yetitis thewaythat

Plinyinterweaves hispointsaboutbeneficia withmoregeneralmoral
the
notionsabout control ofavaritia
and thevalueofvirtuous thoughts
thatshowsus thatPlinyis deploying the languageand teachingof
moralphilosophy to endorsea consciouslymoralcode,admiredat his
levelofsociety.Nonetheless,Plinyhas notreallyabandonedhisclaim
toteachmorehumanely thanthephilosophers,
andrealistically forhis
readerswillrecognize thatthepublication ofhisletterperforms just
thatself-praise
thatPlinyclaimsinthisletteris holdingbackthepubli-
cationofhisspeech.62Inthisrespecthe is himself in prac-
illustrating
the
tice ordinary Roman social
code,ratherthan hisown tenetsabout not
pursuingglory andnotpublicizing hisdeeds,whichin5.1he attributed
tothephilosophers.
Attimes, however, Plinyactuallypresentshimselfas advocating an
elevatedidealofthekindSenecapreachesinhishyperbolic, andeven,
paradoxicalvein.ThusinLetter9.30,Plinyexplicitly setsoutsomeof
fortrueliberalitas.
hiscriteria Everything he sayscanbe easilyparal-
or De Beneficiis
leled in DeOfficiis Thus whenin 9.30.1he says
or both.63
thatliberality
shouldbe shownto one'scountry, one's
one'srelatives,
andone'sfriends,
connections, hisordermatchesCicero'sinDeOfficiis
1.58, cf. 1.50,where it is expresslyan order of priority.When Pliny
urgesthatliberality notusedas hooksin
be directedat poorfriends,
fishing
forthosewhocan give in
us most return, thiscoincideswith
the adviceofCicero(Off.1.49;2.61; 69-71),and Seneca,who even uses
the same image(Ben.4.20.3,cf.4.3.1;4.10.5).64 The need to adjustone's
to one'sresources
generosity (cf.Ep.2.4.3)ratherthanfindthemeans
ofhelping
one personbytakingfrom another is another convic-
strong

62 Hoffer1999:110
pointsoutthatit is throughthisletter,morethanthrough the
speech,thatPlinyhopesto immortalizehismunificence, thoughhe perhapsexagger-
aimofimpressing
atesthepolitical theEmperor (94-97).In fact,as suggested
byLeach
1990:28, justraisesthequestionofpublication
Plinyprobably "as an excuseto supple-
mentthecontent ofthespeechbyan exterior ofhisintentions,"
clarification
63 Biitler1970:127notesparallelswithCiceroand Seneca; Manning1985:74-75concen-
tratesontheparallelsinthisandotherPlinyletters
withCicero's
arguments.
64It is ofcoursean imagecommon inRomansatire, e.g.HoraceSat.2.5.23-44;
Martial
4.56;5.18;6.63.AtPan.43.5Plinyappliesitto bad emperorswhosegiftsare meantto elicit
rewards.
testamentary

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 TheYounger DebttoMoralPhilosophy
Pliny's 473

tionofCicero's(Off.1.42-43;2.54-55).The aim ofall this,Plinysays (3),

and helpingthosewhomyouknowto be mostin
is, "bysupporting
need,to moveina kindofcircleoffriendly (or"fellow-
relationships"
ship").65
The wordsocialitas
thatPlinyuses heremaybe a coinage
by Pliny;66 the thoughtis thoroughlyStoic.67In De OfficiisCicero had
writtenthatnatureleads us to exchangeofficia as a means of binding
societytogether(1.22,cf. 1.50; 1.56). Seneca too had pointedout that
beneficia are whatprincipallybind humansocietytogetherin harmony
(Ben.1.4.2;4.18,Ira 1.5.3).LikeCiceroand Seneca,Plinyclearlyconnects
liberalitywithsocial bonding,and his notionofthecircleherehintsat
reciprocity, thoughhe is not expresslydescribingtheexchange ofbene-
fits,as theyare.
The letterdepictsthreelevelsofconduct:thatcharacteristic ofmost
men,who are said to be governedbygreed;thatofhiscorrespondent's
friendwho exemplifiesliberalitybut not perhapsto the higheststan-
dard; and that of Pliny's moral demands. Pliny clearly represents
himselfas advocatingan elevated ideal on the level of the philoso-
phers,but he presentsit as a mere refinement ofthepresumedimper-
fecta liberalitas
praised by his correspondentwithPliny'sendorsement
(quae cunctasi facitiste,usquequaquelaudandusest;si unumaliquid,minus
quidem,laudandustamen).Thus, whereas Cicero and Seneca tend to
upholdthe code at itsmostdemanding,Plinyis carefulto maintainhis
rapportwithhis readers,who are representedby his correspondent,
thoughat thesametimehe exhortsthemto greaterheights.68
The resemblancein philosophicalcontentand the differencein
pedagogic approach between Pliny'steachingand Seneca's exhorta-
tionscan be seen mostclearlywhereSeneca himselfturnsto teaching

