Careers of The Professoriate Academic Pathways of The Linguists and Sociologists in Germany France and The Uk Johannes Angermuller Full Chapter

Careers of the Professoriate: Academic
Pathways of the Linguists and

Sociologists in Germany, France and
the UK Johannes Angermuller
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Careers of the
Professoriate
Academic Pathways of the
Linguists and Sociologists
in Germany, France and
the UK
Johannes Angermuller
Philippe Blanchard
Careers of the Professoriate
Johannes Angermuller • Philippe Blanchard
Careers of the
Professoriate
Academic Pathways of the Linguists
and Sociologists in Germany, France and the UK
Johannes Angermuller Philippe Blanchard
WELS, Stuart Hall Building, Level 1 PAIS
Open University, LAL University of Warwick
Milton Keynes, UK Coventry, UK
ISBN 978-3-031-25240-2 ISBN 978-3-031-25241-9 (eBook)

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-25241-9
© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer
Nature Switzerland AG 2023
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the
Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of
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Cover pattern © Melisa Hasan
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Acknowledgements
Angermuller and colleagues at Warwick (Coventry, UK) and Ecole des

Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales (Paris, UK) collected the data used in
this study within the ERC project “DISCONEX. The discursive construc-
tion of academic excellence” (ERC project no. 313172). The data collec-
tion was led by Françoise Dufour and carried out together with Aurore
Zelazny. Ali Asadipour created the database. They were actively assisted by
Nawel Aït Ali, Johannes Beetz, Sixian Hah, Eduardo Chávez Herrera and
Marta Wróblewska.
v
Contents
1 Introduction:
Studying the Professoriate 1
References 5
2 A
Process Perspective on the Professoriate 7
References 10
3 Existing
Research on Academic Careers 11
The Market, the Organisation, and the Actors 12
Towards a Standard Career? 15
References 17
4 Professors
in Germany, France, United Kingdom 19
Higher Education in Transnational Perspective 19
The United Kingdom: A Liberal Bureaucracy 23
France: A National Status Oligarchy 26
Germany: A Federation of Autonomous Entrepreneurs 30
References 33
5 Two
Disciplines: Linguistics and Sociology 37
The Disciplinary Organisation of Academic Knowledge and
Institutions 37
Linguistics 41
Sociology 44
References 46
vii
viii Contents
6 Three
Concepts for the Analysis of Professorial Careers 47
References 50
7 Working
with Online Biographical Data in Research on
Academic Careers 51
References 55
8 Speed:
How Fast Do Professors Reach Their Position? 57
The Weight of National Academic Systems 60
Mobility and Age as Career Boosters 63
Mobilities Have Different Effects in Different Systems 67
Emergence of the Modern Academic 69
References 72
9 Mobility:
Moving Between Statuses, Institutions and
Countries 73
Fast and Slow Biographical Time 74
How Female Professors Fit into Standardised Patterns of Mobility 76
International Recruitments 79
Mobility and Speed: How to Move at the Right Moments 81
References 84
10 Pathways:
Three Career Models 85
Exploring Trajectories 85
A Typology of Academic Pathways 88
References 101
11 Conclusion:
Academic Careers between Competition
and Conformation103
References 111
Appendix A113
Appendix B117
References127
Index135
List of Graphs
Graph 8.1 Historical distributions of career milestones: birth, PhD

graduation and professorship 58
Graph 8.2 Speed by groups of academics 59
Graph 9.1 Pre-professorial mobility 74
Graphs 9.2a–c Evolution of mobility by disciplines 77
Graphs 9.3a–c Evolution of mobility by genders 78
Graphs 9.4a–c Evolution of mobility by countries 80
Graphs 9.5a–d Evolution of mobility by career speed levels 82
Graphs 10.1 a–b Distribution of academic positions and degrees
over time 87
Graph 10.2 Typology of status trajectories 90
Graph 10.3 Typology of status trajectories 91
Graph 10.4 Average clusters’ Speed according Status, Institutional
and Geographic Mobility 100
Graph 11.1 The undefined professor 110
ix
List of Tables
Table 5.1 Professors in linguistics and sociology 40

Table 8.1 Cross-country regression models of career speed 61
Table 8.2 Country-specific regression models of career speed 66
Table 8.3 Cohort-specific regression models of career speed 70
Table 10.1 Characteristics of types of academic trajectories (N = 1391)92
Table A1 Coding of diplomas 113
Table B1 Coding of positions 118
xi
CHAPTER 1
Introduction: Studying the Professoriate
Abstract A professorship is a career goal for many academics. Yet little is

known about who becomes a professor and how. We propose an empirical,
socio-historical study of the professoriate as a group that comprises all
professors of linguistics and sociology in Germany, France and the United
Kingdom. Drawing on online biographical presentations, our study
responds to a demand for a systematic investigation of how professorial
careers are constructed over time.
Keywords Professoriate • Comparative research • Empirical research •

Online curriculum vitae
Universities around the world are centred on their senior members, the
professors. Professors are the institutionally recognised members of their
scientific communities. They are not only qualified to take leading roles in
teaching and management but, through their research, they also represent
a disciplinary area. A professorship normally comes along with a well-paid
and secure position in a higher education institution, at least in most
European countries.
The image of the professor has been surrounded by desires, fantasies
and myths that have been disseminated and reinforced in popular culture.
Think of the professor as an absent-minded creator of gadgets (Professor
Calculus in The Adventures of Tintin, 1991), as a socially awkward crank
© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature 1

Switzerland AG 2023
J. Angermuller, P. Blanchard, Careers of the Professoriate,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-25241-9_1
2 J. ANGERMULLER AND P. BLANCHARD
(The Nutty Professor, 1996), as a mad genius (Flubber, 1997), as a sombre

