Scandinavian Cultural Traditions as Evidenced by Viking Age Runestones:

How Religion and Politics Were Used to Influence Social Change

Christopher D. Galantich

B.A. (Boston University)

Submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the

Degree of Master of Research

College of Arts

School of Humanities

Department of Archaeology

September, 2015
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Abstract
This dissertation considers Viking Age Scandinavian inscribed runestones in order to
determine their societal origins and the impacts they had on Viking Age religious cultural
changes. The three types of monuments discussed are: runestones with religious inscriptions
and magical texts; runestones with mythic, legendary and religious imagery; and runestones
with political and religious intentions. By comparatively examining Pagan and Christian
runestones, the question of which culture initially drove the production of these memorials is
addressed. Twenty-five runestones are examined in detail, including the stones of kings
Gormr Gamli and Haraldr Blátönn in Jelling, Denmark which serve as primary case studies
and representative examples. While religion is the dominating motif of Scandinavian
runestones, the evidence shows that no conclusive answer exists on the Pagan or Christian
origins of inscribed runic culture. This study proposes that religious hybridization or
syncretism is the strongest possibility, yet further research into more precise dating methods
needs to be conducted.
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Table of Contents
Abstract......................................................................................................................................2

List of Figures............................................................................................................................5

Acknowledgements/Author's Declaration..................................................................................7

1 Introduction....................................................................................................13
i. Definitions of Belief, Religion, Magic and Myth.....................................................15

ii. An Outline of Norse Paganism and Viking Beliefs.................................................16

iii. The Historical and Stylistic Origins of the Scandinavian Futhark.........................20

iv. Religious and Mythic Origins of the Futhark.........................................................22

v. The Language of Old Norse, and Translating the Futhark......................................23

vi. The Problems and Methods of Dating Runestones.................................................24

vii. The Runestones Within this Dissertation...............................................................27

viii. The Runestones at Jelling: An Overarching Theme.............................................28

2 How the Jelling Complex Highlights Themes on Religious Origin...........29

i. The Jelling Complex: A Brief Archaeological Overview.........................................29

ii. The Debate Over Gormr's Stone and Its Religious Purpose....................................32

iii. The Religious and Political Implications of Haraldr's Stone..................................34

iv. Religious Imagery on Haraldr's Stone.....................................................................36

v. A New Discussion of the Religious Origins for Images on Haraldr's Stone............39

vi. A Critical Response to an Argument on Jelling Dates and Intentions....................40

vii. The Jelling Stone Explored....................................................................................42

3 Runes as Religious Texts and Magical Wards............................................43

i. The Rök Stone: A Poetic Heroic Manuscript............................................................44

ii. The Glavendrup Runestone......................................................................................47

iii. Praises to 'Thor' in Other Runic Contexts...............................................................50

iv. The Kuli Stone: An Early Christian Influence in Norway?....................................52

v. Runes in Other Christina Contexts: Ardre Church and Elsewhere..........................53

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4 Runic Picture Stones as a Vehicle for Mythic Story Tellers......................56

i. The Altuna Runestone and Other Depictions of Þórr...............................................56

ii. Sigurð Fafnisbani: Sigurð, Bane of Fafnir...............................................................57

iii. The Origins of Mjölnir and Its Representation in Inscriptions...............................59

iv. The Sparlösa Stone: Confusing Words and Curious Images..................................61

v. The Dynna Stone: Christian Pictorial Storytelling...................................................63

vi. Christian Iconography on Runic Picture Stones.....................................................65

vii. The Malt Stone: Early Christianization?................................................................66

5 Runestones as Historical, Religious and Political Documents...................68

i. The Ingvar Stones: History, Travel, Conflict and Religion......................................68

ii. The Jarlabanke Stones: Inheritance and Land Ownership in a Christian Dynasty..70

iii. Þingstaðs: Runestones Denoting Political and Religious Sanctuary......................72

iv. Christian Runic Monuments Marking Bridges.......................................................74

6 Concluding Discussion...................................................................................76
i. A Review of this Dissertation...................................................................................76

ii. The Motivations of Scandinavian Conversion.........................................................77

iii. Hybridization and Syncretism on Viking Age Runestones....................................77

iv. The Future of Discussion and Further Research.....................................................80

v. Final Remarks...........................................................................................................82

7 Bibliography...................................................................................................84
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List of Figures
Maps

A. Late Viking Age Scandinavian Runestones (Sawyer 1991b, 99)..........................................8

B. Runestones Studied in this Dissertation (© Caitlin Furio)....................................................9

C. Runestones in Sweden (© Caitlin Furio).............................................................................10

D. Runestones in Denmark (© Caitlin Furio)..........................................................................11

E. Runestones in Norway (© Caitlin Furio).............................................................................12

Chapter 1: Introduction

Figure 1.1 Hillersjö Runestone (Sawyer 2000, 31)..................................................................13

Figure 1.2 The World Tree Yggdrasil (Crossley-Holland 1980, xxii).....................................18

Figure 1.3 Scandinavian FUTHARKs (Jansson 1987, 28; Page 1987, 8, 20-21).....................21

Figure 1.4 Runic Animal Styles (Gräslund 2011, 133)............................................................25

Chapter 2: How the Jelling Complex Highlights Themes on Religious Origin

Figure 2.1 The Jelling Stones (DK Jelling Stones 2015).........................................................29

Figure 2.2 The Jelling Complex (Graham-Campbell 1980, 200).............................................30

Figure 2.3 Excavations at the North Mound (Pedersen 2006, 296).........................................30

Figure 2.4 Gormr's Stone (Moltke 1985, 204-205)..................................................................33

Figure 2.5 Haraldr's Stone: Inscription (Moltke 1985, 209)....................................................35

Figure 2.6 Haraldr's Stone: Crucifixion (Moltke 1985, 206)...................................................36

Figure 2.7 Haraldr's Stone: Great Beast (Moltke 1985, 208)...................................................37

Figure 2.8 Fenrir and Jörmungandr (Anson 1884, 299)...........................................................39

Chapter 3: Runes as Religious Texts and Magical Wards

Figure 3.1 Lund Tablet (Jesch 1991, 47)..................................................................................43

Figure 3.2 The Rök Stone (Zachrisson 1999, 342)..................................................................44

Figure 3.3 The Rök Stone Cipher Crosses (Jansson 1987, 34-35)...........................................46

Figure 3.4 Glavendrup Stone (Sawyer 2000, 95).....................................................................47

Figure 3.5 Velanda Stone (Sawyer 2000, 104)........................................................................50

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Figure 3.6 Sønder Kirkeby Runestone (Turville-Petre 1964, Plate 23)...................................51

Figure 3.7 The Kuli Stone (Sawyer 2000, 8)..........................................................................52

Figure 3.8 Ardre Church Stones (Nylén and Lamm 1978, 81)................................................54

Chapter 4: Runic Picture Stones as a Vehicle for Mythic Story Tellers

Figure 4.1 Altuna Runestone (Jansson 1987, 150)...................................................................56

Figure 4.2 Ramsund Rock (Sigurð Stone) (Sigurd 1917)........................................................57

Figure 4.3 Stenkvista Runestone (Ellis-Davidson 1969, 69)...................................................60

Figure 4.4 Sparlösa Stone (Jansson 1987, 30).........................................................................63

Figure 4.5 Dynna Stone (Page 1987, 52).................................................................................64

Figure 4.6 Ölsta Stone (Author's Photo)..................................................................................65

Figure 4.7 Læborg Runestone (Ellis-Davidson 1969, 64)........................................................66

Figure 4.8 Malt Stone (MacLeod and Mees 2006, 223)..........................................................67

Chapter 5: Runestones as Historical, Religious, Political and Genealogical Documents

Figure 5.1 Varpsundet 'Ingvar' Stone (Jansson 1987, 67)........................................................68

Figure 5.2 Gripsholm Castle Stone (Jansson 1987, 66)...........................................................69

Figure 5.3 Jarlabanke's Täby Bridge Stones (Jansson 1987, 106-107)....................................71

Figure 5.4 Vallentuna Stone (Gräslund 2011, 149)..................................................................72

Figure 5.5 Oklunda Stone (The Oklunda Rune Inscription 2006)...........................................73

Chapter 6: Concluding Discussion

Figure 6.1 Runestone Groove Analysis/3D Mapping Data (Åhfeldt 2002, 28; 2014, 68).......81

Figure 6.2 Sample of Results from Laser Scanning Tests (Åhfeldt 2002, 40).........................82
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Acknowledgements
This thesis would not be possible without the enduring support of all my friends and
family, who let me fly half-way across the world to pursue Viking archaeology and who have
been a pillar of support throughout. Firstly, I thank my parents, who have continued to love
and help me in all the ways that they can, despite their clear indications that I'm "welcome to
come home anytime." Secondly, I thank Katelyn Ratliff, for giving all the love and
encouragement she could possibly give throughout this undertaking. Next, I would like to
thank Dr. William Fitzhugh of the Smithsonian Institute, Washington, D.C., for giving me
my first taste of professional archaeological work, and for helping me solidify my application
to study in Glasgow. I must thank Dr. Colleen Batey for both advising me in this undertaking,
as well as helping me decide on a topic, course of study, and plans for my future. Without
her, I would still be sitting at home on a BA and a dream of archaeology. Additionally, Dr.
Stephen Harrison for his advice on referencing, structuring and writing this dissertation.
Finally, I thank Caitlin Furio for generating my maps and putting up with my nit-picky
alterations.

Author's Declaration
I declare that the following dissertation embodies the results of my own work, that it has been
composed by myself and that it does not include work forming part of a dissertation
presented for a degree in this or another University.
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Map A: Late Viking Age Scandinavian Runestones (Sawyer 1991b, 99)

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Map B: Runestones Studied in this Dissertation (© Caitlin Furio)

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Map C: Runestones in Sweden (© Caitlin Furio)

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Map D: Runestones in Denmark (© Caitlin Furio)

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Map E: Runestones in Norway (© Caitlin Furio)

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Chapter 1:
An Introduction to Scandinavian Runestones
Some of the most impressive relics of the Viking Age are the rune inscribed stones of
Scandinavia. There are over 3000 memorial stones between Sweden, Denmark, and Norway
(Sawyer 2000, 7; Map A), many of which honor fallen Vikings in a cultural and religious
manner. These runestones can vary in subject from tales of the gods and heroic mortals
within the Norse pantheon to the historic actions of Viking men, women, and rulers. The
runestones were used by Vikings both as forms of religious documentation and as political
propaganda pieces. They incorporated both Pagan and Christian themes, and provide insight
into the workings of Northern European culture of that time. This culture was experienced by
people from all levels of Viking society, considering runic literacy seems to have been
prevalent from the top to the bottom of the social hierarchy, albeit in limited and varying
levels of proficiency (Page 1992, 165). As such, runestones were forms of mass media which
appealed to many different Scandinavians during the Viking Age.

Throughout this work, the term 'Viking' will be used to refer to Scandinavians living
during the Viking Age. This reflects modern convention of the term and it is very unlikely
that contemporary Scandinavians culturally labeled themselves as 'Vikings'. The word is
derived from the Old
Norse term víkingr, which
is difficult to fully define
in and of itself.
Traditionally, the word
was used by
Scandinavians to describe
pirates and raiders, and is
thought by some to be
based on the word vík,
meaning "bay or inlet"
(Byock 2013, 28). This

terminology is used not to

Figure 1.1: Hillersjö Runestone, Uppland, Sweden. An inheritance stone label all Viking Age
featuring an entwining serpent motif. (Sawyer 2000, 31)
Scandinavians as part of a
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unified social group of pirates, but merely as a way of referring to them collectively in this
dissertation.

This dissertation will address the question of the Pagan or Christian religious origins
of runestones, and their impact on Scandinavian society. Specifically, this focuses on how
their uses during the Viking Age contributed to the transition from Pagan kingdoms, into
more unified Christian polities. The Christianization of Viking Age Scandinavia was not an
overnight event, but rather a very long process (Gräslund 2008, 639; Lager 2006, 497, 506-
507). Adam of Bremen wrote in his eleventh century chronicles about the earliest recorded
Christian missions to Sweden in the 800s, as well as some of the latest Pagan Swedish rulers
in the 1000s (Bremen trans. Tschan 1959, 22, 97-98, 207-210). Due to this process, the idea
of religious hybridization and syncretism as they relate to runestones will be explored.
Syncretism can be difficult to clearly define, but Anne-Sofie Gräslund calls it "a wish to
adapt the new ideas at the same time as a wish to keep the old ones" (2008, 639), with the key
requirement being that the two religions have at least some similarities (2008, 642). It has
been argued that, perhaps due to the slower conversion process, many residual elements of
Paganism, excluding honoring Norse gods, were still allowed to Christians in Scandinavia
during the Viking Age (MacLeod and Mees 2005, 184). By examining Paganism,
Christianity, and the syncretism of these two religions in relation to Viking Age runestones, a
better idea of the cultural, political, and religious climate in Scandinavia may be revealed.

First, the textual themes of Paganism and Christianity on runestones across Sweden,
Denmark, and Norway will be examined within a cultural context. Next, the Pagan myths and
stories portrayed in runestone imagery will be compared to Christian symbols that are found
during the conversion period. Religious symbolism can be difficult to attribute at times, due
to images such as crosses being general and ambiguous enough to have been used by multiple
cultures. Yet, this dissertation will attempt to categorize them and analyze them within the
context of runic inscriptions. Afterwards, the use of runestones as legal documents and ninth
to thirteenth century record-keeping will be discussed to see how they manipulated the
cultural development and changes that occurred during this time period. Ultimately, these
three major themes will be scrutinized to analyze whether there is enough evidence to
propose that runestones are the product of a Pagan or Christian origin, or whether they are the
product of cultural-religious hybridization or syncretism.
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Definitions of Belief, Religion, Magic, and Myth

As this discussion will rely upon and integrate themes relating to belief, religion, magic, and
myth, it is prudent to discuss how these terms relate to the two major interrelated aspects of
the Viking Age; Norse Paganism and European Christianity. These conceptions can be
difficult to categorize, as individuals experience abstract ideals differently. Similarly, there
are difficulties that arise when attempting to assign symbols and labels to these concepts for
the same reasons. Nevertheless, this section will attempt to define them broadly and put them
within the context of this dissertation, so as to clarify the purposes of their use by the author
in the following discussion on runestones.

When exploring theological and cultural structure, sometimes the line between 'Belief'
and 'Religion' can become blurred, with some occasional overlap. One could say that 'Beliefs'
are the individual interpretations of the spiritual realm and the workings of various gods,
forces of nature, and other abstract concepts which control the physical occurrences that go
on every day. Beliefs are what dictate the way people understand and perceive the world
around them, and how they choose to exist within it. It has been argued that a 'Belief System'
is a term that can be used to describe a less organized religion (Price 2002, 54). However, this
ignores the fact that structured religion does in fact consist of its own belief system, and thus
the two should not be considered mutually exclusive. 'Beliefs' should therefore be interpreted
as the personal experiences of the spiritual and metaphysical world by individuals outside of
an organized context.

'Religion' defines an established hierarchy, with spiritual leaders and laypeople falling
into positions on a ladder of influence. Religions also have very specific rules, rewards, and
punishments which apply to all people, for example, as outlined by the Christian Bible and
Ten Commandments or the concepts of Heaven and Hell. While much less is known about
Norse Paganism than Christianity, it is known to have a somewhat less stratified system.
Nevertheless, it is still a 'Religion', by this definition, as it involves various chieftains and
other spiritual leaders holding power at ceremonial sites and dictating the teachings of the
gods in some degree to the wider population (Price 2002, 60-61; Sundqvist 2008, 223-224).
While they may differ greatly from Christian law, Viking Age Pagans still had codes of
conduct and beliefs of their own. In fact, prior to Christianity, Norse Paganism was deeply
ingrained within all aspects of life and showed a blending of society and religion (Sørensen
1997, 222). This shows that 'Religion' can be used to refer to the structural (and somewhat
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political) organization of 'Beliefs' into an establishment that is universally understood by its

members. As such, the terms 'Pagan' and 'Christian' are capitalized throughout to equate them
as the cultural structures of 'Religion'.

A similar comparison can be drawn between the concepts of 'Magic' and 'Myth'.
'Magic' is essentially an attempt by mortal men and women to make elements of the
intangible spiritual world physical. People who use or invoke magic could be considered to
be attempting to summon the forces of various gods or other spiritual figures. This could have
been used to do everything from granting an individual protection against evil-doings and
misfortune to cursing those same things onto another person who has wronged the invoker,
such as has been interpreted with the Lund tablet discussed in Chapter 3 (Jesch 1991, 46;
Figure 3.1). Oftentimes, magic involves physical components or objects which the user
believes will boost the effectiveness of various spells and help manifest them tangibly. This
would then put 'Magic' in the same abstract category as 'Belief', with magic acting as the
physical manifestation of belief.

Finally, 'Myth' can be defined as the concept of magic made manifest through stories
and cultural history. Myths are what tie a religion together, as they detail magical elements in
action to both entertain and educate listeners on the core concepts of their particular system
of beliefs as they relate to an organized religion. These tales, including the ones found in the
Poetic Edda as well as Snorri's Prose Edda, often entail oral traditions which tell of gods or
heroic mortals who overcome great challenges to conquer the evil within themselves and the
world around them (Sturluson, trans. Byock 2005b). They employ symbolism and metaphors
to depict great monsters standing in the path of righteousness and what people can do to
defeat similar struggles in their everyday lives. Oftentimes they could have been meant to
teach lessons about the folly of humans and the greatness of gods, or explain how the world
came to be the way that it was. This shows that while 'Magic' seems to act as 'Beliefs' in
action, 'Myth' would appear to act as 'Religion' in action.