65 quospraecipue sciasindigere,
sustentantem foventemque
orbequodam socialitatis
ambire.
66 BUtler1970:127n32 who also pointsout that,whenPlinyuses the wordin Pan. 49.4,
the meaningis different. The translationin the Oxford "sociable disposi-
LatinDictionary,
tion,companionableness"suitsthe meaningin Pan.49.4;Lewisand Short's"fellowship"
is closerto themeaninghere.
67 In fact,thenotionthatthe interchange Xdptq holdstogetherthelivesofmengoes
of
backto ideas adumbratedin the 4thcenturyBC (Arist.NE8.1.1155a23-24; Letter3 of ps-
Aristotelian letters).
68 Riggsby1998 shows how Pliny constructsan image that would win community
approval.

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474 MiriamGriffin

byexample. AtthestartofBook5 ofDeBeneficiis, Senecadrawsa por-

traitofhis addressee,the appropriately namedAebutiusLiberalis.
Describedat thestartas "an excellentmanbynatureand proneto
benefits" (5.1.3)and,attheend,as "an excellent mananda greatsoul"
(5), Liberalisis clearlypresentedas an exemplum. He instantiatesall
thelessonsthatPlinyexpoundsinLetter 1.8:he doesnotboast,he does
notgiveforthesakeofgloryorrewardbut,justbecauseofthat,these
thingscometo himin richermeasure.Otherfeatures in theportrait
are prominent elsewherein Pliny.Liberalisconfirms hisbenefits by
givingmore;so Pliny, whowritesat Letter 2.13.9,"Thebestwayforme
toconfirm myservices isbyaddingtothem";69 andat3.4.6,"I thought I
oughttomaintain mycreditwithhimformyformer service,byadding
a newone"70 (cf.5.11.3).Finally,Liberalisoverestimates thegenerosity
ofothers-just whatPlinysaysoftheexemplary Artemidorus,whois
saidto have such a generous nature that he magnifies the officia
ofhis
friends. UnlikeSeneca,however, Plinynotesthathe is himself one of
thesegenerous friends (3.11.1).In thisletteraboutArtemidorus, Pliny,
usingringcomposition, makesthesetributes to hisownbenignitas at
1 and 8-9 frame the account of Artemidorus as a philosopher.There
canbe nodoubtthatPlinymeansto associatethehighstandards ofhis
liberalitywithhiscommitment to philosophy, buthe is alsoreassuring
hisreaders thatsuchconductisnotincompatible withachievingrecog-
nitionandglory.

CONCLUSION
Plinymaynothavehadmuchformal traininginphilosophy,
andthere
is no reasontoattachhimto a particular
school.HisechoesofStoicism
reflectitsdominance at Romeinhisday,a positionno doubtenhanced
byitspersecution undersuccessivetyrants. Asa moralteacher,Pliny
normally teachesbyexampleor a mixture ofpersonalexamplewith
accompanying rationaleand even admonition.7'He claimsto offer

69 Haecbeneficia
meatuerinullomodomeliusquamutaugeampossum.
70 conservandum officii
veteris meritumnovovidebatur.
1.19,Plinyexplains
71 In Letter notonlytherationalebehindhisownactionsbutindi-
cateswhatisexpected
oftheotherpartyinthetransaction, beingpartof
theadmonition