figure of authority (Harry Potter, 2001), a sly mastermind (The Ladykillers,
2004) or a victim of absurd academic technocrats (The Chair, 2021).
Sociology professors (Der Campus, 1998) and linguistics professors (The
Arrival, 2016), who we deal with in this study, have also been the object
of popular representations. Such portrayals often have little to do with the
realities of academic life. Yet they convey tacit and widely shared assump-
tions about professors that need to be critically interrogated.
First, the assumption that professors are superior to others because they
are smart. Academics may be said to have talents, skills and capacities that
make them stand out. But do academics move up because of their (scien-
tific) intelligence? We will not repeat the criticism from social theorists that
has been directed against the idea of education as a meritocratic institution
that rewards effort and talent (Bernstein, 1971; Bourdieu, 1984; Bowles
& Gintis, 1977; Goldthorpe, 1996). There is strong evidence about the
role of class in academic mobility that puts a big question mark behind the
idea that professional success reflects individual academic achievements.
Second, the assumption that professors are lonely thinkers. Folk repre-
sentations of professors are often centred on individual academics as if
they were free from social constraints: the professor as an individual on a
rendez-vous with Truth. The reality may be a lot more social but the ideal
of the individual thinker also pervades many disciplinary fields, especially
in the humanities and social sciences, where laboratory work is rare and
publications are often written and signed by individuals. Yet it is easy to
forget about the many ties with and debts to peers, their institutional obli-
gations and commitments, the role of teams and students. Academics can-
not take their social standing in the community for granted and they often
go to great lengths to build up a unique profile and to be recognised as
authors of important new ideas.
Thirdly, the assumption that professorial authority knows no history.
Academics are sometimes cited as sources of timeless truths with few
reminders of the constructed and antagonistic nature of scientific facts,
especially in public debates where academics intervene as experts. They
themselves are aware of the contingent character of the social and histori-
cal place from where they speak. Who speaks is crucially important in any
scientific debate. Yet the person usually does not become a topic, and even
less so how one has become one. Academics occupy positions in an intel-
lectual landscape from where they make their claims but these positions do
not appear in all their dynamism and complexity. There is a tendency,
1 INTRODUCTION: STUDYING THE PROFESSORIATE 3
therefore, to erase the people and their backgrounds behind abstract aca-
demic discourses that conceal the ongoing mobility of academics.
Little is known about the academic profession as a whole. Existing
research on professors often builds on anecdotal evidence from individu-
als. Biographies typically deal with the “great men” of a discipline and
homage is paid to distinguished academics after their death (Hamann,
2016). This is a problem since professors are a group of professionals who
share backgrounds and experiences; they work under similar conditions
and their practices follow certain norms and rules. If we want to account
for academics, we need to understand them as a socio-historically struc-
tured and situated population.
The sociology of science has long been interested in the emergence of
groups and clusters of academics in order to account for new fields, schools
or paradigms (Ben-David, 1977; Kuhn, 1968; Mulkay, 1977). Such
research tends to be based on historical and archival work on a few but
highly visible academics. All too often, evidence remains anecdotal, often
centred on individual examples and histories. Outstanding cases rather
than the regular ones inform assumptions about how academics advance.
Biographical events are an effect of structural mechanisms, but in the sec-
tor they are perceived as individual achievements or failures.
There was an estimated number of 25,000 to 40,000 higher education
institutions worldwide with around 12.5 million academic teaching staff
in 2014 (Our world in data). The European Union alone counted around
1.89 million researchers in 2020 with Germany, France and the United
Kingdom (UK) being by far the largest providers in European countries in
terms of academic workforce size (Eurostat). In 2018, there were roughly
a total of 89,000 professors in Germany (Statistisches Bundesamt), France
(Kabla-Langlois, 2021) and the UK (Higher Education Statistics Agency).
The professoriate comprises the members of an academic system in a
discipline who have spent years and decades as students, postdocs and
non-professorial academics, moving from position to position, sometimes
from institution to institution and, in a minority of cases, from system to
system. Titles, roles and positions have different names in different aca-
demic systems. Yet the term professor (or a close equivalent) is a standard
designation for senior academics who are institutionally fully recognised
all over the world. Academics with professorial status usually carry the title
of Professor in English and Professor or Professorin (or ProfessorIn) in
German whereas in French they are called professeur.e.s (des universités) in
order to distinguish them from secondary teachers, who are called
professeur.e.s (du secondaire, a similar distinction is made in Spanish between

catedráticx and maestrx/profesorx). Oftentimes, the precise rank of the
academic is specified with a prefix. An American professor, for instance,
can be an Assistant, Associate or a Full Professor. Some UK universities
now apply the American system: Lecturers have been renamed Assistant
Professors and Senior Lecturers (as well as Readers) are now Associate
Professors. Since the introduction of JuniorprofessorInnen (W1) in 2002
(Zimmer, 2018), Germany, too, has three professorial ranks:
JuniorprofessorIn (W1), W2(C3) and W3(C4) professors, the latter cor-
responding to a chair (Lehrstuhl). Professors are sometimes understood to
comprise all full academics. Accordingly, Hermanowicz (2018, p. 242f.)
defines professors “by a constellation of teaching, research, and service
roles as part of their central occupation” and by their being “socially
understood as the core academic staff in a given nation’s system of higher
education”. We prefer to restrict our understanding to full professors,
which includes all professors in the UK, W2 and W3 professors in Germany
as well as other permanent academics with professorial status but not W1
JuniorprofessorInnen and, finally, in France the professeur.e.s d’universités
and their counterparts in other institutions.
Professors are those academics who have managed to be selected and
move up over time from a large group of academic staff. To account for
the professoriate, we have chosen a radically longitudinal approach that
can reflect the variety of qualification, recruitment and promotion prac-
tices across institutions and national systems. Academic systems suggest
certain pathways towards professorship, which typically include at least a
doctorate followed by a few years of employment as teacher-researcher.
Taking into account the lack of knowledge about career patterns of
entire populations of academics, this book tackles the professoriate as an
empirical, socio-historical object. We investigate the biographies of all aca-
demics in sociology and linguistics with senior (professorial) status in
Germany, France and the UK as they appeared online in 2015. Institutions
and ministries usually do not make available lists of professors with CVs
and research areas. However, the large majority of senior academics today
have professional and/or personal web pages that present their status, bio-
graphical information, research areas and publications. The DISCONEX
team went through the institutional pages from all higher education insti-
tutions in the three countries to identify the members of the professoriate
1 INTRODUCTION: STUDYING THE PROFESSORIATE 5
in the two disciplines and the three countries. We took the biographical
information from their online CVs and coded it so as to make cross-
institutional analysis possible.
By applying sequence analysis and other multivariate statistical methods
to the resulting database, we are able to extract and account for career pat-
terns in a comparative perspective across disciplines and countries.
References
Ben-David, J. (1977). Centers of Learning. Britain, France, Germany, United
States. McGraw-Hill.
Bernstein, B. (1971). Class, Codes, and Control. Four volumes. Routledge &
Kegan Paul.
Bourdieu, P. (1984). Homo Academicus. Minuit.
Bowles, S., & Gintis, H. (1977). Schooling in Capitalist America. Educational
Reform and the Contradictions of Economic Life. Basic Books.
Goldthorpe, J. H. (1996). Problems of Meritocracy. In R. Erikson & J. O. Jonsson
(Eds.), Can Education Be Equalized? (pp. 255–287). Westview.
Hamann, J. (2016). ‘Let Us Salute One of Our Kind.’ How Academic Obituaries
Consecrate Research Biographies. Poetics, 56, 1–14.
Hermanowicz, J. C. (2018). The Professoriate in International Perspective. In
M. B. Paulsen (Ed.), Higher Education: Handbook of Theory and Research
(pp. 239–293). Springer.
Kabla-Langlois, I. (2021). L’Etat de l’enseignement supérieur, de la recherche et de
l’innovation en France (Ministère de l’Enseignement Supérieur, de la Recherche
et de l’innovation).
Kuhn, T. S. (1968). The Structure of Scientific Revolutions. The University of
Chicago Press.
Mulkay, M. (1977). Sociology of the Scientific Research Community. In I. Spiegel-
Rösing & D. de Solla Price (Eds.), Science, Technology and Society. A Cross-
Disciplinary Perspective (pp. 93–148). Sage.
Zimmer, L. M. (2018). Das Kapital der Juniorprofessur. Einflussfaktoren bei der
Berufung von der Junior- auf die Lebenszeitprofessur, Dissertation. Springer.
CHAPTER 2
A Process Perspective on the Professoriate
Abstract The making of a professor spans an entire life. This is why a

process perspective is needed which accounts for how hierarchies between
academics are produced and reproduced over time. Academics advance
through institutional constraints and the dynamics of reputation and visi-
bility. Academic careers are a product of events that are articulated in cer-
tain ways, such as educational degrees, recruitments, promotions,
publications, roles, and collaborations.
Keywords Professorship • PhD • Process • Career
Nowadays, most academics normally go through a sequence of qualifica-

tions (including a PhD) and occupy at least one academic position prior to
their professorial appointment. While the career trajectories of academics
are more difficult to predict than the career progression of, say, teachers or
policemen, academics follow certain mobility patterns, too. They are
streamlined by and embedded in an academic career regime that struc-
tures their biographical time.
In the sociological debate on science, process perspectives have long
been well established. Constructivist approaches to social knowledge, for
instance, have placed emphasis on knowledge as a process of negotiating
knowledge claims (Camic et al., 2011; Latour, 1987; Sismondo, 2010).
Scientific knowledge production is seen as an ongoing practice of