An Outline of Norse Paganism and Viking Beliefs

The Scandinavian realm of spiritual and divine beings include numerous gods, monsters and
other strange and powerful creatures. These beings are explored both semi-contemporarily in
the writings of the sagas and eddas, such as Snorri Sturluson's Prose Edda and the collected
works of the Poetic Edda, as well as by many more modern researchers including Neil Price,
 P a g e | 17

H. R. Ellis Davidson and others. Most knowledge of Norse Paganism is derived from a
Christianized mindset, and so it is often subject to religious bias. The contemporary
Germanic scholar, missionary, and Scandinavian traveler Adam of Bremen called Viking
Age Pagans "some very ferocious peoples" and detailed their barbaric sacrificial customs
(Sørensen 1997, 202). However, Snorri's Prose Edda is a very encompassing description of
myths and stories going from creation to the reckoning. While originally written to serve as a
type of 'poetic guidebook' to preserve previous theatrical oral traditions (Sturluson trans.
Byock 2005b, x), it is nevertheless considered the most complete source on Norse Paganism
in existence today. Although Snorri lived during the thirteenth century and was undoubtedly a
Christian, the fact that the Prose Edda was written in Old Norse and reflected styles similar
to that of oral traditions was both indicative of and accepted by the rich cultural pride present
in Iceland during that time (Sturluson trans. Byock 2005b, x-xi). Snorri's work is indicative of
the mutual interactions between Christianity and Paganism that occurred both in the Viking
Age and in his own time. Therefore, it is safe to assume that sources on Scandinavian
mythology are derived from long standing Pagan cultural traditions, but with a notable
Christian bias.

Norse Paganism was filled with gods, heroes, and creatures who permeated all levels
of physical and spiritual existence. While certain figures were revered more regularly than
others, it appears that they all held similar levels of significance within the mythos and show
up frequently in Pagan stories and invocations. In the beginning, there were two beings born
from a collision of fire and ice in the great void known as Ginnungagap: Ymir the Frost
Giant, father to all jötnar (giants) and Auðumla, the Primeval Cow (Canwell 2003, 38). Ymir
fed on the milk of Auðumla, and she licked away the salty ice from a frozen man called Búri,
who later became the father of Bor, whose son Oðinn Alföðr was the chief god of the Vikings
(Crossley-Holland 1985, 4). After a time, Oðinn and his brothers grew weary of the evil frost
giant Ymir and slew him, creating the world and some of its creatures from his body
(Sturluson trans. Byock 2005b, 15-17). This story describes the birth of the gods and the
dawn of the mortal world, however there were other planes that existed in Norse cosmology
as well.

The World Tree Yggdrasill (Figure 1.2) was an immense ash tree which united the
nine worlds of the universe and whose roots reached into the three main realms: Niflheimr,
Miðgarðr, and Ásgarðr (Guerber 1986, 12-13). The bottom or southernmost level of
Yggdrasill is Niflheimr, the Land of the Dead, which contained two of the nine worlds, as
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well as the Spring of

Hvergelmir. Helheimr was
ruled over by the goddess
Hel, daughter of the god
Loki, and guarded by the
great bloodstained dog
Garm; Muspelheimr was
home to demons and fire
giants, including the giant
Surtr who waits with his
flaming sword to rise
against the gods at the end
of the world; The Spring
of Hvergelmir watered the
World Tree, but it was
guarded by the dragon
Níðhöggr who gnaws on
Yggdrasill's root
Figure 1.2: Yggdrasill the World Tree (Crossley-Holland 1980, xxii)
(Canwell 2003, 39).

The middle level housed the lands of Miðgarðr, Jötunheimr, Svartálfaheimr, and
Niðavellir as well as the Spring of Mimir. Miðgarðr was said to be a massive disk built by
Oðinn for humankind and fortified against jötnar by a massive palisade made from Ymir's
eyebrows and which was connected to the world of the gods by a massive rainbow bridge
known as the Bifröst (Magnusson and Forman 1976, 48). Also on this level was Jötunheimr,
the home of the frost giants; Svartálfheimr, where the dark elves lived; and Niðavellir, the
kingdom of the dwarves (Canwell 2003, 39). Miðgarðr floated on the waters of the Fountain
of Mimir, which was in Jötunheimr where Ginnungagap once was, and which was the point
of another of Yggdrasill's roots, the source of all wisdom, protected by the giant Mimir
(Sturluson trans. Byock 2005b, 24). Miðgarðr was encircled by the World Serpent
Jörmungandr who, along with the Dread Wolf Fenris, is an evil offspring of Loki, foe to the
god Þórr (Thor), and who dwells at the bottom of the ocean wrapped around the world and
biting his own tail (Crossley-Holland 1985, 33).
 P a g e | 19

The top level of the universe is where the three realms of the most divine beings live
and rule over the cosmos. Also on this level was the Well of Urd where the final root of
Yggdrasill was based. This root was tended to by three old women called the Norns who
determined the fates and identities of all beings, including the gods themselves (Sturluson
trans. Byock 2005b, 26). Many mythical beings inhabited these top realms of Yggdrasill.
Light elves, fairies, and other magical creatures of that sort dwelled in Álfheimr. The elder
gods of fertility and future-sight, including Freyr and his sister Freyja, were known as the
Vanir and they lived in Vanaheimr. Finally, there was Ásgarðr which was the walled fortress
of the Æsir, connected to Miðgarðr via the Bifröst (Canwell 2003, 39). The Æsir were the
dominant gods who controlled the forces of nature in the world and who included Oðinn
Alföðr (All-Father) as well as Þórr, Baldr, Heimdallr, Týr, Frigg, Sif and (sometimes) Loki
the Trickster, among others (Allan 2004, 40). As the leader of the gods, Oðinn held an almost
feared level of reverence among the Vikings. He was "the god of battle, the god of guile, the
god of death" (Magnusson and Forman 1976, 60) and he possessed a magical spear called
Gungir; rode an eight legged horse named Sleipnir; had two faithful spy ravens, Huginn and
Muninn; and gouged out his own eye to drink from the Fountain of Mimir and acquire
knowledge for himself (Allan 2004, 42). Meanwhile, Þórr, wielder of the hammer Mjölnir,
was regarded with much more love. He was considered to be the god of the common man,
who was both immensely strong as he slew many giants and trolls who sought to endanger
the gods, and humorously susceptible to tricks by them (Fell 1980, 35). He was often called
on to protect seafarers from storms, to grant bountiful harvests, or to halt diseases and
famines (Ellis-Davidson 1988, 199; Sørensen 1997, 203). These Æsir, as well as a number of
the Vanir, comprised the core pantheon of Norse Paganism and were the subjects of many
myths, stories, legends, and lessons that drove the cultural development of Scandinavians and
which show up in the inscriptions and images of Viking Age runestones.

The foretold end of the nine realms and all of their inhabitants is known as Ragnarök.
This is the Pagan equivalent to the Christian Revelation. In this future event, the gods and
mortals engage in a predetermined series of events that culminate in an apocalypse that
results in everyone's, including the gods', deaths. Ragnarök will begin with three years of
fratricide and warring throughout a long winter known as Fimbulvetr, where snow and ice
blow in all directions and no sunlight shines (Sturluson trans. Byock 2005b, 71). Next, Garm
in Helheim will howl and the Dread Wolf Fenris will devour Oðinn, Jörmungandr the World
Serpent will rise out of the ocean and spew poison across the land before both killing and
 P a g e | 20

being killed in an epic struggle with Þórr (Brøndsted 1983, 272-273; Figure 2.8). Loki will
lead a host of giants and pilot a ship, called Naglfar, made from the nails of the dead to attack
the gods while Surtr marches the armies of Muspelheimr across the Bifröst causing it to break
under their weight (Allan 2004, 64). Finally, Heimdallr and Loki slay each other in single
combat and Surtr kills the unarmed Freyr before engulfing everything in fire (Ellis-Davidson
1969, 123; Magnusson and Forman 1976, 51). This end, while tragic, would eventually result
in the rebirth of the world and gods, should it ever come to pass.

In relation to Scandinavian runestones, the most prominent Norse mythological figure

is Þórr. Þórr is invoked in numerous runic inscriptions, possibly as a means of blessing or
hallowing the memory of the person the stone was erected for. In other instances, images of
the magical hammer Mjölnir were carved, likely as a means of invoking Þórr. These ideas, as
well as arguments for and against them, are explored further in Chapters 3 and 4. It is worth
noting that Þórr is the only Pagan god named on Scandinavian runestones. Despite his close
association with runes, Oðinn is never referred to by name on any runestones found to date.
However, there are instances where he is referred to metaphorically, such as in the case of the
Malt Stone which may refer to him as well as the god Týr using epithets and poetic titles
(Figure 4.8). Images on the Gotlandic picture stones found in Sweden have been theorized to
represent Pagan gods and figures, but these monuments are not addressed herein as they do
not feature any runic inscriptions and are outside the scope of this study.

The Historical and Stylistic Origins of the Scandinavian Futhark

Viking Age runestones were written using a 16 character alphabet called the younger futhark,
so named after the first six runic letters: ᚠᚢᚦ ᚬ ᚱ ᚴ (Page 1992, 162; Figure 1.3). This
alphabet and its uses were influenced by a 24 character elder futhark which came before it,
and the Germanic futhark which came even earlier. These originated as far back as the first
century AD and were used most often in inscriptions on wood and stone (Brøndsted 1983,
194-195; Knirk 1987, 191). Scholars vary greatly on where runes first came from and
whether they were the product of trade or some other purpose (Gordon 1981, 8-9). There is
no accepted conclusion on the issue, but the three main theories are that they were of Gothic
origin, based on the Greek alphabet; derived from the North Italian Etruscan alphabets; and
the current academic favorite: influenced by the Latin alphabet of Rome (Findell 2014, 15;
Odenstedt 1990, 146-153; Stenberger 1963, 132-133). Futharks are mnemotechnic systems
(each character name begins with the sound that it makes) which was likely why the alphabet
 P a g e | 21

shortened over
time as
pronunciations
were changed
and compressed.
One such
example is in the
case of the elder
futhark j-rune
turning into an
unnasalised a-
rune with the
advent of the
younger futhark
(Jansson 1987a,
19-20). In other
Figure 1.3: Viking Age FUTHARKs - Elder (top), Younger Long Branch
cases, the futhark (top-middle), Younger Short Twig (bottom-middle), and Staveless (bottom)
adopted variations (Jansson 1987, 28; Page 1987, 8, 20-21)

on letters later in the Viking Age to clarify certain sounds, most prominently seen in the
dotted runes ᛂ (e), ᚵ (g), and ᚤ (y) (Byock 2013, 79). The Scandinavian futhark systems
were almost exclusively used for inscriptions on stone, wood, bone, or other objects
(Roesdahl 1987, 50). The Old Norse word ᛒ ᚢᚴ (bók) originally meant "beech-tree", or
alternatively 'beech-tree bark', which may have been the material used in most runic
inscriptions. Eventually, however, it came to be the derivative of the word "book" once
Christianity arrived with paper and bound tomes (Byock 2013, 75; Jansson 1987a, 29;
Sørensen 1997, 222). Around the year AD 1000, the growing Christian population brought
the Latin alphabet to Scandinavia which gradually began integrating into society and
replacing the prior runic alphabet (Tryckare 1972, 148). Some believe that this change was
due to a Christian attempt to suppress the Pagan cultic and Oðinn connected alphabet during
the conversion (O'Donoghue 2008, 148-149). However despite this, runic remained the most
common set of characters used on inscribed monuments in Viking Age Scandinavia.

The variety of written media resulted in a variety of style and purpose when it came to
runic inscription with a number of sub-styles arising within the younger futhark. There are
 P a g e | 22

three main forms of the younger futhark. First is the Long Branch, which was used most often
in stone inscription and formal occasions. Second is the Short Twig, which was common for
informal wooden inscriptions. Lastly is the Staveless, which served as a casual and quick
shorthand (Jansson 1987a, 27-28; Figure 1.3). Stylistic diversity was the norm and runes
could thus appear written left to right, right to left, or in opposite directions in alternating
lines (Hall 2007, 9). While these were the typical trends, inscriptions were not established or
restrictive to these methods and could show up in multiple contexts, such as the lengthy Short
Twig inscription on the Rök Stone from Sweden (Zachrisson 1999, 342; Figure 3.2).

Religious and Mythic Origins of the Futhark

Runes had a very strong spiritual significance, and there was an existing cultural heritage to
their use prior to the official conversions of Scandinavian kingdoms. Primarily, it was a sign
of magical enchantment to inscribe a futhark row on a runestone to give it extra power, as the
runic alphabet had ties to the gods (MacLeod and Mees 2006, 6; Burenhult 1999, 346;
Wilson 1970, 27). According to Viking Pagan tradition, the god Oðinn was the leader of the
Norse pantheon and is the one most closely associated with runes and runic inscriptions
(MacLeod and Mees 2006, 238). Despite this close connection, the Poetic Edda poem
Hávamál says that Oðinn was not the creator of runes, but was instead granted knowledge of
them after hanging himself from the World Tree, Yggdrasill, for nine days after being pierced
by a spear (Guerber 1986, 33-34; Jansson 1987a, 9; Steinsland, 1992, 144; Sturluson trans.
Byock 2005b, xviii-xix). The Pagan ritualism behind Oðinn's acquisition of runic knowledge
is as curious as it is symbolic, as it points to a religious genesis for a concrete and real writing
system (Wills 2000, 576). This story implies that the runes predate the gods themselves and
thus carry a symbolic power and weight that not even they can fully comprehend.

The evidence for an inherent cultural power to runestones is further supported by the
occasional magical uses of runes appearing in sagas and myths. This includes the chanting of
verses and inlaying of runes with blood to garner a desired effect, such as gaining strength
against a foe or, in the case of Egil's Saga, to detect and cure poison (Allan 2004, 27; Gordon
and Taylor 1984, 183). While these accounts are possibly embellished and acceptable for
reinterpretation, the mythological and cultural importance of runes is undeniable. The
significance of Pagan beliefs to Viking Age runemasters is arguably assured since the
original red coloring of runic inscriptions has been detected in several runestones such as the
Ardre Church Stones in Gotland (Nylén and Lamm 1978, 82; Figure 3.8). It remained a
 P a g e | 23

common tradition throughout the history of runic inscriptions, even after the conversion
period saw runestones being raised in purely Christian contexts (Jansson 1987a, 153).
However, Christian themes are not uncommon in runic texts and are present in at least one
third of Swedish inscriptions (Erikson 1985, 214), with Christian crosses and other imagery
occurring more frequently. Yet concerning religious origins for these inscriptions, one
scholar argues that in the runic alphabet "there are no Christian influences... while the pagan
religion is evident in þ (þuss), o (Valhallr, Asgardz) and t (Tyr, Balldurs, As)", while also
indicating the connection between the o-rune and "Odinus" or "Odhin" (Oðinn) (Enoksen
2011, 38). At the very least it is safe to assume that the 't' rune is derived from Pagan ideals,
as it is named for the god Týr (Elliot 1959, 71; Fell 1980, 38). Regardless of their
mythological history, runes were undoubtedly important in Viking Age society due to their
use as a religious, magical, and ceremonial writing system which can be seen by their use on
Scandinavian inscribed monuments.

The Language of Old Norse, and Translating the Futhark

The spoken and inscribed language of Viking Age Scandinavia was Old Norse, which used
the younger futhark alphabet described above to carve and inscribe messages, poems,
memorials, and other writings. Although the language diverted into various dialects during
this time period, they remained relatively similar overall and were grouped under the one
larger language category (Gordon and Taylor, 1984, xviii). For official purposes, there were
people now known as runemasters who were possibly employed to inscribe messages on
runestones and who often signed their work by including 'X carved these runes'. Some
runemasters even gained personal renown and were known both contemporarily and by
researchers today for their frequent appearance on various stones, such as with Åsmund
Kåresson, Äskil, Fot, Livsten, Balle the Red, and Öpir (Jansson 1987a, 144). For this reason,
the runestones found throughout Scandinavia sometimes feature small deviations based on
individual dialects and carving methods, but they presumably remained universally
understandable regardless.

These spelling variations are part of what makes translating runestones challenging.
Given the mnemotechnic nature of the futhark, the regional dialects of Old Norse, the lack of
a standardized spelling system for the language, and the preferences of individual
runemasters, the same word could be potentially carved many different ways, depending on
the runemaster (Byock 2013, 75). For example, Haraldr Blátönn 's (Harald Bluetooth) stone
 P a g e | 24

at Jelling in Denmark (Figure 2.6) and the Sigurð Stone found at Ramsund in Sweden (Figure
4.3) both feature the Old Norse word gerði. However, at Jelling it is inscribed ᚴ ᛅ ᚱ ᚦ ᛁ

(karþi/gærði), while at Ramsund it reads ᚴ ᛁ ᛅ ᚱ ᚦ ᛁ (kiarþi/gjærði) (Byock 2013, 79). Even

discerning the etymology of known words can sometimes prove a complicated process in
itself (Mees 2009a). These subtle differences can make translations complicated as
interpretations are first determined by the runologist who transcribes the messages, then again
by the linguist who translates them from Old Norse.

Henceforth, sources are provided for both Old Norse and runic inscriptions, as well as
translations by those sources into English. However, if no source is provided, it should be
considered the translation of the author of this dissertation.

The Problems and Methods of Dating Runestones

One of the big archaeological challenges concerning runes and their use on runestones, is
effectively and accurately dating them. The obvious issue is primarily that unlike inscriptions
on wood, which can be radiocarbon dated, carvings on stone need to be dated using more
historical methods. These techniques can oftentimes be vague, depending on how well the
information the runestone tells us correlates with what is used for comparisons, and
frequently result in answers such as 'late ninth century'. That said, being able to justifiably
place runestones within a half century is invaluable when understanding their archaeological
context, especially when a debate of origins and cultural conversion is being reviewed.

One such method of runic dating is by utilising typography, which looks at the forms
of the futhark characters used in the inscriptions. As discussed above, there are distinct and
observable differences in the futharks that evolved over the course of Scandinavian history.
Certain letters cease to be used while others changed in meaning and still more were added
later on (Byock 2013, 79; Jansson 1987a, 19-20). By looking at these indicators, an
inscription can be relatively dated by its use of characters correlating to certain points of the
Viking Age.