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 TheYounger DebttoMoralPhilosophy
Pliny's 475

gentler, morehumane, remediesthanmoralphilosophers, thoughhis

teaching owesmuchto theirlessdemanding andmorepragmatic vein
ofinstruction. WhenPlinydoes expound morality a
in straightfor-
wardly mode,he is careful
didactic totemper thehyperbolic
protreptic
styleofinstruction, familiarfromthephilosophers, withgenerous
acknowledgement ofimperfect attemptsto behavewell.He is also,as
he proudly proclaims,lesslong-winded: I canteachyouandmyself
"So
brieflywhatphilosophers trytoteachincountlesswordsandcountless
volumes;letus tryto be in healththekindofmanwevowto become
whenwearesick"(7.26.4).72
Despitebeingcriticalofphilosophers andtheirteachingas here,
he acknowledges hisdebtto both,openlydiscussing moralissuesin
theirterms, andshowing hisattachmenttothoseheadmired. Nowhere
is thisclearertheninLetter 8.22inwhichhe setsouthisownhumane
creed:
Myownideaofan excellentandblameless manis onewho
forgivesthe faults werecommit-
ofothersas ifhe himself
tingthemdaily,and whoavoidscommitting faultsas ifhe
werewilling noone.Thisthenshouldbeourruleat
toforgive
homeandinpublicandineverywalkoflife:toberelentless
towardsourselvesandforgiving evenwiththose
withothers,
whocan pardonno failingsbuttheirown.Letuscommit to
memory whatwas so oftensaidbyThrasea,a gentleman
and,on thataccount,a greatone: "Whoever hatesfaults,
hatespeople.73

the etiquetteof conferringthe beneficium:Egone illudquidemadmoneo, quodadmonere

deberem, nisisciremspontefacturum,utdignitate a medataquammodestissime ut a medata
utare.Guillemin1929:34 remarks,"l'admonitionfaisaitpartie du rituel du bienfait."
Henderson2002a:223,adds thatsuch an admonitionis paradedforourinstruction: "this
is how suchthingsare bestdone."Plinyprovidesinstruction forus as donorsand recipi-
ents.
72 Possumergoquodplurimis verbis,
plurimis etiamvoluminibus docereconantur,
philosophi
tibimihique
ipsebreviter uttalesessesaniperseveremus,
praecipere, profitemur
qualesnosfuturos
infirmi.
73 Atqueegooptimum etemendatissimum existimo, itaignoscit,
quiceteris tamquam ipsecotidie
peccet,itapeccatisabstinettamquamneminiignoscat. Proindehocdomihocforishocin omni
vitaegenereteneamus,utnobisimplacabilessimus,exorabilesistisetiamquidareveniamnisisibi

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476 MiriamGriffin

Thraseawas,ofcourse,theheroofPliny'sphilosophical
friends
andan
adherentoftheStoa.So itisnotsurprising
tofindthissentiment,
which
Thraseaexpressedand whichPlinyhereadmires(cf.1.10.7),antici-
patedinthephilosophical oftheStoicphilosopher
writing Seneca(Ira
ofhis debtto moral
1.16.6-8;2.8.1;2.10.2-4).Pliny'sacknowledgement
philosophy couldnotbe clearer.
"Nowadays Pliny'sproductionofPlinyis whatweareafter, whywe
readhiswork'" So writesJohnHenderson speaking ofthewayinwhich
theLettersarecurrently beingreexamined as self-consciousliterature
controllingtherepresentation oftheauthorandhisworld.74 Thenew,
moresophisticated literary
approachto the is
Letters salutaryandlong
overdue, yetitdoesnotrequireus to takesucha limited viewoftheir
value.BecausePliny'sthirstforapprovalrequireshimto stayintouch
withthestandards and idealsofhis readership, we can also use his
forbroader
"self-construction" historical
purposes. WhatI havetriedto
do is a meresketchofwhatcanbe doneinusingtheLetters to examine
landscapeofPliny'scorrespondents
theintellectual andreaders.

APPENDIX ON TERMINOLOGY
1.Plinyusesthegeneraldescription ofprofessional
philosophus philos-
opherslikehis contemporariesArtemidorusand Euphrates(1.10.1;
3.11.6)and,fromthe past,Athenodorus(7.27.7),ratherthan ascribing
a secttothephilosophers eventhoughtheStoicismof
he mentions,
Athenodorus(Strabo 14.674, cf. Cic. Fam. 3.7.5),75 and of Euphrates
(Euseb.-Jer.Chron.225 01. 198ff.),76like that of his teacher Muso-
nius Rufus(Tac. Hist.3.81.1,Ann.14.59),is well-attested,
whilethat of
Musonius'son-in-lawArtemidorus fromthecompany
is inferrable he
keeps. Thisis perhapsa reflection oftheteaching
oftherecognition

nesciunt,mandemusque memoriae quodvirmitissimusetob hocquoquemaximus Thraseacrebro

"Quivitiaodit,homines
diceresolebat: odit."
74 Henderson 2002b:xii.See the statementofpurposein Morelloand Gibson2003:109.
75 IftheAthenodorus in Ep. 7.27.7is AthenodorusofTarsus(PIR2P1288),an identifca-
tionacceptedbySherwin-White 1966:436and Birley2000:39.
76 Frede1997:1-2adducesPhilostr.VS 1.25.11on his StoicpupilTimocrates.
77 Pliny'sLetters
use the description'Stoic' onlyin Ep. 1.5.2,whereAquilliusRegulus,
veryunflatteringly,callsArulenusRusticusStoicorum simiam.