Switzerland AG 2023
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participants strengthening some knowledge claims and, conversely, of

weakening others. Rather than expressing inherent truths, scientific
knowledge claims are a result of what happens among actors. Yet social
approaches to science have often overlooked the crucial fact that the
actors, too, are “constructed”, as members of scientific communities with
reputation and resources, with roles and rights (Abbott, 2016). The mak-
ing of a professor usually takes an entire life which is intertwined with the
ideas, orientations and achievements that others attribute to the individual
(Hamann, 2019). The construction of an academic subjectivity is key to a
successful academic career. As academics move through the academic
time-space, they negotiate their science identities (Carlone & Johnson,
2007; Robinson et al., 2018). They become subjects who are subjected to
as well as canalised by techniques of discipline and control (Masschelein
et al., 2006; Morrissey, 2013).
Careers of academics result from creative choices that academics can
make but also from the constraints weighing on them. Right from the
beginning of their careers, academics are subject to a biographical regime
that structures their progression and encourages them to develop a unique
academic identity and profile. They often can choose the questions and
topics of their research and teaching while they build up their reputation
as specialised members of a scientific community. Aspiring for indepen-
dence and autonomy, academics are never in control, at least not fully.
Many academics do not pursue their careers strategically. Yet, most are
aware of the value of a coherent academic Curriculum Vita that conveys
the insignia of academic achievements: publications, teaching and man-
agement experience, services to the community, societal impact, and so on.
Academics move along trajectories where a professorial appointment
signals recognition and success. A career perspective on academia not only
helps us understand how individuals enter higher education and become
established as full academic citizens but also, more generally, why some
academics take an interest in certain questions, objects and orientations.
Academics may engage in a wide range of activities but they can hardly
escape the career logic organising what they do, say and value, no matter
how much (or little) they are conscious of it. By pursuing their careers,
they enact the structured relationships of the academic space. Structures in
academia work across the entire lifetime of an academic. And that’s why a
career perspective on large academic populations can help understand how
hierarchies among academics are produced and reproduced over time.
2 A PROCESS PERSPECTIVE ON THE PROFESSORIATE 9
Academics are usually engaged in academic work from early on until

late in their lives. Junior academics typically start becoming serious about
a career in academia before or after completing their MA and most aca-
demics who reach a permanent position will stay until retirement.
Re-entering academia is difficult after having left the sector and longer
career breaks are rare, except for maternity/paternity leave. Professors are
usually committed to constructing and defending a long-term commit-
ment to one or several disciplinary areas and they display their expertise
through publications, conference talks, contributions to data or software
repositories, online biographical profiles or curriculum vitae.
Academic careers follow a two- or multi-pronged path: on the one
hand, academics try to secure (or improve) their institutional places in
higher education institutions; on the other hand, they build up their repu-
tation informally as members in disciplinary communities. While they try
to move up the institutional status ladder, they engage in activities in
research, teaching and management that contribute to their reputation
and consolidate their profile and identity. Their practices can be subject to
institutional rules and constraints (e.g. legal conditions they need to fulfil
to reach a permanent position) and to the dynamics of visibility on the free
market of expert reputation. Academics also enjoy many freedoms, espe-
cially in how they work and what they work on. Special rewards are some-
times given to those who are perceived as making a unique and creative
contribution to the wider scientific debate.
The PhD is a major career event for most academics and it is defined by
the place (the institution) and the expertise (the discipline). The first per-
manent recruitment is the second major biographical event and it some-
times, typically in Germany, coincides with the first appointment as a full
professor. Countries like France and the UK usually award at least one
permanent academic contract before the professorship. The professorial
appointment can therefore be seen as the second or third major event in
academic careers and it marks the moment when the academic is fully rec-
ognized by an institution. Institutional recognition tends to follow or pre-
cede reputation in the discipline. This is why academic careers typically
follow a zigzag of institutional and disciplinary dynamics of recognition.
Academia is not a system of forever fixed hierarchical positions.
Academics become part of a system of inequalities that keeps evolving as
academics move from studying towards a first academic degree until retire-
ment. Their careers are organised around defining biographical events
such as the award of their PhD, a recruitment or a promotion, a
management or teaching role, publications, etc. These events take place as

a result of the coordinated practices among many actors. A process per-
spective is indeed needed if we want to understand how social structures
in academia emerge and consolidate (Angermuller, 2018).
Every academic has ideas about how academics proceed or should pro-
ceed. Young researchers tend to overstate the obstacles to a permanent
recruitment whereas senior academics sometimes think of their career as
the only model in the sector. Such theories circulate in academic milieux
untested. What is needed are systematic data-based insights into how pro-
fessors move into and out of their positions.
References
Abbott, A. (2016). Processual Sociology. University of Chicago Press.
Angermuller, J. (2018). Accumulating Discursive Capital, Valuating Subject
Positions. From Marx to Foucault. Critical Discourse Studies, 15(4), 415–425.
https://doi.org/10.1080/17405904.2018.1457551
Camic, C., Lamont, M., & Gross, N. (2011). Social Knowledge in the Making.
University of Chicago Press.
Carlone, H. B., & Johnson, A. (2007). Understanding the Science Experiences of
Successful Women of Color: Science Identity as an Analytic Lens. Journal of
Research in Science Teaching, 44(8), 1187–1218. https://doi.
org/10.1002/tea.20237
Hamann, J. (2019). Zum Auftritt der Figur ‘Professor’ in Berufungsverfahren. In
T. Etzemüller (Ed.), Der Auftritt. Performanz in der Wissenschaft
(pp. 291–306). Transcript.
Latour, B. (1987). Science in Action. Open University Press.
Masschelein, J., Simons, M., Bröckling, U., & Pongratz, L. (2006). The Learning
Society from the Perspective of Governmentality. Blackwell.
Morrissey, J. (2013). Governing the Academic Subject: Foucault, Governmentality
and the Performing University. Oxford Review of Education, 39(6), 797–810.
https://doi.org/10.1080/03054985.2013.860891
Robinson, K., Perez, T., Nuttall, A., Roseth, C., & Linnenbrink-Garcia, L. (2018).
From Science Student to Scientist: Predictors and Outcomes of Heterogeneous
Science Identity Trajectories in College. Developmental Psychology, 54,
1977–1992. https://doi.org/10.1037/dev0000567
Sismondo, S. (2010). An Introduction to Science and Technology Studies (2nd ed.).
CHAPTER 3
Existing Research on Academic Careers
Abstract Professorial careers result from the conjunction of two inter-

twined processes: qualifications (diplomas) and jobs (contracts). Existing
research often revolves around the idea of academic mobility as a result of
markets that coordinate the practices of academics. While research is often
seen as a key currency, many other factors are also at play: social class back-
ground and economic resources, institutional demands (such as teaching
and management), organisational practices and power struggles. Many
academic careers today are characterised by certain standards with the doc-
torate and the first professorial appointment as defining moments.
Keywords Academic mobility • Market • Performance • Inequalities •

Organisations • Standardisation • Specialisation
About the early nineteenth century, higher education in Europe saw a

decisive turn towards professionalisation. After the Humboldtian reforms
in Prussia, Germany defined the model of the professor as an established
senior academic: an intellectual and institutional leader who not only
holds a well-paid, permanent leadership position within the university but
also represents an educated class that has managed to shape social life at
various points (Ringer, 1969). Until the early twentieth century, profes-
sors were recruited among self-funded scholars with a decisively upper-
class background. While the German habilitation system still reflects that

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tradition of the autonomous intellectual turned into an academic leader,

North American universities paved the way for a more predictable career
model where academics could occupy tenure-track positions early on in
order to build up their academic profile and become full professors. Max
Weber (1988 [1921]) understood that such was the future for what was
going to be the spectacular rise of higher education during the twentieth
century. In European countries such as Germany, France and the UK,
academic careers are nowadays fully embedded into higher education
institutions: academics are expected (and they expect) to be in full and
permanent contracts whereas “independent” academics with no institu-
tional affiliation are widely seen as having a deficient career.
Since the twentieth century, academics need to pursue at least two
career tracks at the same time: a track of qualifications (with the doctorate
becoming the central diploma during the twentieth century) and a track
of academic jobs (with the professorial appointment as the expression of
full institutional recognition). Both tracks are intertwined as diplomas
qualify to move up the status ladder and, conversely, academics normally
need jobs, grants or scholarships to get a doctoral degree or to be “habili-
tated” for a professorial position (Angermuller, 2013). Qualifications and
jobs constitute the formal categories of recognition and they are the back-
bone for any academic CV. Yet academics also enjoy informal recognition:
they have a reputation as members of a specialised community. Reputation
can be less easily measured and compared and CVs can give only an
approximate idea of whether the person is widely recognised or unknown
in her or his area (through the number of publications, prestigious talks,
prizes, etc.). However fuzzy a reputation can be, it makes a real difference
and it is perhaps the most important currency in the game of academic
distinctions. If qualifications and institutional status point to the outward
insignia of academic excellence, reputation reflects the knowledge (or the
belief) of members of a community about who one is and how one counts.
The Market, the Organisation, and the Actors