Etymology, or the origins, history, and development of words, also serves as a major
factor when studying and dating runes and is a more traditionally linguistic method. In much
the same way that futhark typographies were altered, the Old Norse language itself went
through changes. These changes in vocabulary and word use are relatively measurable.
However, as MacLeod and Mees point out, etymology can cause problems when assessing a
 P a g e | 25

language as it is "often done in the absence of other considerations... such as immediate

context and broader meaning relationships, or what linguists call collocation and semantic
fields" (2006, 2).

Alternatively,
runestones can be
relatively dated by
looking at their stylistic
imagery. By observing
evolving artistic patterns
that appear on runestones
and in runic inscriptions,
a sequential order of
changes can be revealed.
Since Great Beast figures
and winding, rune
covered serpents adorn a
majority of Viking Age
stone monuments, Anne-
Sofie Gräslund considers
ornamentation to be a
primary method of
measuring chronology.
She cites the shapes of
animal heads and tails as
Figure 1.4: Runic Animal Styles (Gräslund 2011, 133)
evidence of adapting styles
throughout this time period, such as with the Mammen, Ringerike, and Urnes Styles (2006,
118-119; Figure 1.4). By comparing various known Viking artistic styles with pictures and
designs found on runestones, more accurate conclusions can be drawn concerning the time
that each particular monument was raised. This dissertation primarily draws on stylistic
dating when discussing selected runestones.

Finally, by examining the content of runic inscriptions historically, a contextual date

can be estimated. Many figures from Scandinavian history are mentioned on various
runestones and runic inscriptions, and are thus identifiable contextually and scientifically
 P a g e | 26

using textual and other dating methods. While this method is rarely used due to the
infrequency of occurrences, there are some instances where it is relevant and helpful. As an
example, the runestone of Haraldr Blátönn at Jelling (Figure 2.5) can be accurately estimated
to be from around AD 965, as it is around the same point that the contemporary source
Widukind of Corvey's Saxon Chronicle says that Haraldr converted himself and Denmark to
Christianity (Olsen 1992, 153). This matches samples from his father's burial chamber which
radiocarbon date to the winter of 958-959, thus indicating the relative date of the stones to
that time period (Gräslund 2006, 303). By utilising these more accurate and contextual
methods of dating, the accuracy of runestones can be predicted with a reasonable level of
academic certainty.

Many of the difficulties surrounding these methods and their underlying concepts can
be clearly demonstrated through the examination of the Kuli Stone from Kuløy, Nordmøre in
Norway, whose religious significance is discussed in Chapter 3 (Figure 3.9). Although it is
difficult to read in places, the inscription has been translated as saying that Christendom had
been in Norway for "twelve winters" (Spurkland 2005, 108). However, it does not explain
when the conversion took place. Therefore, the exact date of the Kuli Stone is unclear, as it
could possibly refer to a number of different events: the battle of Stiklestad in 1030, the
conversion of Ólafr Tryggvason and his subsequent þing (assembly) at Moster in the 1020s,
or the Christianizing mission of Hákon the Good in the mid-900s (Elliot 1959, 28; Ferguson
2010, 264-265; Nordeide 2011, 274-275; Spurkland 2005, 108-112). This list can be
narrowed down by implementing some of the dating methods mentioned above. The Kuli
Stone was likely not raised in 1042, 'twelve winters' after the battle of Stiklestad (1030), as
there would be fundamental runological linguistic discrepancies, including the lack of an
established "o" and "ã" rune along with an earlier variant of the "e" rune, which suggests that
it was raised earlier (Spurkland 2005, 109). It is therefore more likely that the inscription
refers either the conversion of Ólafr Tryggvason (1020s) or the Christianizing mission of
Hákon the Good (900s). Ólafr Tryggvason's þing at Moster was certainly an important event
in Scandinavian Christian history, yet it did not have a marked impact on the end of
Paganism in Norway, nor the centuries of secular runic usage in Scandinavia prior to
Christianity's arrival, as it was a localised event and there was no significant or widespread
decrease in Norwegian Pagan practices (Elliot 1959, 28-29). Therefore, the Kuli Stone could
have been referring to Hákon the Good's missions in the 900s. There is a loose argument that
wood fragments dendrochronologically dated to 1034 found near the stone could be remnants
 P a g e | 27

of a bridge, thus dating the Kuli Stone contextually and identifying it as a Christian bridge
stone (Spurkland 2005, 111). This type of monument is discussed in more detail in Chapter 5.
However, this theory relies on a significant number of assumptions, especially if attempting
to connect the Kuli Stone to both a bridge and Ólafr's þing at Moster. Stronger arguments
from other scholars suggests the fragments are from a wood paved road, rather than a bridge,
indicating that perhaps the stone was raised alongside the road as per normal customs
(Nordeide 2011, 274). Hákon the Good's campaign in the 900s seems to match up more
reasonably with the beginning of Christianity mentioned on the Kuli Stone. His efforts are
one of the earliest recorded attempts at conversion in Norway which spread beyond a single
parish and thus could fit the criteria laid out on the Kuli Stone. One source suggests that some
Norwegians opposed Hákon and Christianity by burning churches, killing priests, and forcing
him to participate in Pagan sacrifices (Spurkland 2005, 110). Yet Snorri Sturluson's thirteenth
century Saga of Hákon the Good, as well as the twelfth to thirteenth century chronicle Ágrip
af Nóregskonungasögum, both attest that Hákon's conversion efforts were met with relative
success (Driscoll 2008, 9, 11; Ferguson 2010, 265; Sturluson trans. Monson and Smith 1932).
If that is true, then the Kuli Stone dates to the 960s-970s, about 12 years after the missions of
Hákon the Good, and thus puts the arrival of Christianity in Norway around the 948-958 time
frame, on the earlier end of the Viking Age, and points to the possible beginning of a long
Christianization process that could have followed. As there is no conclusive evidence to
determine the exact date the Kuli Stone was raised, the compilation of methodologies to
create the most theoretically accurate hypothesis emphasizes the clearly complicated process
of dating runestones.

The Runestones Within this Dissertation

Unfortunately, this work cannot address the images and inscriptions on all of the thousands of
runestones in Scandinavia. Therefore, a core group of representative examples have been
selected for assessment. These stones are from various regions of Denmark, Sweden, and
Norway, exhibit both long and short runic inscriptions, and in some cases have pictures and
symbols which complement the texts. While some examples have inscriptions and images
that remain difficult to decipher, they are for the most part well preserved and possess
qualities that distinguish them from typical runestones in their regions. They were chosen
because their language and imagery feature religious, societal, and political themes which
 P a g e | 28

will be compared and contrasted against each other to highlight the cultural change that was
occurring during the Viking Age.

This thesis examines the historiography of runological studies in the context of

specific debates within the work itself. In addition to word limit constraints, it would be
redundant to list all of the prior research on the subject before reiterating it repeatedly below.
Therefore, the research of previous scholars is addressed in relation to the selected
runestones, which helps to clarify their arguments as they compare to those of this paper.

The Runestones at Jelling: An Overarching Theme

The Jelling Stones, discussed in detail in the next chapter, were erected by Haraldr Blátönn
and his father King Gormr in Denmark and feature arguably some of the most informative
images, symbolism, and inscriptions of all Scandinavian stone monuments. They provide
valuable insight into the cultural, political, and religious changes that were occurring during
the Viking Age. It is expected that a thorough assessment will serve to effectively frame the
runic case studies discussed in the other chapters, and provide an overarching comparative
model for them. Ultimately, Haraldr and Gormr's Stones will serve to show the development
of the runestone depictions of Christian and Pagan themes, the arguments for a Christian or
Pagan origin for these monuments, and their impact on Scandinavian cultural development
during the Viking Age.
 P a g e | 29

Chapter 2:
How the Jelling Complex Highlights
Themes on Religious Origin
One of the earliest and
most important examples
of Scandinavian cultural
runecarving in Denmark
are the Jelling Stones
(Figure 2.1). Both of these
monuments have been
stylistically, linguistically,
typographically, and
historically dated to the
middle to late tenth
century, and serve as
spiritual memorial stones.
They feature religious Figure 2.1: Jelling Stones, Denmark (DK Jelling Stones 2015)
imagery, dictate political
power, and serve as a record for the historic conversion of Denmark to Christianity (Karlsson
1983, 55; Randsborg 2008, 1; Roesdahl 1982, 171). While King Gormr's testament to his
beloved wife Thyre is an excellent example of runestones as honorary family tributes in a
probable Pagan context, his son Haraldr's monument truly encapsulates the multifaceted and
diverse cultural significances of Viking runestones.

The Jelling Complex: A Brief Archaeological Overview

The Jelling complex comprises a church, two large Pagan mounds, and the two runestones of
Gormr and Haraldr (Roesdahl 1992, 40; Figure 2.2). While conventional research on the
monuments is assumed to have begun in 1704 with the first official investigation at the North
Mound in the complex, the first documented excavation occurred in 1820. The excavations
were conducted by amateur locals who first discovered a bodiless burial chamber. This
triggered a funded archaeological endeavour by the Royal Commission for the Preservation
of Antiquities in 1821 (Pedersen 2006, 295). Further excavations were conducted at the
 P a g e | 30

matching South Mound

which served to augment
archaeological
understanding of the site
and its cultural
importance.

While the
runestones of Kings
Gormr Gamli (Gorm the
Old) and Haraldr Blátönn
(Harald Bluetooth) are
Figure 2.2: Modern Jelling Complex (Graham-Campbell 1980, 200)
magnificent monuments
which mark Jelling as a crucial place of value to Scandinavian studies, they are better
understood when observed with an understanding of the complex at large. The North and
South Mounds are the two most prominent landscape features which have survived to modern
times. The North Mound measures 65m in diameter and 8.5m in height and contains a burial
chamber at its center measuring 6.75m long, 2.6m wide, and 1.45m high, all of which was
placed directly on top of a much smaller Bronze Age mound (Roesdahl 1982, 172). As stated
above, the burial chamber was
found to be empty. However, it
has been assumed to have once
housed King Gormr and
potentially his wife Queen
Thyre, considering the lavish
and high quality pre-Christian
goods found in the burial
chamber (Pedersen 2014a, 58;
Roesdahl 1982, 125-126; Figure
2.3). It would seem that the
North Mound was the original
centerpiece of the complex.
Figure 2.3: Excavations at the North Mound (Pedersen
However, it appears that a shift
2006, 296)
occurred when the South Mound
 P a g e | 31

was built later on, as is evident by multiple excavations undertaken there.

First, and initially surprising to the nineteenth century excavators, was that after two
thorough investigations no burial chamber was found in the South Mound. However, there
was a massive wooden post at the exact center of the mound along with a huge triangular
stone setting predating the mound itself. This suggests that it was preplanned in the Viking
Age and constructed in tandem with the North mound; a claim that was confirmed with the
discovery of similar structures in the North mound during a later excavation (Moltke 1985,
203; Pedersen 2006, 301). Some scholars suggest that the South Mound may have originally
been intended for Haraldr, prior to his conversion to Christianity (Gast 1980, 27; Lund 1997,
159), but there is very little archaeological evidence to support the claim. The organized
nature of the complex was made more apparent when the triangular stone setting was
discovered to have actually been the largest stone ship setting ever found. It measured 354m,
surrounded all of the North Mound, and may have featured Gormr's Stone at its 'prow', all of
which are evident of "traditional symbols of high status and should therefore be considered
non-Christian" (Randsborg 2008, 2). While their true meaning is still debated, one theory on
stone ship settings is that they are a specific type of Pagan burial practice which began in the
early Bronze Age, but which became most popular in the years following 800, where the
represented long-ship was intended to carry the dead into the afterlife (Allan 2004, 130-131;
Ellis-Davidson 1967, 113). Excavations at Jelling, initially undertaken by Ejnar Dyggve and
since reviewed and modified by later research, have confirmed the curved shape of the stone
ship setting and have prompted theories that Gormr's Stone may have been a part of the
monument itself, before being moved by Haraldr at a later date (Dyggve 1943; Pedersen
2006, 302). The evidence from these and later excavations suggest that, prior to Haraldr's
eventual conversion of the site, Jelling was a Pagan cultural ceremonial ground with Gormr's
runestone and stone ship setting as its centerpiece.

With the research at the Jelling mounds leaving archaeologists confused, eyes moved
to the next part of the complex: the Christian church located between the mounds. Initial
theories suggested that the missing bodies of Gormr and Thyre were perhaps taken after their
deaths and buried beneath the church by their converted son Haraldr in an attempt to
posthumously Christianize his Pagan parents (Olsen 1992, 154). This theory would not be
supported until much later. During excavations in 1976-1979, there was partial confirmation
for the theory when the disturbed remains of a middle aged man were discovered, along with
evidence suggesting that the body had been taken from another site and reburied.
 P a g e | 32

Furthermore, stratigraphically, the burial and the church were established at the same time
(Pedersen 2006, 302). This is almost certainly the reburial of King Gormr, which appears
indicative of the religious confrontations between Paganism and Christianity that were
present at the Jelling complex.

The intentions of Jelling as a political epicenter of Haraldr Blátönn have become

even more concrete with excavations that have been undertaken in recent years. Haraldr is
associated with the construction of multiple timber built circular ring fortresses with earthen
banks. The forts Aggersborg, Fyrkat, and Trelleborg, located near Limfjorden, Hobro, and
Slagelse respectively, were intended as symbols of his control of Denmark and perhaps its
eventual political and religious unification (Hall 2012, 90; Jessen et. al. 2014, 43; Roesdahl
1982, 177). Current ongoing scholarly debate claims that Haraldr was also responsible for a
similar project at Jelling as well. Excavations and magnetic surveys around the North Mound
have revealed that it is at the center of a set of wooden palisades measuring 360m on each
side with support beams about every 1.25m, with a total internal area of about 12.5 hectares,
and featuring three small identical buildings in the northeast corner (Jessen et. al. 2014, 43;
Pedersen 2014a, 59-60; Pedersen 2014b, 159). This structure seems to bear a striking
resemblance in style and structure to Haraldr's ring forts, although it is much larger and has a
wooden palisade rather than earthen banks. The structure is remarkable as it not only appears
to be built to encapsulate the stone ship, thus denoting it as an intended ritual area, but also
because it was large enough to nearly hide all of the internal monuments from outside
observers. King Haraldr's complex, and the runestones found at its center, would therefore
have been the territory of royal dignitaries and invitees only (Randsborg 2008, 2). This would
thus empower the Jelling Stones with an equal level of political and religious influence. The
site clearly seems to establish the ruling dynasty of Haraldr, support both traditional
nationalistic Scandinavian cultural centers and the expansionist Christian German Kingdom,
as well as launch "a fashion for first pagan monuments, then later Christian ones" (Roesdahl
1982, 175).

The Debate over Gormr's Stone and Its Religious Purpose

The Jelling complex shows the contentious dynamic of the Danish Christian conversion
primarily with the original burial mound of King Gormr and the placement of his runestone at
the head of a potentially Pagan stone ship setting (Figure 2.4). The most definitive set of data
concerns the burial chamber in the North Mound whose timber lined walls and wooden roof
 P a g e | 33

have been dated by dendrochronology to between 958 and 959, thus placing it five to ten
years prior to Haraldr's conversion (Clarke 1994, 41; Graham-Campbell and Kidd 1980, 181;
Hall 2007, 182; Pedersen 2006, 303; Roesdahl 1987, 164). As mentioned above, the mound
sits atop a stone ship setting where Gormr's Stone was formerly located, before being moved
by Haraldr after his conversion (Pedersen 2006, 304). The inscription on Gormr's Stone is:

Gormr konungr gerði kumbl þessi ept Þurvi (Þyri) konu sína, Danmarkar bót.
Translation:
King Gormr made these monuments in memory of Thyri, his wife, Denmark's
adornment (Scandinavian runic-text Database 2015,
http://www.nordiska.uu.se/forskn/samnord.htm; Byock 2013, 75).
This runestone
follows a potentially
Pagan memorial
tradition that could
predate Christian
influence, thus
suggesting that the
practice of raising
runestones was
probably in practice
prior to the official
Danish conversion.

The Christianization
Figure 2.4: Gormr's Stone (Moltke 1985, 204-205)
certainly had an impact on
Gormr's Stone, although it occurred after it was initially raised. While scholarly and historical
sources say that Haraldr gave his parents a Pagan burial ceremony (Pedersen 2006, 286),
there can be no denying that he later conducted inscribed and landscape alterations on
Gormr's Stone which gave the runestone a religious and political significance. This can be
primarily seen in the physical movement of Gormr's Stone from its original context to its
current position in front of Haraldr's Christian church (Olsen 1992, 154). Gormr's Pagan
burial was initially given to him by his son in Jelling with his runestone being erected
between the North and South Mounds (Graham-Campbell and Kidd 1980, 123). This
symbolic ritual structure is similar to the Danish Glavendrup Stone and its ship setting
discussed in Chapter 3 (Figure 3.4), which is slightly older and overtly Pagan.
 P a g e | 34

The Religious and Political Implications of Haraldr's Stone

The legacy of Haraldr Blátönn is recognizable by his own runestone raised in front of the
church at Jelling. Haraldr's Stone is in such remarkable condition and is so grandiose that it
remains one of the most informative runic case studies to date. The stone was raised during a
time of political turmoil between the Vikings and Christian Germanic kings (Oakley 2010,
76). Historical sources tell us about how Haraldr's conversion was due to peace talks with
Germanic bishops and a 'miracle event' where he challenged the archbishop Poppo to an
Ordeal whereby he had to prove the Christian God's legitimacy by holding a scalding hot
piece of metal without the wound becoming infected (Parker 2014, 88). While Christianity
was almost certainly present to some degree in Denmark during Haraldr's lifetime, perhaps it
was these mainland European connections that prompted the creation of Haraldr's Stone, and
triggered his ensuing political and religious movement. Haraldr's Stone at Jelling is, first and
foremost, a Scandinavian memorial stone, and thus primarily serves as a source of spiritual
remembrance and genealogical indication (Figure 2.5). The inscription reads:

Haraldr kunungR bað gørva kumbl þøsi aft Gormr, faður sin, ok aft Þõrvi, moður
sina. Sa Haraldr æs sæR vann Danmǫrk alla ok Norvæg ok dani gærði kristnã.
Translation:
King Haraldr ordered [people] to make these monuments after Gormr, his father, and
after Þorvi (Thyri), his mother. That Haraldr who won for himself all Denmark, and
Norway, and made the Danes Christian (Scandinavian runic-text Database 2015,
http://www.nordiska.uu.se/forskn/samnord.htm; Findell 2014, 62).
 P a g e | 35

This message fits into the

standard memorial
formula for runestones
('X raised this stone in
memory of Y'). While the
horizontal orientation of
the script mimics Latin
manuscripts and Christian
books (Pedersen 2014b,
158), the words and
language follow the style
and culturally spiritual
connotations that existed
Figure 2.5: Haraldr's Stone: Inscription (Moltke 1985, in Scandinavia previously, as
209)
will be explored on various examples in Chapter 3. Haraldr's monument additionally seems to
have a blatant political agenda. On his runestone, Gormr had it inscribed that "King Gormr
made this (these) monument(s)..." (Sawyer 2000, 158; Figure 2.4), which was a royal claim
that held definitive sway over Denmark. Years later, when raising his own stone, Haraldr
calls himself kunukR (king) which was the same title that Gormr used on his stone. On this
stone, Haraldr not only refers to himself as 'King' like his father before him, but he goes on to
connect himself directly to Gormr by name. This act could have been meant to solidify the
inheritance of Haraldr after the passing of his father so that he remained the sole recipient of
Gormr's lands and gained his political title and claim.