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 TheYounger DebttoMoralPhilosophy
Pliny's 477

ofphilosophyas a professionattracting
formalprivilegesunderthe law
(Ep.10.58.1:"ut philosophus").78

2. Plinyshowsa clearpreferencefortheLatinsapiens/sapientia overthe

Greekloan wordsphilosophus/philosophia. Thoughhe does use philoso-
phus of professionalphilosophers,as we have just seen, he avoids
philosophia,exceptin the mouthofthe professionalEuphrates(1.10.10,
"hanc philosophiae et quidem pulcherrimampartem"). Although
sapiens,when used of Euphratesand Artemidorus, has its strictphilo-
sophicalmeaningofthe Wise Man (Epp.1.10.4;3.11.5),Plinyalso uses
sapientesof philosophicalauthoritiesofwhomhe approves(Ep. 5.8.5),
and the adjectivesapiensis regularlyappliedbyPlinyto educatedmen
well-trainedin philosophy,who tryto live accordingto its precepts,
men likeMiniciusFundanus(4.15.9;5.16.8)and CorelliusRufus(4.17.9;
9.13.6,bothsuperlatives),or Plinyhimself(tamsapiensin 5.1.13).79 Pliny
also attributessapientiato such people, as in the case of Pomponius
Bassus (4.23.1) or TitiusAristo(1.22.6),or even a virtuousprofessional
likeEuphrates(1.10.8).80
Now Cicero and Seneca had each said that theirRomancontem-
porarieshad adopted the Greekloan wordphilosophia (Cic. Acad.1.25,
Div.2.11; Sen. Ep. 89.7),so we mightwonderat the rationaleforPliny's
avoidance. In fact,accordingto Klima,Cicero,Pliny'sliteraryhero,
preferstheLatinwordssapiens/sapientia in speeches,thoughhe uses the
Greekloans wordsfreelyin hisphilosophicalworks;81 Pliny'scontempo-
raryTacitussimilarlypreferstheLatintermsin hishistoricalworksbut
uses the Greekwordsmorefreelyin his theoreticalworkin Ciceronian
vein,theDialogusdeoratoribus.82 ThismightsuggestthatPliny'susage in
his lettersis to be similarlyexplainedby avoidanceofthe Greekwords

78 See above, p453. In Ep. 3.11.1philosophi

ab urbesummoti
maysuggestthat theyhad
previouslybeenmentionedas a category
inDomitian'sexpulsion
orderof93.
79ThetamshowsthattheSageisnotmeant, as truesapientia
didnotadmitofdegrees.
Guillemin "pasencoreassezsage";Radice"nor... enough
translates ofa philosopher."
In
Plinyhasmenflattering
8.16.3, themselves sapientes
withtheappellation viri.
80 Sherwin-White 1966:295pointsto moregeneraluses ofsapiens,as in 4.17.9;3.7.3.
81 Klima 1971:52,165. Cicero theremakes a plea forindulgence,just as it had been
madebyhisGreekpredecessors, thattechnical
on thegrounds termsarenecessary
in
discussingphilosophy(Fin.3.3-4;Acad.1.24-25;Sedley1973:21-22).
82 Wilfflin 1868:141 = 1933:76.