Existing research has placed emphasis on various aspects of what drives
academic careers. A first idea is that a professorship reflects, or should
reflect, academic performance, that is, the individual’s recognised contri-
butions to learning and science, and not draw from “non-academic” (ille-
gitimate) sources of career advancement such as local networks, clan
loyalties and inherited prestige. This is the meritocratic idea of academia,
3 EXISTING RESEARCH ON ACADEMIC CAREERS 13
which perceives academic careers as a function of an individual’s achieve-

ments in research, teaching and other “service” activities. According to
the meritocratic viewpoint, inequalities in pay, power and pre-eminence
are justified if they reflect the skills, talents and the efforts of individuals.
Meritocratic views of academia tend to put research centre stage, epito-
mised by the peer-reviewed research article and research project income.
Research gives visibility and recognition to academics beyond circles of
close colleagues and classes, which are among the “hard” currencies of
academic recognition and weigh on career decisions. The idea of research-
based meritocracy has been further ingrained into the mindset of many
from the second half of the twentieth century, for two reasons. The first is
the easy quantification of research achievements through impact factors
and journal and publishers’ rankings: the more articles one publishes in
highly ranked journals and books with highly ranked publishers, and the
more these publications are cited by others in turn, the more one’s name
becomes associated with an established body of research. The second rea-
son is the demand for such research metrics by academic managers, by the
publication industry itself and by econometric policy-makers in higher
education like in other sectors.
However, research performance is not all that counts in terms of career
progression. Marek Kwiek (2019), for instance, discovers that with a few
exceptions salaries of professors in most European (and probably most
non-European) countries do not correlate with their publication intensity.
Being an ultra-productive researcher does not always boost academics
institutionally, which is supported by Münch, who finds that contrary to
widely held beliefs “competitive” third-party funding does not systemati-
cally go to the most prolific and research-active academics (2013). While
both perceive North American and British practices as more research-
centred, their results indeed raise the question: What else drives career
progression of academics, if not publications? Kwiek and Münch remind
us that informal research recognition (like research-based reputation) does
not mechanically translate into institutional recognition. Institutional sta-
tus progression has a speed of its own which is not easily geared up or
down by stardom or by oblivion. And academic careers are driven by many
other factors than research. These include teaching and management,
which are essential tasks for the development of knowledge and for aca-
demic institutions, and the willingness and ability to engage in power
struggles in order to access the highest echelons of the organisational
hierarchy.
Even if academia was a perfectly research-based meritocratic system,

performance could not be entirely attributed to individual research since
“success” and “failure” tend to reflect the economic and non-economic
resources that academics marshal throughout their career. This is the sec-
ond idea—an idea that one commonly associates with Pierre Bourdieu
(1984), who sets out to unmask the ideology of academic talent. Academics
are involved in tacit struggles in which they have recourse to the economic
and cultural capital from their families. For Bourdieu, an academic career
is a process of transforming such resources into goods specific to a disci-
plinary field (such as publications, knowledge, networks).
Since the pioneering work of Basil Bernstein (1971), a great deal of
research has been produced in the sociology of education showing that
educational success consistently correlates with class and that those
inequalities are legitimated as “talent” or “achievement” by a system of
exams and evaluations. And researchers not only have recourse to the
“starting credits” from their families, but research communities usually
amplify the visibility of those who are dominant already through what
Angermuller and Hamann call the celebrity logics of academic discourse
(2019). Following the Matthew principle of “whoever has will be given
more” (Merton, 1968), the distribution of visibility tends to follow a neg-
ative exponential curve: Visibility is monopolised by a few academic stars
at the expense of many others who are active in the community without
getting credit (Angermuller, 2018). For example Angermuller’s work on
citation visibility has shown that 10% of the most cited professors of a field
like Discourse Studies are cited as much as all the other active professors
(Angermuller, 2023).
If academics are valued in terms of their reputational standing in their
communities, higher education institutions do not turn celebrity auto-
matically into status and reward. Some institutions will provide their
“stars” with exceptional resourcing levels while punishing less visible col-
leagues with more routine tasks. Yet many institutions refrain from creat-
ing too many distinctions other than through regular promotions or
external recruitment. In many cases, institutions have a levelling effect on
the monopolisation of visibility in few figures. While reputational concen-
tration is typical for most academic fields and debates, institutions usually
refrain from replicating such hierarchies. The most visible professors are
kept in the same status group together with the least visible ones. A similar
levelling mechanism seems to apply for the allocation of funding by
research organisations if one believes Münch’s results (2013). Fashionable
public discourses about academic “excellence” notwithstanding, many

European institutions resist exacerbating inequalities within status groups
(American institutions, by contrast, allow for much higher disparities,
Angermuller, 2017). Institutions probably have a sense that mimicking
the market of footballers or show-business stars would not be the most
beneficial to their core missions—delivering good teaching, managing
legally and effectively, and promoting sound and diverse research. All
these tasks largely, and more and more, rely on collaborative efforts.
A third perspective considers academia as an arena of actors who are
subject to organisational rules and who also contribute to shaping these
rules. In this view, an academic system is a product of social dynamics
among actors involved in ongoing power struggles. Evolving along path-
dependent lines (Clark, 1983), an academic system is defined by the
organisational framework within which academics compete and pursue
their careers. French universities, for example, have been shown to undergo
a cycle of organisational reform when internal imbalances and pressures
grow (Musselin, 2004). New programmes are then implemented, new
positions created to fix perceived problems (such as a lack of mobility),
which then lead to new contradictions elsewhere in the system and trigger
another round of reforms. Careers, in this view, unfold according to
organisational rules that shape and are shaped by the dynamics of power
among the actors.
Against this view, proponents of the boundaryless career emphasise the
freedom of academic actors from constraints of organisational and other
nature (Arthur & Rousseau, 1996). Such claims have been criticised for
their lack of empirical evidence (Dany et al., 2011). In fact, as our study
will show, academic careers follow highly structured patterns, increasingly
so over the last few decades and even across systems where there are no
legal and bureaucratic reasons to create homogeneity. These patterns and
regularities probably reflect normative expectations and cultural standards
that are established in academia as a global social space.
Towards a Standard Career?