Haraldr even goes one step further by moving Gormr's Stone to stand at the new
church site next to his own, rather than keeping it in its original position in the possibly Pagan
ship setting (Pedersen 2006, 302). By anchoring the monument of his father, the previous
king, next to his newer and grander one, Haraldr is making a political statement about his
right to rule and the strength of his 'unified' Denmark. This act most likely accompanied the
presumed moving of Gormr from the North Mound into a tomb beneath Haraldr's new church
(Page 1994, 118). In so doing, Haraldr could have been incorporating his father's control over
his own burial and superimposing his own Christianized methods. By reburying the previous
king beneath his new Christian church, Haraldr is in a sense removing the authority and
 P a g e | 36

power of his father and his religion in order to establish his own political and spiritual
importance by inserting Gormr beneath the symbol of his new regime.

While the political motivations behind Haraldr's Stone are significant, there seems to
be a strong religious undertone to the action as well. The assertion that King Haraldr "made
the Danes Christian" (Olsen 1992, 154) appears to act like a pious testament as much as a
political land claim. Similarly, the church he constructed at Jelling after his conversion, and
the act of moving his father Gormr's corpse underneath it, serves an to strengthen political
ties with his new prominent European Christian allies (Pedersen 2006, 304). This calls into
debate the interesting use of Christianity as a socio-political tool to help influence and unify
his subjects. It is argued by some scholars that Christianity was appealing to Scandinavian
kings as it promoted land-grabbing from lesser chiefs and jarls while giving them the title of
"God's anointed one" (Hall 2007, 185). By taking on a religious kingship, Haraldr could have
taken the traditional political and religious influence of a Pagan Scandinavian spiritual leader,
known as goði (a title discussed in Chapter 3), to a new and even greater level. Haraldr's
Stone at Jelling, therefore, might have served as an indicator of the transition from a spiritual
Pagan chieftain into a
'divinely appointed'
Christian monarch.

Religious Imagery on
Haraldr's Stone

The religious origin of

Haraldr's Stone is curious as
it appears to incorporate
elements of both Norse
Paganism and Christianity.
The images of Jesus Christ
(Figure 2.6) and a
Scandinavian Mammen style
Great Beast (Figure 2.7) that
make up the majority of the
stone hold the clues to the

Figure 2.6: Haraldr's Stone: Crucifixion (Moltke 1985, 206)

 P a g e | 37

cultural ambiguity that they portray. The image of Christ on the runestone undoubtedly
impacted Scandinavian ideals and, in part, prompted the surge of Christian monuments that
came to surpass Pagan ones during the Viking Age (Graham-Campbell and Kidd 1980, 167;
Sawyer 1991, 97). Haraldr's Stone at Jelling is the oldest portrayal of Christ in all of
Scandinavia and features symbolism of both the Holy Trinity (the Father, the Son and the
Holy Ghost) and a ring around his waist which potentially represents the spiritual universe
(Moltke 1985, 209). This depiction of Jesus Christ is considered to be a representation of the
crucifixion (Olsen 1992, 154), although it does have certain elements that separate it from
traditional mainland European crucifixion imagery.

The primary curiosity concerning the Jelling crucifixion is that the picture shows
"Christ bound by a plant" (Fuglesang 1992, 178), rather than being nailed to a cross. Initial
sixteenth to seventeenth century research suggested that this figure was actually meant to be
Haraldr Blátönn himself, adorned with fantastic armor and professing his believe in
Christianity, though these ideas have since been discarded as more accurate translations and
interpretations were proposed (Pedersen 2006, 289). Some scholars argue that this is not
meant to be a crucifixion scene at all, but instead represents Christ surrounded by traditional
Scandinavian artistic
designs, as it could have
been difficult to persuade
the Vikings to leave their
Pagan gods for a
condemned criminal
(Moltke 1985, 216).
However it is generally
agreed that this is just a
highly stylized crucifixion
meant to emphasize the
interlacing plant tendrils
which stylistically
comprised most of the
contemporary artistic
designs of Denmark at that
time (Fuglesang 1992, 178;

Figure 2.7: Haraldr's Stone: Great Beast (Moltke 1985, 208)

 P a g e | 38

Graham-Campbell 1980a, 147; Graham-Campbell and Kidd 1980, 167; Olsen 1992, 154).
This claim is supported by the presence of 'Christ-bound' crucifix pendants found in Birka
and other parts of Viking Age Scandinavia (Gräslund 1987, 81-94; Sanmark 2004, 97). This
marks the beginning of Christian symbolism in Scandinavian (or at the very least, Danish)
runestones, and shows the religious impact that this monument had on Viking Age culture.

On the third face of the Jelling monument is a figure representing a Great Beast
entwined with a snake in a distinct interlace pattern (Figure 2.7). The exact type of animal
that is depicted, and the origin of it, is the subject of some debate. The Jelling Beast can be
described as "an animal in the Mammen style, big-bodied and with a foliate crest and tail,
engaged in a struggle with a snake that is entwined around its body" (Graham-Campbell
1980a, 147). Some observers posit that it is a lion, and thus is the earliest example of
Romano-Christian imagery in Scandinavia (Fuglesang 1992, 178). Others choose not to
specify the animal, and instead just classify it among the first of the mysterious "beast" motifs
that were born out of the Viking Age (Graham-Campbell and Kidd 1980, 167). Still others
point to the Jelling Beast as a Christian interpretive symbol of a Pagan monster entwined not
in combat but rather in companionship around the snake (the Christian symbol of evil),
therefore drawing parallels between the two as adversaries of the conversion (Moltke 1985,
208). It is worth noting that there was a Viking artistic motif called the Jellinge Style which
has sometimes been found in Pagan contexts, features long, twisting, ribbon-like animals, and
which originates from the Jelling complex. However, the name was derived from the Jelling
Cup which was found in Gormr's Pagan burial mound and which pre-dated Haraldr's
Christian conversion, and thus has no connection with either of the Jelling Stones (Graham-
Campbell and Kidd 1980, 162; Parker 2014, 90; 136). The origin of the Mammen Style Great
Beast on Haraldr's Stone however, could possibly be deduced by examining the cultural
origin from which it came.

As one of the earliest examples of the Great Beast motif in Scandinavia, the "Jelling
Beast" is speculated to have spawned from one of two origins. Some scholars argue that it
was the product of English stylistic influence, either carved by a northern Englishman or else
by a Yorkshire trained Dane (Arbman 1961, 146; Roesdahl 1992, 178). This explanation
would then point out the European connections of the style, as well as indicate a prior
Christian based origin for the figure. However, some acknowledge that York's Anglican
beasts are "tame" and their heavy design is "not good enough" to match the style and quality
of the Jelling Beast (Arbman 1961, 146). Therefore, it could be argued that this animal is
 P a g e | 39

evidence of a distinctly Danish theme. While highly opinionated, this viewpoint does
arguably point out differences between these prior English motifs and the evolving Viking
Age Mammen style.

A New Discussion of the Religious Origins for Images on Haraldr's Stone

While these discussions of the pictures shown on Haraldr's Jelling Stone point towards a
Christian origin, it is worth re-examining them to question whether or not prior Norse
Paganism had any impact on their style, form, or symbolism. In the case of the Jelling Beast,
the tentativeness with which it is labeled as a European model could be explained by a Pagan
influence. Perhaps the "fabulous beast with a head like a gryphon and the body of a beast of
prey, stylised with large acanthus leaves and wreathed by (not in combat with) a serpent..."
(Moltke 1985, 216-218) references Norse descriptions of monsters, trolls, and other mythical
creatures, like the Dread Wolf Fenrir or World Serpent Jörmungandr. A new interpretation of
the creatures on Haraldr's Stone could be that they are highly stylised representations of
Jörmungandr wrapped around Fenrir, the two most well known and fearsome fiends in Norse
mythology. As the children of Loki and the giantess Angrboða, they are representations of
evil and are antagonists to the Æsir (specifically Oðinn and Þórr) during Ragnarök
(Sturluson, trans. Byock 2005b, 39; Figure 2.8). This argument does not come without

Figure 2.8: Fenrir and Jörmungandr fighting Oðinn and Þórr during Ragnarök (Anson 1884, 299)
 P a g e | 40

controversy, however. Given the clear Christian inscription, the idea that the images were
from a Pagan influence can be seen as counter-intuitive. Yet, while Haraldr's conversion
doubtlessly influenced the religiously political intent of the stone and its inscription, perhaps
the carver of the stone was still drawing on prior Pagan inspirations for the designs. At the
very least, it could be supposed that there is some level of hybridization or syncretism
between Paganism and Christianity occurring here, with the evil imagery of beasts and snakes
meant to balance out the good picture of Christ (or potentially Oðinn) on the next side of the
monument. This could even possibly be what Anne-Sofie Gräslund calls interpretatio
Christiana, or a type of syncretism where "a pagan object or feature gets a Christian
meaning" (Gräslund 2008, 642). As one scholar of Norse mythology puts it: "At a time when
new Christian and old Pagan beliefs were both in men's minds, representatives of good and
evil must to some extent have been interchangeable" (Crossley-Holland 1985, 233).

The idea that Paganism could have influenced, or to some level combined with, the
Christian elements of Haraldr's Stone at Jelling is also apparent when looking at the dominant
Christ figure that serves as a centerpiece of the monument. As has been pointed out, the main
difference between this image of Christ's death versus the traditional European depiction is
that in the case of Haraldr's Stone and the Scandinavian crucifixes mentioned above, Christ is
bound by plants or vines rather than being literally crucified. When analyzing the potential
Pagan symbolism present in this image, one must examine the myth of Oðinn discovering the
runes that was discussed in Chapter 1. As the story goes, Oðinn was hung from and bound to
Yggdrasill for nine nights, without food or drink, and having been pierced by a spear in order
to magically attain wisdom and learn about the runes (Crossley-Holland 1985, 15; Steinsland,
1992, 144). This description could objectively fit the image on Haraldr's Stone as well as a
Christian interpretation. When looking for Christian themes, there are elements of the figure
that do point towards Haraldr's newfound faith. This is seen most clearly in the apparent halo
around the head, the portrayals of the Trinity in the surrounding triquetras, and the symbolic
ring around the waist (Moltke 1985, 216). This combination of Pagan and Christian
symbolism could support syncretism on the Jelling Stone.

A Critical Response to an Argument on Jelling Dates and Intentions

There is some debate over the Jelling Stones and when precisely they were carved.
Conventional theory on dating Gormr's and Haraldr's Stones places them at the middle to late
tenth century (Gräslund 2011, 156). However, some scholars, most notably Birgit Sawyer,
 P a g e | 41

have posited that Gormr's Stone was raised after his death by Haraldr in order to properly
honor his mother and to secure his right to rule over Denmark (Sawyer 2000, 159-160). This
argument implies an underhanded attempt by Haraldr to usurp power, and also to
acknowledge someone that he felt was not given proper recognition because of her gender.
However, this is somewhat inconsistent. First, the implication that "it is unusual for women to
be honoured with rune-stones" (Sawyer 2000, 160), is not true. Women and female figures
are depicted in both carved picture stones and inscribed runestones all across Scandinavia
during the Viking Age, and while in the case of most memorial stones they act as sponsors,
there are ones raised in their honor as well (Jesch 1991, 48-58). Furthermore, Sawyer
contradicts her argument by pointing out that Thyre Danebod ('Denmark's Adornment', wife
of Gormr) is an active political centerpiece during this time and is mentioned in multiple
runestones. She also indicates that potential other Thyres are named on other stones, thus
indicating a regular presence of women on inscriptions in the area (Sawyer 2000, 161-163).
Given that the name Thyre shows up numerous times in Jelling, Læborg and Bæke, some say
the name was commonplace, while others point out that, because they are within about 40 km
of each other, they could all be indicative of the same Thyre: the one called 'Denmark's
Adornment' (Sawyer 2000, 162). One could argue that if the theory that they all refer to
Thyre Danebod is true, then there would be no significant need for Haraldr to raise Gormr's
Stone in honor of an underappreciated mother. On the other hand, if she was one of many
Thyres in the area and women received somewhat regular recognition, then there would still
be no pressing political motivation for him to honor her.

Sawyer's hypothesis goes on to say that Haraldr crafted both runestones in an attempt
to scheme his way into power and wealth. This raises even more confounding questions and
is flawed as well. While Haraldr's Stone had a political motivation, as was discussed above,
the evidence used to support the claim that he "sponsored another stone in Gormr's name"
(Sawyer 2000, 166) comes across as highly speculative. While the mention of Gormr and
Thyre on Haraldr's Stone was indeed most likely an inheritance claim as she suggests
(Sawyer 2000, 162; Page, 1992, 164), the theory that Gormr's Stone was made by a
Christianized Haraldr is not supported by the evidence of the stone's previous erection,
intention, and position by Gormr and a Pagan Haraldr between the mounds that were being
erected at the time for him and his wife (Pedersen 2006, 301-304; Page, 1992, 163). While
new ideas and interpretations on material culture are always important to the archaeological
 P a g e | 42

investigation of this site, this particular argument does not match up with the evidence
present.

The Jelling Stone Explored

In this chapter the three main elements of Viking Age runestones have been addressed as they
relate to the Jelling Stones: religious and magical text inscriptions; Pagan and Christian
imagery; and religiously political and genealogical impacts. These subjects comprise the
remainder of this dissertation, and their connection to Jelling will be analyzed as they relate
to various relevant examples found on runestones across Scandinavia.
 P a g e | 43

Chapter 3:
Runes as Religious Texts and Magical Wards
While the majority of modern knowledge of Norse mythology is derived from later Christian
writings, such as the Poetic Edda and Snorri Sturlusson's 13th century Prose Edda (2005;
trans. Byock 2005b), Viking Age runestones offer the chance to look at preserved
inscriptions which provide contemporary views on the sacred aspects of Scandinavian
culture. These monuments and their inscriptions give insight into both religious beliefs and
their evolution over time, as well as any spiritual and mystical properties that they were
believed to hold by Scandinavians during the Viking Age.

As is discussed above, there may have been

a mythological origin for Scandinavian runes
derived from a Pagan religious cultural background.
There was arguably a power to runes and runic
inscriptions which resonated both with those who
were inscribing objects, and with the people who
read them afterwards. On the AD 800 Sparlösa
Stone from Västergötland, Sweden (Figure 4.1), the
inscription partially reads runaR þaR ræginkundu,
which translates to "the runes of divine origin"
(Jansson 1987a, 9). It would appear that these runes
Figure 3.1: Lund Tablet (Jesch 1991, 46)
could have been believed to be not the creation of
mankind, but rather gifts granted from the gods.

Viking Age runes were often employed by their carvers for magical purposes and
were used in various religious and superstitious ceremonies, such as with the Lund tablet
(Figure 3.1). In this instance, a scorned woman grabbed a weaving tablet and carved an
inscription upon it which translates to "Sigvor's Ingemar shall have my weeping - aallatti!",
possibly cursing the man who left her and the woman he presumably left her for (Jesch 1991,
46). Due to their apparent cultural power, the engraved curse probably held more weight than
merely praying for retribution. While some scholars argue that runes, runic inscriptions, and
the runemasters that carved them did not hold any magical powers (Fell 1987, 100; Page
1994, 100-101), the runestones and runic inscriptions discussed within this chapter could
potentially indicate otherwise. Specifically, that Þórr, the Christian God, or some more
 P a g e | 44

abstract element of Scandinavian belief was being invoked to create a sort of warding
enchantment in order to protect the dead on their journey into the afterlife (MacLeod and
Mees 2006, 225). The language used points to a distinct magical purpose which lends
credence to their religious and spiritual importance to Viking Age Scandinavians. In order to
compare the religious and magical elements of Scandinavian runic inscriptions, this section
will analyze stones which are evident of the cultural dogmas of the Vikings followed by
examples of attestations to divine beings, first in Pagan then in Christian contexts.