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478 MiriamGriffin

fora non-specialist
audience.Butis thatthewholeexplanation? The
factthattheconservativeElderPliny,likehis nephew,eschewsthe
termphilosophia
forschoolphilosophy and uses thetermphilosophus
onlyofprofessional mayindicatea further
philosophers,83 andmore
interesting namely,
explanation, thewell-known
thatPlinyisreflecting
Romanreservations aboutphilosophy as practicedby professional
philosophers(e.g. Epict.3.8.7). Forsapientia,by contrastwithphiloso-
phia,carriedovertones wisdomfromtheuse ithadbefore
ofpractical
withphilosophy:84
itacquiredassociations itis thewordpreferred
for
school philosophyby the ElderPliny(NH 30.3; 7.80; 18.274)who also
usedittoindicate
intelligence
generally, ofvariouskinds,
expertise and
practical
wisdom.85Pliny'scontemporary
andteacherQuintilianliked
to oppose the vircivilisetsapiensor the Romanussapienswhomhe was
inoratory
educating to aridschoolphilosophy inpublic
uninterested
life(11.1.35;12.2.7).EvenCiceroin De Divinatione
2.10-11 impliesthat,
within moralphilosophy, questionsaboutwhatis good
thetheoretical
belongto theexpertiseofphilosophi,
andwhatis indifferent butthat
theexpertsonthemorepracticalquestions
about howto do one'sduty
friends,
to one'sfamily, andcountry Pliny'supperclass
aresapientes.86
friends learningwouldnotwantto be thought
withphilosophical of
as philosophi,
professional andwouldprefer
schoolphilosophers, to be
creditedwithsapientia.

3. Seneca in Ep. 89.4-8 explains that the distinctionbetween sapi-

in Latincorresponds
entiaandphilosophia to thatbetweentheGreek
andis indicated
oopia and piaoooopia, bytheetymology oftheGreek

83 See Griffin
2007a.
84 Klima1971:49-52.
85 Thenephewmovesbeyondhisuncleinhisuseofsapiens,
whichtheElderPlinydoes
notusetomean"philosopher"or"someonewithphilosophicalknowledge."
He hasto
ontheoneoccasionwhenhe usesthewordinreferring
doctrinae
saysapientes tophilo-
sophicalteachingin a school(NH21.9).
86 Laterin thesamepassage,Cicerohandsoverpoliticaltheoryconcerning
quisit
optimus quae leges,quimoresaututilesautinutiles,
reipublicaestatus, and viriperiti
to principes
rerum and sharplydistinguishes
civilium, thisrealmofquae inrepublicaversantur fromthe
realmofquae inphilosophia disseruntur.As indicatedin thissummary, philosophiaappears
to coverthe expertiseof the philosophi, physici,
dialecticiand sapientesmentionedearlier
(Div. 2.12-13).

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 TheYounger
Pliny's
DebttoMoralPhilosophy 479

yptXoocoypa,i.e. loveofcopicaandtheeffort to attainit.So philosophia

shouldproperly be usedofthepursuit ofwisdom, sapientiaofitsattain-
ment.87 Is thereanytraceofthisdistinction in Pliny?ThoughPliny's
use ofphilosophus to referto professional teachersofphilosophy, to
thoseotherprofessionals formally expelledfromRomeandpresum-
ablydescribedthatwayin the edict(3.11.1,aboven78),and,once
(7.26.4),to writersofphilosophical booksin general,is notincom-
patiblewithSeneca'sdistinction whilehis statement thatvirtuous
professional teachershaveas theirtoppriority thestudium sapientiae
(1.22.6)accordswellwithit,88 Pliny'susageis notdeeplyaffected by
the distinction,whichevenphilosophers found to
difficultsustain.89He
avoidsthetermphilosophia, as we haveseen,andthesapientia he attri-
butestoPomponius Bassusis clearlythatofsomeonestilllearning and
improving(4.23.1).
COLLEGE,UNIVERSITYOF OXFORD
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87 Cicero in De Legibus1.58 and TusculanDisputations 5.9 had giventhe etymological

explanationofphilosophia and ofphilosophi
as amorsapientiae as sapientiae
studiosi.
88 Cf.Seneca Ep.89.5-6:studium virtutis,
studiumcorrigendaementis.
89 In Ep. 89.8, Seneca, havingmade his distinctionbetweensapientiaand philosophia
alongetymological lines,goes on to pointoutthatthepursuitofvirtue(one ofthe
ofphilosophia
definitions giveninsection5) anditsattainment arenotreallyseparable
sincethevirtuethatphilosophy is necessary
cultivates tothatactivity
andthevirtue or
wisdom thatitattainsinvolvesthepursuit ofvirtue.SimilarlyinEp.90.1-3,thescientia
andsapientia
philosophiae seemtobe indistinguishable, is accompanied
andphilosophia by
thevirtuesas sheperforms herfunction ofseekingthetruth. Forthedifficulties
ofthe
fortheStoicsbecauseoftheideathatphilosophy
distinction andbecauseofits
isa rixvnl
identification
witha disposition
ofthecorporeal soul,seeSellars2003:82-84.

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