While academic systems evolve along path-dependent lines, comparative
researchers have registered a number of international tendencies such as
the decreasing decision-making autonomy for academics, the expansion of
higher education administration (Boer et al., 2008) and the managerialisa-
tion of academic governance (Hyde et al., 2013; Schulze-Cleven et al.,
2017). The great heterogeneity of academic systems notwithstanding,

cross-institutional imitation sometimes takes place with surprising speed
across the globe, which has led Meyer and Schofer (2007) to venture the
idea of the university as a “world culture”. In this view, universities are not
only characterised by local rules and practices but they are also subject to
a set of world cultural norms that they conform to, sometimes even against
rational considerations of “self-interest”. A prime example of the word
culture hypothesis is the university as an organisational umbrella that com-
prises the whole range of disciplines, which is now the standard for higher
learning and science worldwide. Another word-cultural examples are the
doctorate (or PhD, which is a philosophiae doctor) as the standard qualifica-
tion for academics and the professorship as the standard category for
senior academics. It would not be surprising to see that the career progres-
sion from PhD to professorship is subject to word-cultural rather than to
locally specific norms, too.
The PhD and the first professorial appointment are indeed, for many
academics worldwide, defining biographical events, also called turning
points (Abbott, 1997). If the PhD is a qualification and the professorship
a position, both are based on a mix of disciplinary and institutional recog-
nition. While the PhD is a qualification awarded by an institution for a
specific disciplinary area, a professorship designates an academic position
with senior status for a given disciplinary area of specialisation. A “Doctor”
and “Professor” can also be awarded as honorary titles, which are given to
individuals who have pursued academic or non-academic careers and who
we tried to eliminate in our database. Full professors, however, normally
have a PhD based on a piece of unique research and they occupy a full and
permanent academic job with professorial status in a higher education
institution.
Academics consolidate their positions between the award of a PhD and
the first professorial appointment. Even though this biographical period is
often characterised by a great deal of change and mobility, career progres-
sion is governed by some standards. Academics are subject to a career
regime that deploys them in a field of hierarchical positions over time.
They are no passive dupes—on the contrary, they actively build up their
profiles and make conscious career decisions. Yet as they gain reputation
and consolidate their positions, they need to move through a system of
socially expected durations. Academic career progression sometimes fol-
lows timetables (Merton, 1984; Toren, 1993), which may be set down by
organisations explicitly (e.g. the six-year rule in Germany for fixed-term
positions in academia) or they are tacitly shared (such as French postdocs

wondering whether they can still be recruited as maître de conferences
more than four years after their PhD). Therefore, the progression from
junior to senior positions “seems to be sliced into comparable time periods
across European systems” (Brechelmacher et al., 2015, p. 41).
Building on these insights, our study will be guided by the idea of aca-
demia as a social space shaped by two distinct but intertwined processes:
specialisation and standardisation. Academics need to respond to the pres-
sures of specialisation in the disciplinary space of expertise. They are
encouraged to create new knowledge, to occupy a niche and to open up
lines of research. At the same time, they need to organise their biographi-
cal time so as to fit with institutional standards and converging career
standards.
Before turning to the empirical analysis of the 2000 careers that we
analysed, we will now shed some light on the three systems and the two
disciplines.
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CHAPTER 4
Professors in Germany, France, United

Kingdom
Abstract The UK, France and Germany represent three major European
academic systems with distinct organisational traditions. Against the back-
ground of existing research and drawing on our insider knowledge about
these systems, we present a comparative overview of the British academic
system as a liberal bureaucracy, centred on departments, of France as a
national status oligarchy, and of Germany as a federation of autonomous
entrepreneurs. Members of these systems are subject to career regimes
organising professional advancement through the interplay of salary rules,
qualifications, evaluations, recruitments, promotions, and more.
Keywords Academic systems • France • Germany • UK • Career

statuses • Bureaucracy • Oligarchy • Entrepreneurship
Higher Education in Transnational Perspective

Germany, France and the UK are Europe’s largest countries in terms of
academic workforce with 432,000, 316,000 and 306,000 researchers and
scientists in 2018, respectively (Statistisches Bundesamt). Germany has
produced around 26,000–30,000 PhDs a year over the last decade
(Statistisches Bundesamt), more than in the UK (20,000–23,000, Kehm
et al., 2018) and France (13,000–14,000, Ministère de l’Enseignement
supérieur et de la Recherche): 48,000 professors were counted in Germany

Switzerland AG 2023
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-25241-9_4
in 2018 (Statistisches Bundesamt), 18,000 in France in 2019 (Kabla-

Langlois, 2021) and 21,000 in the UK in 2019 (Higher Education
Statistics Agency). The number of PhDs awarded has been steadily increas-
ing over the last few decades with the French doctorates plateauing over
the last decade, probably as a response to institutional restrictions of
uncontrolled enrolments. Many think that it is getting harder for young
researchers to land academic jobs (Kwiek & Antonowicz, 2015, p. 47) but
the number of academic jobs has also been increasing even though some
fields such as sociology in Germany have probably done better than lin-
guistics in the UK.
These countries are big enough for academics to have a chance to get
academic jobs in the country of their PhD and change between institu-
tions without having to change countries. Even for many small fields,
there is a critical mass of academics and jobs within the country, both on
junior and senior levels (Goastellec, 2016). As a result, national epistemic
tendencies, traditions and schools have emerged in many fields of the
social sciences and humanities; sociology and linguistics are no exceptions.
Career statuses vary subtly between countries (France: Angermuller,
2017; UK: Brennan et al., 2007; Germany: Lörz & Mühleck, 2019;
Waaijer, 2015), which makes cross-national comparisons a challenging
task. The most universal position, the professorship, is a robust category,
which can be used as a point of reference for an international comparison
of careers. In our definition, academics have professorial status (i.e. they
are “professors”) if they are seen as established, independent experts in
their field and occupy a senior position in a higher education institution.
A full professorship is seen as the most senior position that academics can
reach in higher education institutions. After the professorial appointment,
career differentiation takes many other shapes which are less transparent,
comparable and measurable, that can be expressed by scales, pay and fund-
ing, administrative roles or responsibility for teams.
As many academics from these countries are trained and recruited
nationally, professors are likely to hold a PhD from the same country.
Academic careers tend to be bounded by the academic system whose
implicit and explicit rules and practices remain often opaque to observers
from outside, especially when it comes to understanding the dynamics of
institutional power, which organise the way how academics are appointed
and promoted. Since academics need a fine-grained command of lan-
guage, academic mobility is also strongly constrained by linguistic barriers.
German is used by 130 million native speakers mostly based in Germany,
4 PROFESSORS IN GERMANY, FRANCE, UNITED KINGDOM 21
Austria or German-speaking Switzerland. There are 270 million speakers