The Rök Stone: A Poetic Heroic Manuscript

There is a particular runestone in Scandinavia

which boasts both a very old age and a
uniquely long inscription: the Rök Stone in
Östergötland, Sweden (Figure 3.2). This
monument is particularly interesting as
linguistic and historical evidence suggests that
it was raised in the turn of the ninth century (c.
800) and provides valuable insight into the
heroic lays and cultural legends that existed in
the pre-Christian culture of Scandinavia (Brink
2005, 76; Jansson 1987a, 31-34). This
runestone is critically important to the study of
the cultural and religious origins of runestones,
as its poetic verse is representative of Nordic
Figure 3.2: Rök Stone (Zachrisson 1999, 342)
oral traditions and mentions Pagan gods and
heroes, specifically Þórr. The inscription in Old Norse, followed by its translation, transcribed
in poetic meter reads:

Aft Væmoð standa runar þar. En Varinn faði, faðir, aft faigian sunu.
Sagum mogminni þat, hværiar valraubar varin tvar þar, svað tvalf sinnum
varin numnar at valraubu, baðar saman a ymissum mannum.
Þat sagum annart, hvar fur niu aldum an urði fiaru meðr Hraiðgutum, suk do
meðr hann umb sakar.
Reð Þioðrikr
hinn þurmoði,
stillir flutna,
strandu Hraiðmarar.
Sitir nu garur
 P a g e | 45

a guta sinum,
skialdi umb fatlaðr,
skati Mæringa.
Þat sagum tvalfta, hvar hæstr se Gunnar ety vettvangi an, kunungar tvair tigir
svað a liggia.
Þat sagum þrettaunda, hvarir tvair tigir kunungar satin at Siolundi fiagura
vintur a fiagurum nampnum, burnir fiagurum brøðrum. Valkar fim, Raðulfs synir,
Hraiðulfar fim, Rugulfs synir, Haislar fim, Haruðs synir, Gunnmundar fim, Biarnar
synir…
Nu’k minni meðr allu sagi. Ainhvarr…
Sagum mogminnin þat, hvar Inguldinga vari guldinn at kvanar husli.
Sagum mogminni, hvaim se burinn niðr drængi. Vilinn es þart. Knua knatti
iatun. Vilinn es þat…
Sagum mogminni: Þorr. Sibbi viavari ol nirøðr.
Translation:
In memory of Væmod stand these runes. And Varin wrote them, the father in
memory of his dead son.
I tell the ancient tale which the two war-booties were, twelve times taken as
warbooty, both together from man to man. This I tell second who nine generations
ago lost his life with the Reidgoths; and he died with them, because of his offences.
Theodric the bold,
king of sea-warriors,
ruled over
Reid-sea shores.
Now sits he armed
on his Gothic horse,
shield strapped,
prince of Mærings.
That I tell the twelfth where the horse of Gunn [i.e. steed of the Valkyrie, the
wolf] sees food on the battle-field, where twenty kings lie.
This I tell the thirteenth which twenty kings sat on/at ‘Siolundi’ for four
winters with four names, born to four brothers: five Valkes, sons of Rådulv, five
Reidulvs, sons of Rugulv, five Haisls, sons of Hord, five Gunnmunds, sons of Björn.
Now I tell the tale in full. Someone…
I tell the ancient tale which of the kinsmen of Ingvald was avenged by a wife’s
sacrifice.
I tell an ancient tale to which young warrior a kinsman is born. Vilin it is. He
could crush a giant. Vilin it is.
I tell an ancient tale: Thor. Sibbe of Vi, ninety years of age, begot [a son]’.
(Scandinavian runic-text Database 2015,
http://www.nordiska.uu.se/forskn/samnord.htm; Brink 2005, 84-85; Jansson 1987a,
32-34).
The Rök inscription is a remarkable example of runic literacy, with words and verses crafted
using short twig runes including letters, motifs, and features reminiscent of earlier inscription
styles. Even more interesting are the magical intonations and the "secret runic cipher" found
upon it. The top of the Rök Stone features a number of special runic crosses and marks that
 P a g e | 46

seem to have some mysterious meaning that only the inscriber, Varin, likely understood fully
(Findell 2014, 65; Sørensen 1992, 166; Figure 3.3). Modern runologists have speculated at
length over the possible meaning of the cipher. Some theorize that it could potentially be a
way of dividing the futhark into organized 'families' and could thus be a translatable phrase;
in this case the final translated portion "Sibbe of Vi, ninety years of age, begot {a son}"
which was derived from the cipher crosses (Jansson 1987a, 35). This may be further evidence
of the cultic power of runes and rune forms, with the strange inscribed ciphers serving to
augment the cultural importance of the heroic lays and poetry inscribed in the text of the
stone.

These linguistic
nuances and cryptic
ciphers might be
evidence of a deeper,
magical meaning
behind the inscription
on the Rök Stone. The
unusual symbols could
be attempts by the
runemaster and his
commissioner to
capitalize on the mythic
power that the runes
allegedly held,
Figure 3.3: Rök Stone Cipher Crosses (Jansson 1987, 34-35) according to the Oðinn
myth discussed in Chapter 1. Additionally, the mention of the Pagan god Þórr found on one
side of the stone may indicate an early attempt at the Þórr vígi ('Thor bless') formula
discussed below (MacLeod and Mees 2006, 216). This could thus suggest that the Rök Stone
could be interpreted as a Pagan monument, or at least a monument which chose to
acknowledge the Pagan gods over the Christian one.

The story told on the Rök Stone also reveals a great deal about the secular culture of
the people that raised it. The poem mostly concern the man Þioðrikr, who many scholars say
is the legendary Germanic hero and former king of Italy Theodoric the Great (Brink 2005,
85-86; Jansson 1987a, 32-34; Looijenga 2003, 47; MacLeod and Mees 2006, 215-216;
 P a g e | 47

Sørensen 1992, 166). The metre and style of the inscription acts as a kind of precursor to the
heroic poems that would be written about the same stories centuries later (Sørensen 1992,
166). The lack of specific details along with vague descriptions of the characters within the
inscription most likely contain hidden cultural nuances that reflect Eddic poetic themes of
hidden powers (Price 2002, 30). While these Old Norse cultural nuances may be lost on
modern researchers, and Þioðrikr himself was not a mythical figure, the Rök Stone's poetic
legendary style and language gives valuable insight into the mindset of the earliest runestone
inscribers of the Viking Age.

The Glavendrup Runestone

Given the association of runes

with magic, they were often
used in praise of the gods,
both Pagan and Christian, and
frequently employed their
divine service for help or
favors (Nylén and Lamm
1978, 76). One example of
this can be found on the late
ninth to early tenth century
Glavendrup Stone from the
isle of Funen in Denmark
(Jones 1984, 71). This stone,
and others like it, seem to
have been primarily used as
ceremonial honorific symbols
to fallen loved ones; however,
there were also political, social,
Figure 3.4: Glavendrup Runestone (Sawyer 2000, 95)
and legal intentions behind the act
of raising such a runestone as well (Jesch 1991, 48). This topic is discussed in more detail
below in Chapter 5. The Glavendrup Stone (Figure 3.4) is a memorial stone erected in
remembrance of Alli by his wife and sons (Sawyer 2000, 95). The Glavendrup Stone
features the longest runic inscription found in Denmark, and reads:
 P a g e | 48

Ragnhildr satti stēn þænsi æft Alla Solva-goða vēa-lið hēð-værðan þægn. Alla syniR
gæðu kumbl þøsi æft faður sīn, ok hans kona æft vær sīn. Æn Sōti rēst rūnaR þæssi
æft drōttin sīn. Þōrr vīgi þæssi rūnaR. At rætta sā værði ǣs stēn þænsi æða æft annan
dragi.

Translation:

Ragnhild placed this stone in memory of Alli, the priest of the Salver, honour-worthy
thane of the holy-troop (?). Alli's sons made this monument in memory of their father,
and his wife in memory of her husband. And Soti carved these runes in memory of his
lord. May Thor bless these runes. May whosoever damages this stone or drags it to
stand in memory of another become a warlock." (Scandinavian runic-text Database
2015, http://www.nordiska.uu.se/forskn/samnord.htm; Brink 2005, 84-85; MacLeod
and Mees 2006, 224)
The religious undertones in this inscription are clear and the intent is emboldened particularly
by the word goða. There has been much discussion on that particular word as some scholars
argue that it is an epithet meaning "pagan/heathen high priest" (Jesch 1991, 50; MacLeod and
Mees 2006, 223), while others say it simply means "chieftain" (Sawyer 2000, 95). As it
stands, both sides of the debate may hold equal weight in this matter. The word goða is, in
this instance, the singular accusative form of the nominative goði, which could be construed
as a term for both a chieftain and a Pagan cult leader depending on the context in which it is
used (Byock 2013, 86; Ellis-Davidson 1988, 157-158, Gordon and Taylor 1984, 349). Each
 P a g e | 49

goði traditionally received their own temple site and "combined secular, religious, economic
and judicial power: he was the representative and helper of his 'friends' vis-á-vis other men
and the gods, and decided questions at issue between them" (Arbman 1961, 108-109).
Culturally, this speaks volumes about the role of a leader in Viking society. It is thought that
kings and leaders in Sweden during the Viking Age were also Pagan cult leaders (Clarke
1994, 34). The inclusion of this form of goði on the Glavendrup Stone, appears to link Alli as
a goði to his gods (DuBois 1999, 65). This could indicate that a similar political-religious role
as that of a Swedish goði is being shared by leaders in Denmark. In all likelihood, Alli was a
goði in both senses of the word, and thus embodied both the sacred and secular aspects of
Viking Age leadership.

Another point of interest on the Glavendrup Stone is the invocation to Þórr which
shows up near the end of the inscription. Þōrr vīgi þæssi rūnaR or, 'May Thor bless these
runes'; this phrase is simple and short but it offers valuable insight into religious beliefs and
the cultural implications of those beliefs. This is further supported by the fact that the stone
marks the head of a ship setting dedicated to Alli (Sawyer 2000, 93). This prayer thus seems
to call on Þórr to consecrate the site and imbue the runestone with spiritual energy. The
expense of erecting and carving such a runestone, coupled with the size of the burial, clearly
shows the gravitas that this object held and the impact it must have had on both the people
present at its initial completion and any who witnessed the stone thereafter.

The final point of spiritual significance on the Glavendrup Stone is the curse which
concludes the inscription's translation. Curses were often inscribed on various objects in order
to call upon the gods and to deter desecrators (Sawyer 2000, 95). The intent here is similar to
that of the Lund tablet (Figure 3.1) above, in that it takes a somewhat vengeful approach. The
Lund tablet's inscription ends: "...aallatti!", a word which is untranslatable, but appears to
serve as a sort of magical expletive to activate the curse inscribed upon it (Jesch 1991, 46).
Meanwhile, the Glavendrup Stone ends by demanding: "May whosoever damages this stone
or drags it to stand in memory of another become a warlock" (MacLeod and Mees 2006,
224). In this case, the target of this curse is whichever desecrator has the gall to damage or
move the stone, and the action is to turn the offender into a warlock or some other kind of
disgraced outcast. These curses hint at the magical and possibly divine effect these runes
were believed to hold, and the mystical purpose for which they were carved.
 P a g e | 50

One curious word on the Glavendrup Stone, 'warlock' (ræta), is a point of great debate
as it can be interpreted a number of subtly different ways. Some argue that a 'ræta' is simply
an outlaw or a villain of some kind (Sawyer 2000, 95), while others say it "may be interpreted
as ‘pervert (magician?)’, and ‘to become a rita [ræta]’ must mean something shameful along
similar lines" (McKinnell et al 2004, 119). Regardless, it seems that it can be understood as
an attempt to spiritually make the person unnatural, culturally abhorrent, and a social outcast
(MacLeod and Mees 2006, 225). The term appears on seven different runestones in Denmark,
three of which were in Northern Jutland, with the others being found in Fyn, Scania, Zealand,
and Västergötland, thus suggesting that the average Viking (in Denmark) knew what a 'ræta'
was and thus the severity of the inscription featured on those runestones (McKinnell et al
2004, 119). This gave the runestones a level of magical and cultural power and added to the
strength they already possessed from their mention of Þórr and the pleas for his protection.

Praises to 'Thor' in Other Runic Contexts

The religious phenomenon found on the Glavendrup

Stone is certainly not unique since runestones
appealing to Þórr can also be found in other parts of
the Viking world. The Velanda Stone in
Västergötland, Sweden (Figure 3.4) bears a similar
inscription to that of the Glavendrup Stone which
translates into: "May Thor hallow (the stone or the
runes)" (Sawyer 2000, 104). This demonstrates the
pervasiveness of these ideals across Scandinavia
during the peak of the Viking Age.

Yet more invocations of 'Thor' can be found

on runestones across Denmark and Sweden which
date to the tenth to eleventh centuries, or roughly a
century after the Glavendrup Stone (McKinnell et al
2004, 119-121, 126). Variations in the written
terminology used on these monuments point to the
variety of divine favors that were called upon. In the
case of the Virring Stone, the final inscription reads: Figure 3.5: Velanda Runestone
(Sawyer 2000, 104)
Þórr vígi þessi kuml, which translates to "Thor bless
 P a g e | 51

this monument", while the Velanda Stone mentioned above simply says Þórr vígi or "Thor
bless" (Anderson 1989, 30-31; McKinnell et al 2004, 120). The omission of the direct object
on the Velanda Stone opens up much debate over the subject of Þórr's would be blessing. It
could possibly bless the monument itself, as with the Virring Stone, the person the stone was
raised for (in this case a man named Ögmund), or potentially a different subject. The Sønder
Kirkeby Stone's final message reads: Þórr vígi rúnar, or "Thor bless these runes"
(McKinnell et al 2004, 120; Figure 3.6), which offers yet another possibility. The Jursta
Stone offers the most interesting example as its inscription reads: síði Þórr, which could
mean either "May Thor protect" or "May Thor work magic" (McKinnell et al 2004, 126).
Some scholars, most notably Henrik Williams, have theorized that these interpretations of
runic inscriptions are mistranslations. He argues that síði Þórr and Þórr vígi are meant to
drive away or mock the god rather than hallow him (Williams 1996, 298-304), yet these
claims don't seem to make sense in the context of the monuments. While it could be possible
that a Christian inscription might attempt to ward off a Pagan god, the interpretation of the
message as a blessing on a memorial stone to a loved one, particularly when accompanied by
a Mjölnir image as in the case of the Stenkvista Runestone (Figure 4.3), is much more
reasonable. Regardless, these various interpretations of Þórr inscriptions point to the magical
and religious intent that they may have been carved with.

The Jursta Stone could be

thought to take an even more Pagan
approach to runecarving, since the
magical element behind the phrasing
'May Thor protect/work magic'
suggests a tangible outcome.
"Interaction is therefore the word
which epitomizes the Scandinavian
view of the world" (Steinsland 1992,
144). As such, having the gods
interact with mortals through the

Figure 3.6: Sønder Kirkeby Runestone (Turville-Petre

runestones represents an undeniable
1964, Plate 23) religious power imbued within the
runes that make up the inscriptions. As discussed in Chapter 1, the god Oðinn was the first to
acquire the knowledge of runes and become literate by hanging from Yggdrasill and crossing
 P a g e | 52

the veil of death before ultimately granting them to mankind (Steinsland 1992, 144). By
calling on the Pagan gods to give power to the inscription, the runemasters who carved the
runestones in Glavendrup, Velanda, Virring, Sønder Kirkeby and Jursta could thus have been
imbuing them with a level of cultural significance and spiritual magical power that could be
felt by all Scandinavian observers.

The Kuli Stone: An Early Christian Influence in Norway?

While the cases above are indicative of Pagan texts and invocations found on runestones,
there are examples which mirror similar sentiments from a Christian perspective. One early
runic example of the Christianization of Scandinavia is observable in the case of the Kuli
Stone from Kuløy, Nordmøre in Norway (Figure 3.7). The inscription on the stone reads:

Þórir ok Hallvarðr reistu stein þenna ept Ulfljót... Tolf vetr hafði kristindómr verit í
Nóregi...( Scandinavian runic-text Database 2015,
http://www.nordiska.uu.se/forskn/samnord.htm)
Translation:
Thorir and Hallvard raised this stone after Ulfjot... twelve winters had Christendom
been in Norway...
This inscription marks the first use of the term 'Christendom' and
'Norway' in written form here, and also gives a vague hint at the
date of when it was raised. The difficulties and tentative results of
dating it are detailed in Chapter 1. Given that the Kuli Stone has an
inscription with a clear Christian origin, and that it most likely
dates to around the 960s-970s, there are a number of important
elements worth discussing.

The religious proclamation and the recorded history of the

Kuli Stone inscription is significant in two distinct, but related
ways. Primarily, it serves to act as a contemporary source for an
early stage of Christianity in Norway. The measured time frame for
the 'arrival' of Christianity found on the runestone is highly
unusual, and therefore invaluable when discussing the religious
origins for inscribed monuments. The late tenth century date for
the monument discussed in Chapter 1 is helpful as it marks a
potential turning point in religious culture for the region. While Figure 3.7: Kuli Stone
(Sawyer 2000, 8)
 P a g e | 53

the Christian conversion was not instantaneous, and residual Pagan cultural themes could
have still shown up after Hákon the Good's mission, having a record of the first influences
helps analyze the potential religious intentions behind all inscriptions and points to a cultural
shift from Paganism to Christianity in Norway beginning around 950.

The second significant aspect of the Kuli Stone's date is that it suggests that Norway
could have potentially become Christian before Haraldr Blátönn proclaimed it so on his
Jelling Stone. If the Kuli Stone was erected on the earlier end of its date range, then it is
possible that Norway began the Christianization process in full force as early as 948, or 8
years before Haraldr's claimed mass conversion in the south. This potentially indicates an
even earlier start to the official conversion of Norway, and that Haraldr's Stone claims the
conversion of an already converted people (Ferguson 2010, 265). Thus, there is the potential
that earlier conversion attempts had a more active influence on the runestone culture of these
areas of Scandinavia than previously thought. Another possibility is that Hákon's mission
could have been in the wake of Haraldr's proclamation. Perhaps after Norway had been
politically 'converted' by Haraldr, the real religious conversion of the people occurred.

The Kuli Stone, Haraldr's Stone, and other early runestone monuments expressing
defined Christian ideals are important comparative tools when brought alongside Pagan stone
monuments such as the Glavendrup and Velanda Stones. They are useful in interpreting the
flow of Christianity through Scandinavia and highlight contrasts between the inscribed
culture, magical beliefs, and political interactions of these two religions. Through examining
the developments and changes in inscriptions found on Pagan and Christian runestones in
Denmark, Sweden, and Norway, a clearer picture of the origin of beliefs and religion as they
pertain to these monuments can begin to be theorized.

Runes in Other Christian Contexts: Ardre Church and Elsewhere

With Christian activity intensifying during the Viking Age, runestones became an essential
aspect of the growth of this new religion in Scandinavia (Sawyer 2000, 124-5). In fact, by
looking at more examples of the runestones themselves, one can observe the blatant Christian
influence that is present in many runic writings. While some instances could point to earlier
Christian themes on runestones, there was a definitive shift towards the Christian God
somewhere in between AD 1000 and 1200 (Nylén and Lamm 1978, 76). One example of
Christian uses of Norse runes are the eleventh century stones uncovered from Ardre Church
 P a g e | 54

in Gotland, Sweden (Figure 3.8), which include an inscription that reads "The sons of Liknat
had the memorial made after Ailika a good wife and mother God and the Mother of God
bless her and those who made the memorial (the most impressive) ever to be seen" (Nylén
and Lamm 1988, 81). As is the case with the other runestones discussed above, these runes
are asking for a divine blessing, thus showing a similarity of intent being implemented by the
runemasters carving these monuments.

There is an observable
distinction that points towards the
change in religious and spiritual
beliefs and culture evident in
Scandinavian runestones (beyond
the problematic 'God versus Þórr'
issue). The subject of the divine
blessings have shifted from runes
themselves, to the people that the
runestone describes. In the case of
the Ardre Church Stones, it is the
souls of Ailika and her living sons
who are hallowed rather than the
runes or the stone itself, as was the
case with the Virring and Sønder
Kirkeby Stones. Furthermore, the
curse at the end of the Glavendrup
Stone damns the man who moves,
defaces, or otherwise disrupts the
Figure 3.8: Ardre Church Stones (Nylén and Lamm
1988, 81)
runestone, but does not make any
mention of what should happen to
those that disrupt the remains of the individuals who have passed on, thus indicating that it is
more likely a 'memorial stone' rather than a 'grave stone'. That said, regardless of religious
origin, the inherent intent of the memorial stone remains intact. With both the Glavendrup
Stone, which was possibly Pagan, and the Christian Ardre Stones, the main intent is for
family members to glorify the memory of dead loved ones while securing their inheritance
and social status in the community. This shows that the process of runecarving still serves
 P a g e | 55

traditional socio-religious purposes and holds symbolic power for the Scandinavian people,
even in a Christian context.

With Christianity's rise in popularity during the eleventh century, i.e. the period in
which the Ardre Stones were made (Jones 1984, 73-4), the praise of this new religion moved
into the foreground. Raising runestones became as much a cultural and social action as it was
religious. The runic inscriptions on memorial stones of the Viking Age are indicative of the
religious influence of Paganism and Christianity to the ceremonial and cultural practices of
the Scandinavians. Additionally, their use and implementation identify the runic relationship
with mystical and magical Norse gods as well as the new Christian monotheistic belief
system.

The earliest concrete example of the Christianization of Denmark found in runestones

is the collection of monuments erected by King Gormr and his son Haraldr Blátönn at Jelling
in the mid tenth century (Figure 2.1). As the previous chapter details, Haraldr's Stone depicts
an image of Christ and a long inscription commissioned by Haraldr in honor of his parents,
Gormr and Thyri, the Christian god, and himself (Graham-Campbell et al 1994, 118;
Pedersen 2006, 283). On it, Haraldr writes that he united all of Denmark and Norway under
his name and "made the Danes Christian" (Olsen 1992, 152). This religious proclamation
concretely shows the shift in religious ideals throughout his lands, especially considering his
leadership role. As discussed above, the leader in Scandinavian society (goði) held religious
influence over his constituents, even if that meant a culture-wide conversion event. Instances
of this cultural and religious syncretism, where Pagan ideals are brought into the Christian
tradition, indicates a blending of culture during the Viking Age.
 P a g e | 56

Chapter 4:
Runestone Imagery as a Vehicle for Mythic Story Tellers
While the religious implications of runestones could reflect aspects of Scandinavian
ceremony and belief, they certainly act as one of the most stylistic examples of mythic story
telling. Through this medium, the Vikings were able to visually perpetuate their mythic
stories and detail mystical beings for all who observed them. As such, this section will look at
examples of possible Pagan and Christian imagery in runestones. In each case, first
discussing examples of religious stories being represented in pictorial form; followed then by
symbolism used as a means of invoking divine beings; and finally finishing with the
possibility of future generations changing the religious intent of monuments and the
implications of hybridization and syncretism.

The Altuna Runestone and Other Depictions of Þórr

Of all the Pagan gods the pre-Christian Scandinavians

worshipped, Þórr is the most prominently featured deity. He
had many mortal characteristics, including his temper and
average-at-best intelligence, and was the "god of the
common man" (Page 1994, 108). One of the clearest
examples of his runic representation is the eleventh century
Altuna Runestone from Uppland, Sweden (Figure 4.1). One
side of this memorial stone depicts a famous scene featuring
Þórr wherein he, bearing his mystical hammer Mjölnir in one
hand and a fishing line in the other, baits the World Serpent
Jörmungandr with the head of an ox (Sawyer 2000, 127).
This image is of a cultural skaldic story maintained in its
traditional form (Sørensen 1992, 167). With one carved
image, the story of Þórr fishing with the giant Hymir is on
display for all who have heard the tale before to recognize.
By examining this image in conjunction with later accounts
of Pagan mythology, observations can be drawn which give
insight into the prevalence of Norse religious stories

throughout Viking culture.

Figure 4.1: Altuna Runestone
(Jansson 1987, 150)
 P a g e | 57

The image of Þórr featured on the Altuna Stone features the god with his feet
protruding through the bottom of his boat, and with the Midgard Serpent hooked on his line.
About 200 years later in the thirteenth century, Snorri Sturluson gives his iteration of this
Norse myth in his Prose Edda which features this exact moment where Þórr struggles to
catch Jörmungandr (Sturluson, trans. Byock 2005b, 64). The story's significance is clearly
shown by its appearance in various media across Scandinavia. The carved stone at Altuna
takes the mythical legend of Þórr and makes it a tangible part of the world around it for the
cultural benefit of people in the Viking Age.

Sigurð Fafnisbani: Sigurð, Bane of Fafnir

Another popular mythic representation on runestones is found on the Sigurð Stones, most
notably the eleventh century Ramsund Rock, which all depict various stories of the legendary
hero Sigurð the Dragon-Slayer, who is most famous for killing the dragon Fafnir (Figure 4.2).
These stories represent one of the most famous mortals in Scandinavian mythology; the man
who eventually influenced the character of Siegfried in Germanic poetic and operatic lore
(Sørensen, 1992, 166). In Snorri Sturluson's Prose Edda (trans. Byock 2005b, 97-98), the
earliest known written source of the myth, the story is directly comparable to images found
on the Ramsund Rock carved about 200 years prior. The myth, according to Snorri, tells the
story of a dwarf named Regin who was a renowned blacksmith and the foster father to
Sigurð. Regin was the son of the dwarf king Hreiðmarr and had two brothers, one named Ótr
who was a mischievous shape changer (Figure 4.2, 6), and another named Fafnir who had

Figure 4.2: Ramsund Rock. Numbers indicate different parts of the Sigurð myth (Sigurd 1917)
 P a g e | 58

turned into a dragon from guarding his prized hoard of gold. Regin told Sigurð of Fafnir's
treasure and proposed that they go and claim it themselves. Regin then made a great blade for
him named Gram which was so sharp, that Sigurð put it into a nearby stream and "it sliced
through a tuft of wool carried by the current against the sword's edge" (Sturluson, trans.
Byock 2005b, 97). The two of them then traveled to Gnita-Heath where Sigurð hid in a trench
near the water. As the dragon Fafnir passed over him, Sigurð thrust Gram upwards and killed
him (Figure 4.2, 5). Afterwards, Regin revealed that Fafnir was his brother and demanded
settlement from Sigurð. Among his requests, Regin asked that Sigurð remove Fafnir's heart
and cook it over a fire. He then drank some of his brother's blood and went to sleep. While
cooking the heart, Sigurð prodded it to check if it was done, but burned his thumb on the hot
blood and began to suck on it (Figure 4.2, 1). After getting some of Fafnir's blood in his
mouth, Sigurð found that he could speak and understand the language of birds. Two birds
sitting in a tree near him then revealed that Regin planned to betray Sigurð (Figure 4.2, 2). In
response, Sigurð turned and saw Regin crawling towards him, so then "black spilled the
blood/as blade clove him,/the head hewing/of Hreidmar's son" (Tolkien 2010, 114; Figure
4.2, 3). Lastly, he loaded up all of the treasure onto his horse Grani, and rode away a rich man
(Figure 4.2, 4). The story ends by saying: "Now the story has been told why gold is called the
lair or the home of Fafnir, the metal of Gnita-Heath, or Grani's burden" (Sturluson, trans.
Byock 2005b, 98; Tolkien 2010, 115), thus explaining certain cultural colloquial phrases.
This stone is very clearly evident of older mythological representations surviving into the
Viking Age (Hall 2012, 88). The story of Sigurð and Fafnir seems to have permeated Viking
inscribed and written culture, and this influence is evident in the presence of the myth on
runestones.

The Ramsund Rock in Sweden is excellently preserved and presents a richly detailed
depiction of the story of Sigurð and Fafnir. The stone is surrounded by a memorial
inscription, written inside the body of Fafnir, left by a woman Sigrid to mark the location of
an important bridge, and in honor of her dead husband, Holmger, father of Sigröd (Sawyer
2000, 126; Figure 4.2). The cultural effects of the story of Sigurð are present in the
inscription alone. Two people; Sigrid and Sigröd, one a mother and another a son, have
names that are influenced by that of the myth's protagonist. It is reasonable to guess that this
may have had some influence on the illustrative content of the memorial stone.

Sigurð was very well known and likely held a large social significance during the
Viking Age and thereafter, as evident by his widespread illustration on runestones and other
 P a g e | 59

mediums. A wooden doorframe to a Christian church from Hylestad, Norway, which dates to
1200, prominently features Sigurð and evidences that the myth may have been absorbed by
Christian culture (Sørensen, 1992, 166). It could be argued that this adoption of a Pagan story
was a syncretistic interpretation of Sigurð as a Christ-like figure battling evil, and therefore
might have been used to further spread Christianity. Given the eventual popularity of
Sigfried, the Germanic hero, the evidence seems to point to that purpose. Sigurð's
representation on runestones, and the eventual adaptation into a Christian story lends further
credence to the discussion of Viking Age runestones being a product of cultural and religious
syncretism.

The Origins of Mjölnir and Its Representation in Inscriptions

The legends of Þórr were often preserved on runestones using symbolic pictures and icons, as
well as invocations. This is most often done by including a picture of his magical hammer
Mjölnir. In Norse myth, Mjölnir is the tool that allows Þórr to battle against the enemies of
the Æsir of Ásgarðr, and to bless objects, places, and people with divine energy (Mees 2009b,
3). According to legend, Mjölnir was forged by the dwarves Brokk and Eitri as part of a
wager with the trickster god Loki who was desperately trying to please the gods after cutting
off all of the goddess Sif's hair (Ellis-Davidson 1969, 70). Loki bet his head that three
magical items he had forged were superior to anything Brokk and Eitri could make. As Brokk
and Eitri set to work, Loki disguised himself as a fly and attempted to foil their efforts by
biting them as they worked. Despite his efforts however, the two dwarves managed to finish
without any mistakes. To settle their wager, Loki and the dwarves brought their treasures
before the gods Oðinn, Freyr, and Þórr to judge their quality. Loki brought forward magical
hair for the lady Sif made from pure gold; the great ship Skíðblaðnir which always had a fair
wind and could fold up into one's pocket for Freyr; and the spear Gungnir for Oðinn.
Meanwhile, Brokk and Eitri brought a great boar mount with golden bristles that could light
up the darkness for Freyr; the golden ring Draupnir which duplicated itself every few days for
Oðinn; and the great magic hammer Mjölnir for Þórr, which was indestructible, would hit
anything it was thrown at without missing, and would always return directly to the hand of its
thrower (Sturluson, trans. Byock 2005b, 93). Because of its many uses in protecting the realm
of Ásgarðr from the evil beasts, giants, and trolls, Mjölnir was determined to be the very best
of the treasures (Ellis-Davidson 1969, 57) and so Brokk and Eitri won the bet against Loki.
Þórr is almost never discussed without mention of Mjölnir. The hammer is an extension of his
 P a g e | 60

powers of strength and storms, and therefore can be assumed to have held a cultural
significance of equal importance to the Vikings (MacLeod and Mees 2006, 29). Mjölnir and
Þórr are mythically fused and their collective power had a great impact on the inscribed
traditions of Scandinavia.

The Stenkvista Runestone (Figure

4.3) and Åby Runestone, both from
Södermanland, Sweden, and the Bjärby
Stone from Västergötland, Sweden bear
examples of the symbolic imagery of
Þórr's mighty hammer Mjölnir, which is
meant as a reference to the famous thunder
god (McKinnell et al 2004, 122-124;
Hultgård 1992, 103; Ohlmarks 1978, 95).
The image of Þórr is defined as much by
his hammer as he is by his control of
lightning. This association "seems to be
reflected in the similarly distributed
practice of inscribing hammers on younger
memorial stones" (Mees 2009b, 2). It has
been mostly assumed that these images are
overtly Pagan, and served to consecrate the Figure 4.3: Stenkvista Runestone (Ellis-
runestones, mounds and monuments with Davidson 1969, 69)

his power (Hultgård 1992, 102; MacLeod and Mees 2006, 216). Some scholars posit that
these hammer symbols are actually misinterpreted Christian crosses or a Pagan reaction to
Christian themes (DuBois 1999, 159), however, Þórr's hammer imagery predominately dates
to the earlier end of the Viking Age (Sawyer 2000, 128) which could suggest that they were
the product of a pre-Christian Pagan culture.

The images of Þórr and Mjölnir go beyond figurative representation and serve as
mythological indicators as well. In the Altuna Stone above, the hammer is clearly shown as a
part of the struggle between Þórr and Jörmungandr. The story says that Þórr throws his
hammer down into the ocean in an effort to slay the fleeing Midgard Serpent after the giant
Hymir cuts it from the line (Sturluson, trans. Byock 2005b, 65). The hammer serves as a
powerful force, both strong enough to potentially slay the Midgard Serpent, a creature which
 P a g e | 61

is a driving force behind the end of the world during Ragnarök, and magically able to fly
back into Þórr's hand after every toss (MacLeod and Mees 2006, 28). The fact that this story
shows up on the Altuna Stone and in sagas written centuries afterwards indicates that this
myth, as well as Þórr and his hammer, likely had great cultural significance to Scandinavians.

The Sparlösa Stone: Confusing Words and Curious Images

Dating to a similar time period as the Rök Stone from the previous chapter, the Sparlösa
Stone from Västergötland, Sweden has many mysterious carved images and a partially
damaged inscription. It was carved using a combination of different types of runes, and it
metaphorically references Norse Pagan beliefs (Figure 4.4). The Sparlösa Stone was carved
by at least two separate runemasters, with a collaboration likely occurring between two
carvers on the earlier portion of the inscription (Åhfeldt 2002, 43). Laser scanning of the
monument suggests that the first collaborated inscription was probably done in the ninth
century with the other happening nearer the eleventh century (MacLeod and Mees 2006,
211). The confusing and fragmentary nature of the inscription leads some to argue the virtual
impossibility of accurate translation (Brink 2005, 83). However, attempts at understanding

the Sparlösa Stone have been made. One possibility is:

Aiv(ī)sl gaf Airīks sunR gaf Alrīk[R]

. . .la gaf raul at gialdi, . . .[þ]ā sa[t] faðiR Upsal faðiR svāð
 P a g e | 62

a[.]a[.]u[..]ba. . . [.]omas nætR ok dagaR. AlrīkR lu[bu]R ugð[i]t Aivīsl

s[---]nuR[-]a[--] þat Sigmarr (h)æiti maguR Aīriks. Mæginiaru þuno aft
Aiv(ī)s(l). Ok rāð rūnaR þaR rægi[n]kundu iu þar, svāð AlrīkR lubu fāði.
uiu[r]am . . . [i]ukrþsarsksnuibin . . . kunR ok lios . . . iu
Gsli gærði æftiR Gunnar, broður, kumbl þessi.
Translation:
‘Evisl gave, Eric’s son gave Alrek. . .
. . . gave . . . as payment. Then (?) the father sat (?) (in) Uppsala (?), the
father that . . . nights and days. Alrek Lubu did not fear (?) Evisl.
. . . that Eric’s boy is called Sigmar (“celebrated-for-victories”). Mighty battle
(?) . . . in memory of Evisl. And interpret the runes of the gods made known
there . . ., that Alrek Lubu painted.
. . . and light . . .
Gisli made this monument in memory of Gunnar, (his) brother.’
(Scandinavian runic-text Database 2015,
http://www.nordiska.uu.se/forskn/samnord.htm; MacLeod and Mees 2006, 212).
The Pagan elements of the Sparlösa Stone are found towards the end of the inscription where
it says '...the runes of the gods made known...'. This phrase, with the identifiable adjective
'reginkunnr', or ' rægi[n]kundu' as written above, specifically mentions the divinity of runes
and appears in the Edda Hávamál:

þat er þá reynt,
er þú at rúnum spyrr
inum reginkunnum,
þeim er gørðu ginnregin
ok fáði fimbulþulr...
Translation:
It is then tested
when you ask about the runes
derived from the gods,
those which the ruling powers made
and the mighty sage [Odin] painted...
(Jansson 1987a, 9)
The phrase 'derived from the gods', alternatively translated as '...the runes of the gods made
known...', is particularly interesting as it likely represents the magical and ritualistic nature of
the inscription and its runes, similar to the monuments discussed in Chapter 3 (MacLeod and
Mees 2006, 181-182). This inscription could therefore lead to a conclusion that the images
used on the runestone are also to be taken in a Pagan context.

The pictures on the Sparlösa Stone are clear in their representation, but confusing in
their meaning and importance. Among the images are birds and other animals, a house, a
 P a g e | 63

ship, and two men, one of which is on horseback carrying a sword and the other represented
by just a head, shoulders, and raised arm (MacLeod and Mees 2006, 211). The pictures are
"partly executed in low relief, a technique which is very rare in the Viking Period" (Arbman
1961, 199). This may hint at a transition from earlier Iron Age methods. The iconography
viewed in this context seem to evoke stories and myths that are reminiscent of a long standing
religious oral culture (Brink 2005, 95).