of French in France, Belgium, French-speaking Switzerland, Luxemburg
as well as in around 25 other former French colonies. English has as many
as 430 million native speakers on the British Isles and the white settler
colonies (United States (US), UK, Australia, Ireland, New Zealand) and
there is probably over a billion speakers who use it as a lingua franca in
over 35 other former British colonies (e.g. India, Pakistan, Philippines,
Nigeria, Uganda) and as a language of science and trade around the world
(20–90% of other Europeans and 2–10% of Latin Americans speak English
as an additional language).
The UK, France and Germany are centres of those linguistic spaces and
they define models of academic governance for many other systems in the
world. The UK’s is a “liberal” system with autonomous departments led by
a strong Head, similar to those in Australia, New Zealand and Canada and,
to some degree, in the US (Baker, 2012, p. 3). The French academic system
is centred around a corps of enseignant.e.s-chercheurs.e, who are civil ser-
vants, and created by the central government, not unlike Spain and
Scandinavian countries. In Germany, the system is focused on the chair as an
autonomous organisational unit led by a professor like in Belgium,
Switzerland, Austria and, to some degree perhaps, in Italy. France, UK and
Germany represent systems with sufficient resources to produce and repro-
duce the academics staffing their institutions. Careers in these countries are
different from what one can observe in more precarious academic systems
outside Western and Central Europe, where salaries are sometimes insuffi-
cient for middle-class lifestyles, teaching takes precedence over research and
“locals” clash with “internationalists”, as has been reported from Argentina
(Medina, 2014), Poland (Kwiek, 2013) or Russia (Sokolov, 2019).
In comparative studies from Ben-David (1977) to Musselin (2005a),
higher education in Germany, France, the UK and the US appear as the
four major models of higher education that have been taken up by aca-
demic systems around the world since the nineteenth century. Accordingly,
Chanphirun and Sijde (2014, p. 893ff.) distinguish between four models
of higher education: first, a research-focused Humboldtian (German)
model that places emphasis on the free co-discovery of knowledge between
professors and students; second, a Napoleonic (French) model of central-
ised training that imparts defined skills on a technocracy; third, a person-
ality-focused (British) model of liberal education where students acquire
general culture through close contact with professors and, fourth, a hybrid
Anglo-American model that combines the features of the three European
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because the gratification of the ruling passion had made it worth
while to supply the market.
There is a history, by a monk of Cluny, of the translation of the
body of St. Indalece, one of the earliest Spanish bishops; written by
order of the Abbot of St. Juan de la Penna; wherein the author
protests to advance nothing but facts; having himself seen, or learnt
from other witnesses, all he relates. It was not difficult for him to
gain his information, since it was to the monastery of St. Juan de la
Penna that the holy relics were transported, and those who brought
them were two monks of that house. His minute detail of
circumstances, he has authenticated by giving the names of persons
and places; and the account was written for the great festival
immediately instituted in honour of this translation. He informs us
of the miraculous manner by which they were so fortunate as to
discover the body of this bishop, and the different plans that were
concerted to carry it off; with the itinerary of the two monks who
accompanied the holy remains; during which they were not a little
cheered in their long and hazardous journey by visions and miracles.
Another has written a history of what he terms the translation of
the relics of St. Majean to the monastery of Villemagne. Translation
is, in fact, only a softened expression for the robbery committed on
the relics of the saints, by two monks who carried them off secretly,
to enrich their monastery; and they did not stick at any artifice, or
lie, to achieve their undertaking. They imagined every thing was
permitted to get possession of these fragments of mortality, which
now had become such an important branch of commerce. They even
regarded their possessors with a hostile eye. Such was the religious
opinion from the ninth to the twelfth century. Our Canute
commissioned his agent at Rome to purchase St. Augustine’s arm for
one hundred talents of silver and one of gold! a much greater sum,
observes Granger, than the finest statue of antiquity would then have
sold for. Another monk describes a strange act of devotion, attested
by several contemporary writers. When the saints did not readily
comply with the prayers of their votaries, they flogged their relics
with rods, in a spirit of impatience, which they conceived necessary
to enforce obedience. To raise our admiration, Theofroy, abbot of
Epternac, relates the daily miracles performed by the relics of saints
—their ashes, their clothes, or other mortal spoils, and even by the
instruments of their martyrdom. He inveighs against that luxury of
ornaments which was indulged in under a religious pretext. “It is not
to be supposed that the saints are desirous of such a profusion of
gold and silver. They wish not that we should raise to them
magnificent churches, to exhibit that ingenious order of pillars,
which shine with gold; nor those rich ceilings, nor those altars
sparkling with jewels. They desire not the purple parchment for their
writings, the liquid gold to decorate the letters, nor the precious
stones to embellish their covers, while you have such little care for
the ministers.” The pious writer has not forgotten himself, in his
partnership-account with the saints.
Bayle observes, the Roman church not being able to deny that
there have been false relics which have wrought miracles, they reply
that the good intentions of those believers who have recourse to
them, obtained from God the reward for their good faith! In the same
spirit, when it was shown that three bodies of the same saint are said
to exist in several places, and that therefore they could not all be
authentic, it was answered, that they were all genuine! for God had
multiplied and miraculously reproduced them, for the comfort of the
faithful! A curious specimen of the intolerance of good sense.
Prince Radzivil was so much affected by the Reformation being
spread in Lithuania, that he went in person to pay the Pope all
personal honours. On this occasion his holiness presented him with a
precious box of relics. On his return home, some monks entreated
the prince’s permission to try the effects of them on a demoniac, who
hitherto had resisted every exorcism. They were brought into the
church with solemn pomp, accompanied by an innumerable crowd,
and deposited on the altar. After the usual conjurations, which were
unsuccessful, the relics were applied. The demoniac instantly
recovered. The people called out a miracle! and the Prince raising his
hands and eyes to heaven, felt his faith confirmed. During this
transport of pious joy, he observed that a young gentleman, who was
keeper of his treasure of relics, smiled, and by his motions ridiculed
the miracle. The Prince, indignantly, took the young keeper of the
relics to task; who, on promise of pardon, gave the following secret
intelligence concerning them. In travelling from Rome he had lost
the box of relics; and not daring to mention it, he had procured a
similar one, which he had filled with the small bones of dogs and
cats, and other trifles similar to those that were lost. He hoped he
might be forgiven for smiling, when he found that such a collection
of rubbish was eulogized with such pomp, and had even the virtue of
expelling demons. It was by the assistance of this box that the Prince
discovered the gross impositions of the monks and demoniacs, and
Radzivil afterwards became a zealous Lutheran.
Frederick the Elector, surnamed the Wise, was an indefatigable
collector of relics. After his death, one of the monks employed by
him, solicited payment for several parcels he had purchased for our
wise Elector; but the times had changed! He was advised to resign
this business; the relics for which he desired payment they were
willing to return; that since the Reformation of Luther, the price of
such ware had considerably fallen; and that they would be more
esteemed, and find a better market in Italy than in Germany!
In his “Traité preparatif à l’Apologie pour Herodote,” c. 39,
Stephens says, “A monk of St. Anthony, having been at Jerusalem,
saw there several relics, among which was a bit of the finger of the
Holy Ghost, as sound and entire as it had ever been; the snout of the
seraphim that appeared to St. Francis; one of the nails of a cherubim;
one of the ribs of the Verbum caro factum, (the Word was made
flesh,) some rays of the star that appeared to the three kings of the
east; a phial of St. Michael’s sweat, when he was fighting against the
devil; a hem of Joseph’s garment, which he wore when he cleaved
wood, &c. All which things,” observes our treasurer of relics, “I have
brought with me home very devoutly.” Henry III. who was deeply
tainted with the superstition of the age, summoned all the great in
the kingdom to meet in London. This summons excited the most
general curiosity, and multitudes appeared. The king then
acquainted them that the great master of the knights templars had
sent him a phial containing a small portion of the sacred blood of
Christ, which he had shed upon the cross! and attested to be genuine
by the seals of the patriarch of Jerusalem, and others. He
commanded a procession on the following day, and, adds the
historian, that though the road between St. Paul’s and Westminster
Abbey was very deep and miry, the king kept his eyes constantly
fixed on the phial. Two monks received it, and deposited the phial in
the abbey, “which made all England shine with glory, dedicating it to
God and St. Edward.”
In his life of Henry VIII. Lord Herbert notices the great fall of the
price of relics at the dissolution of the monasteries. “The respect
given to relics, and some pretended miracles, fell, insomuch as I find
by our records, that a piece of St. Andrew’s finger, (covered only with
an ounce of silver,) being laid to pledge by a monastery for forty
pounds, was left unredeemed at the dissolution of the house; the
king’s commissioners, who, upon surrender of any foundation,
undertook to pay the debts, refusing to pay the price again;” that is,
they did not choose to repay the forty pounds, to receive a piece of
the finger of St. Andrew. About this time the property of relics
suddenly sunk to a South-Sea bubble; for shortly after the artifice of