In addition to the pictures, a

number of prominent crosses can be seen
on the Sparlösa Stone, both among the
pictures and the inscription itself. While
this could possibly suggest a Christian
element to the runestone, such as with the
cross designs mentioned later in this
chapter, it is unlikely that it was
originally intended as such, considering
laser scanner analysis suggests the
crosses were added much later during the
second carving event (Åhfeldt 2002, 46).
If that is correct, this instance could be an
example of the idea of later Vikings
Christianizing earlier Pagan monuments.
This highlights the difficulties that come
from identifying the cultural elements of
this and other runestones. If the Pagan

Figure 4.4: Sparlösa Stone (Jansson 1987, 30) elements of earlier Viking Age
runestones are being absorbed and
recycled as Christian monuments, that could indicate syncretism occurring between
Scandinavian religious cultures.

The Dynna Stone: Christian Pictorial Storytelling

While illustrative representations on runestones are apparent in Pagan contexts, a similar

cultural practice can be seen on Christian monuments as well. One example of a Christian
correlation to the Altuna or Ramsund Stones' storytelling imagery can be seen in the case of
 P a g e | 64

the Norwegian Dynna Stone from Gran, Hadeland (Figure 4.5). The inscription along the side
of this monument reads:

Gunnvǫr gerði brú, Þrýðriks dóttir, eptir Ástriði, dóttur sína. Sú var mœr hǫnnust á
Haðalandi
Translation:
Gunnvǫr Þrýðrik's daughter made a bridge in memory of Ástriðr, her daughter. She
was the handiest maiden in Hadeland. (Scandinavian runic-text Database 2015,
http://www.nordiska.uu.se/forskn/samnord.htm; Spurkland 2005, 105).
The runic language and letter usage on the Dynna Stone,
particularly the combination of the newer practice of using the
ᛣ rune to represent a /y/ sound rather than the /R/ sound found

in the elder futhark, and the older style of using neither ᚮ for
/o/ nor ᛂ for /e/, suggests that the inscription was done
somewhere in the tenth to eleventh century (Spurkland 2005,
105-106). However, the images on the flat side of the stone are
distinctly in the Ringerike art style, which did not begin until
the later end of that range and thus dates it firmly around 1025-
1050 (Brink 2002, 23; Fuglesang 1992, 182; Gräslund and
Lager 2008, 634; Spurkland 2005, 106).

This bridge stone, one example of an undeniably

Christian practice discussed in Chapter 5, is particularly
notable because of its depiction of the Christian concepts of
Epiphany and Christmas featured on its broad side (Page 1980,
158; Figure 4.5). The decoration includes "a star, an angel, the
three Wise Men and the stable with Joseph, Mary and the baby
Jesus" (Spurkland 2005, 105). This depiction of the 'Adoration
of the Magi' is indicative of detailed Viking Age knowledge of
both the story and its importance as a motif of Christian
representation (Fuglesang 1992, 182; Gräslund and Lager
2008, 634). As was shown above, the inscription may imply
that Christianity arrived in Norway in the mid-tenth century.
Figure 4.5: Dynna Stone
This would have been under 100 years before the Dynna (Page 1987, 52)
 P a g e | 65

Stone's dedication, a fact which could suggest a quick adoption of Christian stories and ideals
throughout Viking culture. This, coupled with the more commonly Swedish practice of
raising bridge stones, may further suggest that these Christian stories and traditions had a
place in Viking society prior to wide-spread conversion. The Dynna Stone and its images
show the impact of Christian stories on Viking Age society and the importance of the new
gospel images in developing Scandinavian religious culture.

Christian Iconography on Runestones

The Christianization of the north by the
thirteenth century is shown in the
opening story of the Prose Edda: "In
the beginning, almighty God created
heaven and earth and all that pertains to
them" (Sturluson, trans. Byock 2005b,
3). Yet despite this, some old Pagan
stories represented within it, such as
Þórr's struggle with the Midgard
Serpent or the legend of Sigurð and
Fafnir, remained detailed enough to
have remained in people's memories.
While it is safe to assume that the
Swedish runestones at Altuna or
Ramsund didn't directly inspire the
writings of the Icelandic Sturluson, it
does reflect the importance of

Figure 4.6: Ölsta Stone, Uppland, Sweden, carved by runestone imagery as a form of
Åsmund Kåresson and featuring a cross. Currently in mythic mass media. This trend did
Skansen Museum & Zoo, Stockholm (Author's Photo)
not end when Christianity arrived in
Scandinavia either, as runestones featuring Christian stories and themes emerged in the form
of crosses and depictions of saints and bible figures.

The Christian cross was a major spiritual influence and Viking Age runemasters
implemented the imagery often and in a similar manner to the Þórr's hammer image in Pagan
settings; sometimes symbolically but otherwise just stylistically for visual effect (Nylén and
 P a g e | 66

Lamm 1988, 76; Figure 4.6). Many Viking Age

rune and memorial stones in Sweden featured
crosses alongside images of animals and
figures (Fuglesang 1992, 182). Other times it
can be argued that they seemed to have served
as a sort of finale to a number of inscriptions,
especially in or near churches. The symbol has
sparked a debate among scholars as to whether
the cross is reminiscent of the Pagan Þórr's
hammer, or if indeed it came first and that the
hammer was a Pagan retaliation (McKinnell et
al 2004, 123). Researchers point out that most
Christian iconography doesn't start until the
late tenth to early eleventh centuries at the
earliest with many instances beginning during
the twelfth century (Gräslund 2006; Fuglesang,
1992; Sawyer 1991), however the image of
Þórr's hammer shows up as early as the late
ninth to early tenth century on the Læborg
runestone in Jutland (McKinnel et al
Figure 4.7: Læborg Runestone (Ellis-Davidson 1969, 64)
2004; Figure 4.7).

The Malt Stone: Early Christianization?

The argument of which religion came first in runic tradition becomes more convoluted as
symbols and references from both Norse Paganism and Christianity appear alongside each
other, which indicates either the gradual shift from one to the other, or an instance of cultural
hybridization and syncretism. One example of this is the Malt Stone in Denmark which dates
to the late ninth century (Figure 4.8). It features a face with a cross, which is most often
considered a Christian symbol. Yet the inscription shows signs of a Pagan magical ward
including names, a magical symbol, a futhark row, and two palindromes, as well as a riddle
which hearkens back to the Norse Æsir Týr and Oðinn (MacLeod and Mees 2006, 222). This
is similar to how Oðinn is metaphorically referenced to as "mighty sage" on the Sparlösa
Stone translated above. It is also worth noting that the 'cross' shape on the face is a 'X' (much
 P a g e | 67

like a Christian St. Andrew's cross, i.e. a saltire), rather than the Pagan Þórr's hammer upside-
down T-shape which is found on the Stenkvista or Læborg runestones (Figures 4.3; 4.7). This
further shows the dichotomy between the Pagan and Christian elements of these images.

The saltire supports theories that this is

a very early Christian monument in Denmark,
thus conceivably showing an even earlier
Christian origin for these types of monuments.
Yet the presence of a Pagan inscription seems
counter-intuitive. This therefore calls into
question the timing of the different elements of
the stone itself. Due to the challenges that
come with trying to accurately date stone
inscriptions, as detailed in Chapter 1, it
becomes difficult to show that the runic
message is contemporary with the Christian
face. It is entirely possible that the face and
saltire were added much later than the
inscription itself, such as was the case with the
probable Christian imagery on the Sparlösa
Stone. With improving dating methods, it
could be worth investigating further the Malt
Stone and other examples of Pagan and
Christian overlap in order to gain a better
understanding of the cultural origin of these
Figure 4.8: Malt Stone (MacLeod and Mees
2006, 223) monuments.
 P a g e | 68

Chapter 5:
Runestones as Historical, Religious and Political Documents
In the case studies explored earlier in this dissertation, the majority of runic inscriptions were
from memorial stones which were erected by living sponsors in honor of their dead friends
and family. This contextual use of runestones tells researchers a great deal about the
importance of honoring the dead to early Scandinavian culture. Especially as Christian
themes developed, they also served to show a measurable growth of religion as it related to
politics. The societal significance extended further, however, as exploration into runestones
reveals that some also served as political documents and hereditary records. Runestones acted
as both the primary historiographical and legal forms of documentation which recorded the
culture of Scandinavians during the Viking Age.

The Ingvar Stones: History, Travel, Conflict and Religion

While runestones from Viking

kingdoms are useful for indicating
political and geographical conquests at
home, they can also act as written
histories of the Scandinavian
influences abroad. In these cases, they
serve not only as memorial stones, but
also as travel records of the various
voyages of the Scandinavians. The
Ingvar Stones are a group of inscribed
runestones from across Scandinavia
which were raised in memory of the
many men who died serving in the goði
Ingvar's army during a campaign in the
East near the Caspian Sea (Page 1992,
165; Figure 5.1). These runestones can
be dated to around the eleventh century
due to Ingvar's recorded death and failed
Figure 5.1: Varsundet 'Ingvar' Stone
expedition occurring in 1041. This is further (Jansson 1987, 67)
 P a g e | 69

evidenced by implementations of the futhark's o-rune which was notably going through a
phonetic change from an "a" sound to an "o" sound during this time period (Thompson 1975,
152-153). Upon these runestones the doomed voyage, and the men who served in it, are
inscribed for posterity and detailed in a manner which both preserved their historic actions,
and outlined the details of their trips in memoriam.

The context of the Ingvar Stones is important especially when drawing attention to the
historic classification of Ingvar's purpose. The stones date to the eleventh century which puts
Ingvar's endeavors in the same time period as the Icelandic saga hero Ingvar the Far-
Travelled, who could potentially have been the same person (Gräslund 2011, 154; Jansson
1966, 6). In this saga, Yngvars saga víðförla, Ingvar sets out to the southeast with an army to
investigate the origin of the Volga river. Along the way he promises to marry and convert a
Pagan Queen, while also encountering dragons, giants, and Greek Fire (Parker 2014, 239).
While this story clearly falls more into the realm of mythic legend rather than recorded
history, it could be based in fact. In his chronicles, Adam of Bremen discusses a sanctioned
voyage of Varangians sent by the Swedish king across the Baltic which helped Jaroslav the
Wise defend Kiev in 1036 (Ferguson 2010, 368). Chronologically, this fits within the time
frame of a potential beginning for Ingvar's voyages which ended with his death in 1041.

The Ingvar Stones are

overtly Christian, and serve to
indicate the differing religious
factions that existed between
Ingvar's armies and their foes.
This cultural and religious conflict
can be seen on possibly Pagan
memorial stones raised after of the
Battle of Fýrisvellir, near
Uppsala, where the Pagan
Swedish king Eiríkr inn Sigrsæli
(Eric the Victorious) defeated his
Christian nephew Styrbjörn
(Brøndsted 1983, 207). Some
Ingvar Stones show evidence of the
Figure 5.2: Gripsholm Castle Stone (Jansson 1987, 66)
 P a g e | 70

warrior culture that probably existed within this Christian army, similar to earlier Pagan
ideals, such as in the case of praise being given to men for killing their enemies and thus
'giving food to the eagles' shown on the Gripsholm Castle Stone (Brøndsted 1983, 206;
Erikson 1985, 214; Figure 5.2). Examples of Christian stones detailing voyages were not
unheard of in eleventh century Sweden. Places such as Högby in Östergötland, which has a
memorial stone to a man who died in Greece, and Uppland, which has stones detailing raids
in England, show evidence of this practice (Fellows-Jensen 1998, 8; Selinge 1987, 255-258).
The Christian themes dominate the Ingvar Stones for the most part, however, so it is
indisputable that they are Christian monuments. Discussing them in that context is extremely
useful when examining and tracing identifiable trends in Scandinavian runestones.

Having a living origin for a legendary hero supports the idea that Ingvar and his
accomplishments (or failures, as they may be) were culturally important to the Vikings.
Having this story preserved in multiple mediums across time lends credence to the magnitude
of Ingvar's actions and those of the men who followed him, as it suggests that it meant more
to the Vikings than just the lives of his army. This, coupled with the religious elements of the
stones, highlights the convictions of Ingvar's men and further ties religious change into the
developing political history of Scandinavia. If the theory is correct and these are the same
Ingvars, than these runestones could have served as historical documents that chronicled the
development of Scandinavian culture over time.

Jarlabanke Stones: Inheritance and Land Ownership in a Christian

Dynasty

The overwhelming majority of all Scandinavian memorial stones follow a type of formula
which identifies who sponsored the monument, who it was erected for, and how they were
related. This sometimes includes information such as social status and title, victories and
travels, and the cause and place of death (Sawyer 1991, 98). This formula draws attention to
both the honored dead and the living relatives who remain. While the memory of the
individual was important, "matters of inheritance, allegiance and debt needed to be sorted
out" (Page 1992, 164). Land ownership and the rights of living family members were among
the top priorities for Viking Age runestone sponsors.

The issues of property and familial relationships are portrayed clearly in the eleventh
century Jarlabanke Stones from Uppland, Sweden. Jarlabanke was a Swedish goði who,
 P a g e | 71

Figure 5.3: Jarlabanke's Täby Bridge Stones. One of the stones pictured up close (left) and in context
(right) (Jansson 1987, 106-107)

along with his family, erected numerous stone monuments in his own honor which dictated
various land ownerships and inheritances (Gräslund 2011, 149). It is important here to note
that Jarlabanke's status as a "goði" does not imply that he was a Pagan. As was discussed in
Chapter 3, the term goði was used to describe a Pagan cult leader, but later on it appeared to
mean simply "chieftain" after the Christianization (Brink 2008, 624), a fact which further
supports Pagan and Christian syncretism. Due to his leadership role, Jarlabanke and those
related to him were very keen on identifying his land ownership. As such, runestones were
inscribed and placed on major roads and bridges to both mark his territory and gain favor in
the eyes of the Christian Church. This is seen, perhaps self-indulgently, in the case of a
number of his stones in Täby, Uppland, Sweden which say "Jarlabanke had these stones
raised in memory of himself in his lifetime. And he made this bridge for his soul. And alone
he owned the whole of Täby. God help his soul" (Crumlin-Pedersen et al 1992, 49; Brøndsted
1983, 200; Strid 1987, 302; Figure 5.3). Jarlabanke was not the only person in his family to
sponsor runestones, as around 16 to 19 monuments were raised by everyone from his
grandmother to his children throughout the early eleventh century (Gräslund 2009, 160).
This family tradition both enforced their political power within their region of influence, and
secured the strength and authority of their lineage using runestones.
 P a g e | 72

Þingstaðs: Runestones Denoting Political and Religious Sanctuary

Beyond their historical and lawful

purposes as a type of memento to great
people or events, and their roll in
designating inheritance or land claims,
runestones held both a legal and
religious impact on the area they were
raised. The concept of runestones
simultaneously marking religious
sanctuaries and areas of political
asylum can be observed in the
monuments themselves. Some Swedish
runestones discuss political figures
establishing a þingstað, an Old Norse
word for "assembly-place" (or thing
site) which also refered to political
Figure 5.4: Vallentuna Stone (Gräslund 2011, 149)
centers where representatives would
meet and discuss political matters, as well as conduct legal trials. A thing site was equally
important spiritually as it served as "a religious gathering, 'hallowed' in the name of the gods,
and the peace which all must keep during lawsuits and debates was akin to the peace
surrounding a sanctuary" (Simpson 1980, 142). While the thing site would eventually become
a part of Christian Scandinavia, research indicates that the institution might be as old as prior
to 600 (Brink 2008, 27). This could suggest a present Pagan sacredness to the concept that is
ingrained into the political processes which were conducted therein. At the Vallentuna parish
church in Uppland there is a stone (Figure 5.4) which marks a new thing site that was
established by Jarlabanke and says:

Iarlabanki let ræisa stæin þenna at sik kvikvan, ok þingstað þenna gærði, ok æinn atti
alt hundari þetta (Scandinavian runic-text Database 2015,
http://www.nordiska.uu.se/forskn/samnord.htm; Jansson 1987a, 121)
Translation:
Jarlabanke had this stone raised for himself while he was alive, and made this
thing site, and alone possessed all of this hundred.
 P a g e | 73

According to later historical laws, a 'hundred' was a ruling district within Uppland
which typically only had one thing site within it. Given the proximity of Vallentuna to a
previously established thing site in nearby Bällsta which was marked with runestones raised
by earlier magnates, it is likely that Jarlabanke was attempting to exert his power over the
region and to "preserve the memory of his own greatness" (Jansson 1987a, 122). This
monument, the significance of its location, and the intentions behind its erection, adds to the
cultural import of Jarlabanke and the societal interactions of religion, politics, and runestones.

In this way, Jarlabanke's stone at Vallentuna could arguably mirror, to a much smaller
degree, the societal intentions of Haraldr's Stone at Jelling discussed in Chapter 2. Haraldr's
Stone was put outside of his church to mark a place of ceremonial import, both in religious
and political contexts. There, the king would receive and meet with dignitaries and advisors
on what was both Pagan and Christian sacred ground. The same intentions appear to be
relevant to the Vallentuna Stone, as it marked the meeting place for the region's annual
assembly. Although the Valelentuna Stone was not moved to its current position on church
grounds until later, its presence in the area may show the spread and integration of new
Christian ideals with more unified
and organized systemic polities that
emerged out of Denmark and into
the rest of Scandinavia during the
Viking Age.