the Road of Grace, at Boxley, in Kent, was fully opened to the eye of
the populace, and a far-famed relic at Hales in Gloucestershire, of the
blood of Christ, was at the same time exhibited. It was showed in a
phial, and it was believed that none could see it who were in mortal
sin: and after many trials usually repeated to the same person, the
deluded pilgrim at length went away fully satisfied. This relic was the
blood of a duck, renewed every week, and put into a phial; one side
of which was opaque, and the other transparent; either side of which
was turned to the pilgrim which the monk thought proper. The
success of the pilgrim depended on the oblations he had made. Those
who were scanty in their offerings, were the longest in getting a sight
of the blood. When a man was in despair he usually became
generous.
THE END.
W. WILSON, PRINTER, 57, SKINNER-STREET, LONDON.
1. The discipline of the augurs is of very ancient date, having been prohibited
by Moses, in Leviticus. The cup put in Joseph’s sack, was that used by Joseph to
take auguries by. In its more general signification, augury comprises all the
different kinds of divination, which Varrow distinguishes into four species of
augury, according to the four elements; namely, pyromancy, or augury by fire;
aeromancy, or augury by the air; hydromancy, or augury by the water; and
geomancy, or augury by the earth.—See Divination. The Roman augurs took their
presages concerning futurity from birds, beasts, and the appearances of the
heavens, &c.
2. See Augurs.
3. A coal starting out of the fire prognosticates either a purse or a coffin, as the
imagination may figure either one or the other represented upon it: the death-
watch, a species of ticking spider, the inseparable companion of old houses and old
furniture, is, when heard, a sure prognostic of a death in the family: the sediment
of the sugar, in the form of froth, rising to the top of a cup of tea, is an infallible
presage of the person going to receive money: the itching of the palm of the hand,
which is to be immediately rubbed on wood, “that it may come to good,” or on
brass, “that it may come to pass,” &c. is the certain foreboding of being about to
have money paid or otherwise transferred.
4. These are but a very small proportion of the minor species of superstitions
which influence weak and uninstructed minds in all countries. The vulgar, even in
the most enlightened periods, are not entirely exempt from belief in the powers of
sorcery and magic, and other fantastical and imaginary agencies, such as
Exorcisms, Charms, and Amulets. It is pleasing, however, to contrast the present
times, in which there is almost an extinction of these delusions, with ages not very
remote. It is only 182 years, (counting from 1819) since great numbers of persons
were condemned to death, in the ordinary course of law, and executed for
witchcraft, in England; and only 119 years (from the same date) since the like
disgraceful proceedings took place in Scotland. The like trials, convictions, and
executions, took place in New England, in the end of the 17th century. See Evelyn’s
Memoirs, vol. xi. p. 35.
5. Du Cange has remarked, that the common expression, “May this piece of
bread choke me!” originates with this custom. The anecdote of Earl Godwin’s
death by swallowing a piece of bread, in making this asseveration, is recorded in
our history. If it be true, it was a singular misfortune.
6. Dr. Fludd, or, as he stated himself in Latin, De Fluctibus, was the second
son of Sir Thomas Fludd, Treasurer of War to Queen Elizabeth, was born at
Milgate in Kent; and died at his own house in Coleman-Street, September 8, 1637.
He was a strenuous supporter of the Rosicrucian philosophy; was considered a
man of some eminence in his profession, and by no means an insignificant writer.
7. Melancthon was also a believer in judicial astrology, and an interpreter of
dreams. Richelieu and Mazarine were so superstitious as to employ and pension
Morin, another pretender to astrology, who cast the nativities of these two able
politicians. Nor was Tacitus himself, who generally appears superior to
superstition, untainted with this folly, as may appear from the twenty-second
chapter of the sixth book of his Annals.
8. The noted Thumersen, in the seventeenth century, was invested at Berlin
with the respective offices of printer to the court, bookseller, almanack-maker,
astrologer, chemist, and first physician. Messengers daily arrived from the most
respectable houses in Germany, Poland, Hungary, Denmark, and even from
England, for the purpose of consulting him respecting the future fortunes of new-
born infants, acquainting him with the hour of their nativity, and soliciting his
advice and directions as to their management. Many volumes of this singular
correspondence are still preserved in the Royal library at Berlin. He died in high
reputation and favour with his superstitious contemporaries; and his astrological
Almanack is still published in some of the less enlightened provinces of Germany.
9. I so well remember the Chaldean predictions to Pompey, to Crassus, and to
this same Cæsar, that none of them should die, but full of years and glory, and in
his house, that I am surprised that there are yet some persons capable to believe
those, whose predictions are every day contradicted and refuted by the court.
10. Antipater and Achinapolus have shewn, that Genethliology should rather
be founded on the time of the conception than on that of the birth.
11. Astrologers and wise men of the present day, thanks to a statute or two in
the civil code, limit their star-gazing faculties to the making of calendars or
almanacks.
12. In 1523, the astrologers having prophesied incessant rains and fearful
floods, the abbot of St. Bartholomew, in Smithfield, built a house on Harrow-the-
Hill, and stored it with provisions. Many persons followed his example and
repaired to high places. However, no extraordinary floods appearing, the
disappointed soothsayers pacified the people by owning themselves mistaken just
one hundred years in their calculation.—Hall.
13. From this art of Solomon, exhibited through the medium of a ring or seal,
we have the eastern stories which celebrate the seal of Solomon, and record the
potency of its sway over the various orders of demons, or of genii, who are
supposed to be the invincible tormentors or benefactors of the human race.
14. The discovery of the virtues of the Peruvian bark may here serve as an
instance. The story goes, that an Indian (some say a monkey) being ill of a fever,
quenched his thirst at a pool of water, strongly impregnated with the bark from
some trees having accidentally fallen into it, and that he was in consequence cured.
15. John Atkins, author of the Navy Surgeon: 1742.
16. Turner, in his collection of Cases, p. 406, gives one of a woman who died
hydrophobical, from a mad dog biting her gown; and of a young man who died
raving mad, from the scratch of a cat, four years after the accident.
17. This species of delusion reminds us of the Florentine quack, who gave the
countryman his pills, which were to enable him to find his lost ass. The pills
beginning to operate on his road home, obliged him to retire into a wood, where he
actually did find his ass. The clown, as a matter of course, soon spread the report of
the wonderful success of the empiric, who, no doubt, in consequence of this
circumstance, reaped an ample reward from the proprietors of strayed cattle.
18. James the First wrote a philippic against it, entitled a “Counterblaste to
Tobacco,” in which the royal author, with more prejudice than dignity, informs his
loving subjects, that “it is a custome loathsome to the eye, hatefull to the nose,
painfull to the braine, dangerous to the lungs; and in the black stinking fume
thereof, nearest resembling the horrible stygian smoke of the pit that is
bottomlesse.”
19. The prohibition of the bath was numbered among the restrictions to which
certain priestesses were bound by the rigid rules of their order.
20. An eminent physician of the fourth century, born at Pergamus, or,
according to others, at Sardis, where he resided for some time.
21. Called Amidenus, from the place of his birth, flourished at Alexandria,
about the end of the fifth century.
22. The word Alchymy seems to be compounded of the Arabic augmentative
particle al, and the Latin Kemia or Greek χημια, chemistry. This etymology,
however, is objected to by some, who deny the Arabians any share in the
composition of the word; urging that alchemia occurs in an author who wrote
before the Europeans had any commerce with the Arabians, or the Arabians any
learning, i. e. before the time of Mahomet.
23. Philosoph. Magazine, Vol. vi. p. 383.
24. Descartes imagined that he had found out a diet that would prolong his life
five hundred years.
25. Quædam opera magica mulieribus perfecta fuère, sicut de productione
aquarum reperimus apud Chaldæos; si decem Virgines se ornent, vestimenta rubra
inducant, saltent ita ut una altera impellat, idque progrediendo et retrogrediendo,
digitos denique versus solem certis signis extendant, ad finem perducta illâ
actione, aquas illici et prodire dicunt. Sic scribunt, si quatuor mulieres in terga
jaceant, et pedes suas cum composione versus cœlum extendant, certa verba,
certos item gestus, adhibeat illas turpi hac actione grandinem decidentem avertere.
—Tiedman’s “Disputatio de quæstione, quæ fuerit artium magicarum origo.”
26. This method of solving the above problem is supported by the authority of
many fathers of the church.
27. Amasis cum frui Amplexibus Ladices nequiret impotentem sese ab ea
redditum contendebat pertinacissime. Vide Herodotum, lib. 2.
28. It is clearly shewn by the earliest records, that the ancients were in the
possession of many powerful remedies; thus Melampus of Argos, the most ancient
Greek physician with whom we are acquainted, is said to have cured one of the
Argonauts of sterility, by administering the rust of iron in wine for ten days; and
the same physician used Hellebore as a purge, on the daughters of King Prœtus,
who were afflicted with melancholy. Venesection was also a remedy of very early
origin, for Podalerius, on his return from the Trojan war, cured the daughter of
Damethus, who had fallen from a height, by bleeding her in both arms. Opium, or a
preparation of the poppy, was certainly known in the earliest ages; and it was
probably opium that Helen mixed with wine, and gave to the guests of Menelaus,
under the expressive name of nepenthe, (Odyss. Δ,) to drive away their cares, and
increase their hilarity; and this conjecture receives much support from the fact,
that the nepenthe of Homer was obtained from the Egyptian Thebes, (whence the
Tincture of Opium has been called Thebaic Tincture;) and if the opinion of Dr.
Darwin may be credited, the Cumæan Sibyll never sat on the portending tripod
without first swallowing a few drops of the juice of the cherry-laurel.
“At Phœbi nondum Patiens, immanis in antro,