Another example of early

interactions between politics and
religion is at Oklunda in
Östergötland, Sweden (Figure 5.5).
The runestone, which dates to the
early ninth century c. 800, was
carved by a man named Gunnar
who confessed to an offense (most
likely homicide) and fled to the
sanctuary at Oklunda seeking
Figure 5.5: Oklunda Stone (The Oklunda Rune
political and spiritual refuge (Brink Inscription 2006)
2005, 78). The inscription itself reads:
 P a g e | 74

Gunnarr faði runaR þessaR. En sa flo sakR. Sotti vi þetta. En sa fl[o] inn ryð þann.
En sa bant. Vifinn þetta faði.(Scandinavian runic-text Database 2015,
http://www.nordiska.uu.se/forskn/samnord.htm)
Translation:
Gunnar fashioned these runes. And he fled guilty. Sought out this sanctuary. And he
fled into this clearing. And he bound. Véfinnr fashioned this.
Not only is this very obviously a legal document from pre-Christian times, but it is
also the earliest Scandinavian evidence for the right of asylum at a Pagan sanctuary (Jansson
1987a, 37). Gunnar's inscription indicates that there was an importance of runestones to
common folk within this religious and political context. It could be argued that he felt at least
some level of significance to recording the events of his story on this stone, whether he
wanted to merely make a legal statement or was hoping to use the supposed magic of the
runes to help his case. The presence of the Pagan politics on the Oklunda Stone raises
questions as to the importance of inscribed stone monuments in a pre-Christian Scandinavia
and the impacts that religion and law had on runic culture.

Christian Runic Monuments Marking Bridges

Runestones appear to have also served another political purpose that has ties to Christian
influence. Bridges and roads were sometimes marked by an inscribed stone which denoted
the important individual or family who erected it, as well as clear blessings and professions of
Christian faith (Ferguson 2009, 212; Tryckare 1972, 150-151). There was a deep political
motivation towards building roads and bridges during the Viking Age as it made
transportation and travel much easier throughout Scandinavian territories, especially for
missionaries and monks who were attempting to establish new monasteries and parishes. As
such, there was a strong religious impetus behind bridge building since the Church even paid
indulgences to Viking leaders who constructed them (Simpson 1980, 107). These cooperative
projects further show the connections between the Christian Church and the Scandinavian
political leadership during the Viking Age, and point to the new evolving cultural purposes of
runestones.

As discussed above, the Jarlabanke family in Sweden marked a number of bridges in

their territory with runestones and inscribed them with clearly Christian language, such as
was the case with the family's four stones at Täby. However, this practice was not unique to
them. For example, the Dynna Stone in Norway from Chapter 4 marks the construction of a
 P a g e | 75

bridge and a memorial to a woman named Ástríðr. It features Christian imagery in the form
of a star, an angel, and the three Wise Men; as well as Joseph, Mary, and the baby Jesus
(Spurkland 2005, 105; Figure 4.5). The Ramsund Rock (also from Chapter 4) has been
suggested to have marked a land and sea crossroad and therefore could be reflective of this
same Christian marking process (Erikson 1985, 235; Figure 4.2). This is significant as the
very Pagan imagery used on the stone clashes with the possible Christian intention as a
bridge monument. This raises questions about the religious cultural identity of the Ramsund
Rock, and may point to Pagan and Christian syncretism. Conversely, an argument could be
made that, due to the possible Christian context of the monument, there is no Pagan
influence. The clash of thematic elements in that case may indicate that there was an overlap
of coexisting religions where a Pagan myth is represented in a manner that marks a Christian
bridge.

The interaction of Christianity and politics during the Viking Age was a significant
aspect of the development of runic culture. While the Oklunda Stone suggests that a prior
Pagan legal system might have utilised runestones to a certain degree, the heavy influence of
Christianity on politics can be clearly seen on runestones marking thing sites and bridges.
This could suggest that Viking Age runic culture developed out of this new Christianized
society. However, the fact that thing sites and laws were derived from a previous polity
suggests that the political themes of Scandinavian Christian runestones were adapted from a
Pagan system. This further evidences the theory that Viking Age runestones were the result
of religious, cultural, and political syncretism in Scandinavia.
 P a g e | 76

Chapter 6:
Concluding Discussion
Thus far, this dissertation has examined runestones throughout the Viking Age in various
parts of Scandinavia in an attempt to analyze their religious and spiritual content and to
discuss their importance to the development of the Norse people in a socio-political context.
The purpose of this was to highlight the difficulties that are present in defining the cultural
origins for runestones, specifically related to interpretive dating methods, mythic, religious,
and poetic impacts, as well as both social and political influences on their creation. In so
doing, this work attempts to interpret these monuments as factually as possible, and to
reaffirm that defining all Viking Age runestones as having either a Pagan or a Christian
origin is not a simple question with a definite answer, but is instead a topic that is worth
investigating further.

A Review of this Dissertation

In Chapter 1 a framework of linguistic, typographic, stylistic, and ideological background

was established so as to both explain methodological approaches that would be undertaken as
well as to define and clarify key elements of Christian and Norse Pagan belief, religion,
magic, and myth that are found on the runestones discussed herein. Chapter 2 examined the
case study of the complex at Jelling, Denmark, whose monuments embody all of the themes
from the runestone subcategories explored in this work. Chapters 3 and 4 addressed the
subject of runestones theoretically and methodologically in relation to the integration of
religion and belief into material culture. Firstly, runestones like the Glavendrup Stone and
Ardre Church Stones were examined in order to provide insight into the spirituality which
may have driven their creation; secondly, pictures and symbolic imagery found on inscribed
monuments showed possible adaptations of folklore and beliefs over time. In Chapter 5, the
question of socio-political and religious interactions and implementations of runestones was
studied. Focusing on the Ingvar, Jarlabanke, þingstað, and Christian bridge stones, the impact
of runic monuments on Viking society in a political and historical context, as well as how the
religious elements that were present in them may have potentially influenced the general
populace, were discussed. Now, with consideration to the observations of the previous
chapters within this dissertation, an interpretation of the discussion on religious and cultural
origin on Viking Age Scandinavian runestones may be addressed with a level of critical
examination and analysis.
 P a g e | 77

The Motivations of Scandinavian Conversion

The religious struggle that was present between the native Pagan Viking population and the
spreading European Christianity has been at the core of Viking Age study ever since its
genesis. Yet, there remain many questions concerning the runestones of that time period.
While it was certainly a religious decision in and of itself, the Christianization was more
likely a decision made by individuals who were contemplating more than just their faith in a
higher power. As touched upon in Chapters 2 and 5, politics doubtless played a crucial role in
the conversion of societal leaders. In many ways, baptism was a political bargaining chip,
whereby Scandinavian chieftains, kings, or goði would trade themselves or their people in
return for allowances, peace treaties, or gifts (Roesdahl 1982, 176). Christianity held
significant power over Haraldr Blátönn who was struggling to maintain control of Denmark
and Norway while also having to pay tribute to the Saxon emperor (Christiansen 2002, 150).
Adam of Bremen says that Haraldr eventually converted after politically settling a dispute
with the archbishop Poppo (Parker 2014, 88), which suggests it was not a heartfelt
conversion. With this top-down system, the mass conversions of a populace by its leader
could have influenced a burst in runic monuments serving as political-religious propaganda.
In many more cases, the reason for conversion lay in the economic and business benefits that
came along with it. The trading centers of Hedeby and Ribe in Denmark, as well as Birka in
Sweden, were often visited by many Christian merchants who demanded the right to worship
their god, which resulted in both a major jumping off point for Christian missionary efforts
and a massive influx of trade (Olsen 1992, 152). In cases such as this, Scandinavian traders
and merchants likely converted in order to open further trade options and expand their
market. This more bottom-up style of conversion would mean that the gradual shift of the
lower and merchant classes from Paganism to Christianity could have prompted more people
from different areas into implementing religious themes in runestones.

Hybridization and Syncretism on Viking Age Runestones

The issue of 'which came first' between Norse Paganism and European Christianity as it
relates to the study of runestones has been in flux throughout the history of archaeological
research. Many scholars used to refer to runestones as having emerged from a previous Pagan
era with certainty and that Christians had then adopted the practice en masse by the middle to
later Viking Age (Elliot 1959, 27-28; Glob 1971, 222-226; Graham-Campbell and Kidd
1980, 95-98; Hagenfeldt and Palm 1996, 24-25; Page 1987, 6; Roesdahl 1982, 175-177;
 P a g e | 78

Sørensen 1997, 204). Meanwhile, mindsets appear to have shifted more recently, with
modern interpretations viewing inscribed stone monuments from the late tenth and eleventh
centuries as the creation of a newly converted Scandinavia which arose from a predominantly
Christian society (Lager 2006, 500; McKinnell et. al. 2004, 123; Price 2002, 100; Sawyer
2000; 124; Zilmer 2012, 100; Zilmer 2013, 129-130). Ultimately, it is nearly impossible to
archaeologically distinguish between Paganism and Christianity in runic contexts (Gräslund
1987, 81). Imagery, styles, and language can be interpreted as belonging to one group or
another, yet definitive answers on the religious motivations of a runecarver cannot be
concluded. The difficulties that arise with such claims stem primarily from both the
uncertainty that comes with accurately dating runestones, and the back-and-forth nature of
conversion during the earlier parts of the Viking Age.

The contemporary tenth to eleventh century chroniclers Adam of Bremen and

Widukind of Corvey discuss the conversion of Scandinavia in their part. Adam points out in
his chronicles that notable, successful conversions and missions were being carried out in
Sweden during the early eleventh century, with some missionaries even working near the
Pagan temple at Uppsala and reporting on sacrificial practices as far back as AD 826-865
(Bremen trans. Tschan 1959, 22, 207-210; Hall 2007, 185). If that was indeed the case, then
that would put Christian missions in Sweden not long after Scandinavia's earliest Viking Age
runestones, including the Rök Stone discussed in Chapter 3 and the Sparlösa Stone from
Chapter 4. However, this conversion must have been rocky, as Sweden seemed to maintain a
large Pagan population until the eleventh century (Canwell 2003, 37). In many instances
throughout Swedish history, convert kings were deposed by the general Pagan populace, such
as with Haraldr Klak of Jutland in 826, and Olafr Eriksson of Västergötland in 1015
(Christiansen 2002, 156). Adam of Bremen reports on a man named Wolfred who around
1030 was preaching to Pagans and broke an image of Þórr with an axe, which resulted in him
being "pierced with a thousand wounds... mangled by the barbarians and, after being
subjected to much mockery... plunged into a swamp" (Bremen trans. Tschan 1959, 97-98).
This points to the ambiguous nature of the conversion and the divide between Paganism and
Christianity at that time.

Stones dating to the early Viking Age, such as the Rök and Sparlösa Stones, have
been shown in the previous sections to have had primarily Pagan themes. Given the meteoric
rise in runestone production during the eleventh century, particularly ones with Christian
motifs in Sweden (Gräslund and Lager 2008, 629-630; Zilmer 2013, 149), it is possible that
 P a g e | 79

there was a connection between early Christian contact and the concept of runestones used as
memorial monuments. However, this still does not explain the numerous runestones that are
found throughout Scandinavian history which exhibit signs of Pagan influence. The Rök and
Sparlösa Stones, as was shown in previous chapters, are both very old and mention Pagan
gods and storytelling traditions, seemingly without any Christian themes being present. As
has also been pointed out above, some argue that runestones featuring Þórr's hammer and
other Pagan themes are merely a reflective mimicry response to Christian introduced ideals.
However, this does not explain instances such as the representation of Þórr on the Altuna
Runestone (Figure 4.1) which depicts blatantly Pagan themes. The Swedish ruler Olof
Skötkonung issued Christian coins around 995 at Sigtuna, but "it was not until about 1080
that pagan cults ceased to be celebrated at Uppsala. Over 650 Christian rune-stones and many
pagan burials show that in Svealand Christians and pagans lived alongside each other
throughout the eleventh century" (Sawyer 1997a, 258). This theory is supported by dates and
assertions within Adam of Bremen's chronicle (Bremen trans. Tschan 1959) Perhaps, given
this idea of a joint Christian and Pagan Norse Scandinavia, the question of which religious
tradition first devised runestones is not answered with one or the other, but rather with a
cultural collaboration.

An early instance of religious blending among the Danes can be seen in the case of
the late ninth century Malt Stone (Figure 4.8). While Haraldr's Jelling Stone has been said to
have been one of, if not the earliest, example of Danish Christian runestone culture
(Randsborg 2008, 1; Roesdahl 1982, 171; Figure 2.5), the Malt Stone with its possibly
Christian saltire cross and Pagan inscription could very well be an instance of early religious
syncretism in Danish territory. As was said in Chapter 1, Anne-Sofie Gräslund summarizes
syncretism as "a wish to adapt the new ideas at the same time as a wish to keep the old ones"
(2008, 639). It is therefore possible that the Malt Stone is an attempt to acculturate a
weakening Pagan narrative into a growing Christian society. Conversely, Christian
monuments may have used earlier Pagan motifs to facilitate a gradual transition. According
to the tenth century writings of Widukind of Corvey, "the Danes have long been Christians,
but they nevertheless worshipped idols with pagan rituals" (Sawyer 1997a, 257). During the
mid-tenth century, around the time Haraldr Blátönn was publically and politically
Christianizing Denmark, rudimentary churches were showing up in the countryside despite a
"strong adherence to the traditional pagan beliefs" (Canwell 2003, 49). This could point to the
 P a g e | 80

slow and gradual nature of conversion and the development of what would become Viking
Age inscribed runic culture.

The conversion of Norway was also not an instantaneous cultural change. An

examination of the Kuli Stone (Figure 3.7) offers a range of possible dates for the beginning
of the societal shift from Paganism to Christianity from the mid-tenth to eleventh centuries.
Even the famed Christian kings of Norway, Haraldr Gráfeldr (Harald Grey-Cloak) of the
960s, Olafr Tryggvason of the 990s, and St. Olave of the 1020s, all faced near constant
opposition from their chieftains and subjects (Christiansen 2002, 156). While Haraldr
Blátönn claims to have ruled Norway in addition to Denmark, and to have made the entirety
of those territories Christian by the 960s (Graham-Campbell 1980a, 200), other sources refute
that total conversion held off until at least the death of the passionately Pagan goði Jarl
Haakon of Lade around 995 (Canwell 2003, 48). The fact of the matter is that there is no
conclusive answer on what culture developed the creation of memorial runestones during the
Viking Age, as runestones are not restricted to either Pagan or Christian periods and exist in
both contexts in some form (O'Donoghue 2008, 147).

The Future of Discussion and Further Research

Despite all of the research that has been conducted on runestones and Scandinavian
monuments over the past century, there still remain outstanding issues which require
resolution. Primarily among these is the attempt to discover more accurate and reliable dating
techniques that can reveal more information about when these runestones were raised, what
contemporary society they came from, and what additional purposes they may have had. A
number of developing methods are currently being implemented by researchers which serve
to broadly stratify the monuments in time. These include the concepts discussed in Chapter 1:
linguistic analysis, stylistic categorization, and historical context. Studying the runes, word
spellings, and content of inscribed monuments continues to be a primary method of trying to
understand runestones and those who carved them. Advances in linguistics will allow
researchers to gain an even better understanding of both when these monuments were being
raised in relation to each other as well as what cultural, religious, and political mindsets were
driving their creation. The evolving artistic styles found on runestones will continue to be
valuable sources of chronological and cultural dating. Further research will serve to clarify
both when they were erected as well as revealing more about the people who were designing
the runestones. Finally, historical sources must be reevaluated in regards to runological
 P a g e | 81

studies in order to discover all that is relevant concerning runestones within history. If more
runestones, or the people named on them, can be found in written manuscripts, then a much
more accurate representation of Viking Age inscribed culture can be drawn. While these
methods have been extremely useful in bringing modern runic study to where it is today,
there is still much more that needs be done.

In a 2002 doctoral thesis

project, Laila Kitzler Åhfeldt, who
was then with the University of
Stockholm, undertook a study wherein
she attempted to identify the works of
various Viking Age and Early
Medieval runemasters by
implementing a laser scanner to
analyze the surface structure of
runestones. In so doing, she was able
to conclude that "individuals may be
distinguishable by their cut marks in
spite of their increasing skill and even
though they have exchanged their
tools" (Åhfeldt 2002, 2; Figure 6.1).
Since then, she has continued her
Figure 6.1: Runestone Groove Analysis/3D Mapping
Data (Åhfeldt 2002, 28; 2014, 68) studies by progressing into more
modern non-touch 3D-scanning and groove analysis methods which continue to expand on
these theories concerning inscription training and missionary connections (2014; Figure 6.2).
This work is a particularly strong example of how advancing technologies and research
methods could be implemented in the study of rune inscribed monuments, as they allow for
more accurate theories to be drawn based on relative historical context. The laser scanned
distinctions that are shown in the various inscriptions could also point to a progressive and
evolutionary timeline of carving styles, which could assist in relative dating. By
implementing these and other new methods, the field of runestone identification and dating
could become exponentially more accurate, and would go a long way towards helping to
pinpoint the cultural climate in Scandinavia when these monuments arose during the Viking
Age.
 P a g e | 82

Figure 6.2: Sample of Results from Laser Scanning Tests (Åhfeldt 2002, 40)

Final Remarks

The cultural, societal, religious, and political importance of Scandinavian runestones and rune
inscribed memorials has been shown to have been significant to the Viking Age. However,
there are still many questions concerning these monuments that remain to be answered. Their
texts contain elements of magic and belief that highlight their mysterious origins and almost
cultic importance, while their imagery is reflective of the religions, myths, and legends that
dominated oral and every day culture in the region at that time. Their locations, content, and
context reveal the connections between Christianity, Paganism, and politics as they interacted
throughout Scandinavian history. The Jelling complex, and the runestones of Haraldr Blátönn
and his father Gormr, best highlight these elements. In this case, Gormr's Stone serves as the
former headpiece to a probable Pagan ship setting, while Haraldr's Stone serves as a
monument to mass Christian conversion and the beginning of an explosive runic era. While
 P a g e | 83

much has been learned about these monuments over the years, the fact remains that much
more still waits to be revealed. The ambiguous nature of conversion and the still somewhat
inaccurate dating methods leave much to be desired in the discussion of cultural religious
origins for runestones. Therefore, there is not enough evidence to conclusively call these
either Pagan or Christian monuments, or even definitely a product of hybridization and
syncretism. All that remains to be said, is to once again remark on the magnificence of the
runestones of Sweden, Denmark, and Norway, as contemporary looking glasses into the
Viking Age, and to emphasize the importance of their continued study.
 P a g e | 84

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