Bacchatur vates, magnum si pectore possit
Excussisse deum: tanto magis ille fategat
Os rabidum, fera corda domans, fingitque premendo.”
Æneid, l. vi. v. 78.
There is reason to believe that the Pagan priesthood were under the influence
of some narcotic during the display of their oracular powers, but the effects
produced would seem rather to resemble those of opium, or perhaps of
stramonium, than of Prussic acid. Monardus tells us, that the priests of the
American Indians, whenever they were consulted by the chief gentlemen, or
caciques, as they are called, took certain leaves of the tobacco, and cast them into
the fire, and then received the smoke which they thus produced in their mouths, in
consequence of which they fell down upon the ground; and that after having
remained for some time in a stupor, they recovered, and delivered the answers,
which they pretended to have received during their supposed intercourse with the
world of spirits. The sedative powers of the garden lettuce were known in the
earliest times. Among the fables of antiquity we read, that after the death of
Adonis, Venus threw herself upon a bed of lettuces, to lull her grief and repress her
desires. The sea onion, or squill, was administered by the Egyptians in cases of
dropsy, under the mystic title of the Eye of Typhon. The practices of incision and
scarification, were employed in the camp of the Greeks before Troy, and the
application of spirit to wounds, was also understood, for we find the experienced
Nestor applying a cataplasm, composed of cheese, onion, and meal, mixed up with
the wine of Pramnos, to the wounds of Machaon.
29. Æis addatur quod scripsit Necepsos, draconem radios habentem
insculptum, collo suspensum, ita ut contingeret ventriculum, mire ei prodesse.—
Tiedman.
30. On the subject of the Jewish magii, the works of Buxtorf, Lightfoot,
Bekker, and others, have been consulted.
31. Les Juifs croient que Lilis veut faire mourir les garçons dans le huitième
jour après leur naissance, et les filles dans le vingt-unième. Voici le remède des
Juifs Allemans pour se préserver de ce danger. Ils tirent des traits en ronde avec de
la craϊe, ou avec des charbons de bois, sur les quatre murs de la chambre oû est
l’accouchée, et ils écrivent sur chaque trait: Adam! Eve! qui Lilis se retire. Ils
écrivent aussi sur le parti de chambre les noms des trois anges qui président à la
médicine, Senai, Sansenai, et Sanmangelof, ainsi que Lilis elle-même leur apprit
qu’il falloit faire lorsqu’elle espéroit de les faire tout tous noyer dans la mer. Elias,
as quoted by Becker.
32. This remarkable confession may be found in Menange’s. Observations sur
la langue Françoise, Part II. p. 110.
33. This was written in 1560, and before the era of revolutions had
commenced even among ourselves. He penetrated into the important principle
merely by the force of his own meditation.
34. Vide Lectures on Phrenology, by Drs. Gall and Spurtzheim.
35. This word is supposed to be formed from the Greek ονομα, name; and
μαντεια, divination. There is in fact something rather singular in the etymology;
for, in strictness, Onomancy should rather signify divination by asses, being
formed from oνos, asinus and μαντεια. To signify divination by names it should be
Onomatomancy.
36. Pythian or Pythia, in antiquity, the priestess of Apollo, by whom he
delivered oracles. She was thus called from the god himself, who was styled Apollo
Pythius, from his slaying the serpent Python; or as others will have it, αποτου
ποδεσδαι, because Apollo, the sun, is the cause of rottenness; or, according to
others, from πυνδανομαι, I hear, because people went to hear and consult his
oracles.—The priestess was to be a pure virgin. She sat on the covercle, or lid, of a
brazen vessel, mounted on a tripod; and thence, after a violent enthusiasm, she
delivered her oracles; i. e. she rehearsed a few ambiguous and obscure verses,
which were taken for oracles.
All the Pythiæ did not seem to have had the same talent at poetry, or to have
memory enough to retain their lesson.—Plutarch and Strabo make mention of
poets, who were kept in by Jupiter, as interpreters.
The solemn games instituted in honor of Apollo, and in memory of his killing
the serpent Python with his arrows, were called Pythia or Pythian games.
37. The art of knowing the humour, temperament, or disposition of a person,
from observation of the lines of the face, and the character of its members or
features, is called Physiognomy. Baptist Porta and Robert Fludd, are among the
top modern authors, and it has since been revived by Lavater, on this subject. The
ancient authors are the Sophist Adamantius, and Aristotle, whose treatise on
Physiognomy is translated into Latin by de Lacuna.
38. When the thoughts are much troubled, and when a person sleeps without
the circumstance of going to bed, or putting off his clothes, as when he nods in his
chair; it is very difficult, as Hobbes remarks, to distinguish a dream from a reality.
On the contrary, he that composes himself to sleep, in case of any uncouth or
absurd fancy, easily suspects it to have been a dream.—Leviathan, par. i. c. 1.
39. For the notion of this threefold soul, read the following verses attributed to
Ovid:—
Bis duo sunt nomini: Manes, Caro, Spiritus, Umbra:
Quatuor ista loci bis duo suscipiunt,
Terra legit Carnem, tumulum circumvolat Umbra
Orcus habet Manes, Spiritus astra petit.
40. Scot’s Discoverie of Witchcraft, book xv. chap. 39; also Discourse on Devils
and Spirits, chap. 28.
41. Philosophy of Apparitions, by Dr. Hibbert.
42. “As I sat in the pantry last night counting my spoons,” says the butler, in
the Comedy of the Drummer, “the candle, methought, burnt blue, and the spay’d
bitch look’d as if she saw something.”
43. The Friend, a series of Essays, by S. T. Coleridge, Esq. vol. I, page 248.
44. “There is a species to whom, in the Highlands, is ascribed the guardianship
or superintendence of a particular clan, or family of distinction. Thus the family of
Gurlinbeg was haunted by a spirit called Garlen Bodachar; that of the Baron of
Kilcharden by Sandear or Red Hand, a spectre, one of whose hands is as red as
blood; that of Tullochgorum by May Moulach, a female figure, whose left hand and
arm were covered with hair, who is also mentioned as a familiar attendant upon
the clan Grant.” Sir Walter Scott’s Border Minstrelsy.
45. In the year 1646 two hundred persons were tried, condemned, and
executed for witchcraft, at the Suffolk and Essex assizes; and in 1699 five persons
were tried by special commission, at Paisley, in Scotland, condemned and burnt
alive, for the same imaginary crime.—(See Howell’s Letters.)
46. It is rather an unfortunate circumstance that all the books, (and there were
several,) which treated of the arts of conjuration, as they were practised among the
ancients, not one is now extant, and all that we know upon that subject has been
collected from isolated facts which have been incidentally mentioned in other
writings. From these, however, it would appear, that many of the deceptions which
still continue to excite astonishment, were then generally known.
47. Sir Gilbert Blane, Bart.
48. Glanvil was chaplain to his Majesty, and a fellow of the Royal Society, and
author of the work in question, entitled “Saducesmus Triumphatus, or a full and
plain evidence concerning witches and apparitions,” in two parts, “proving partly
by holy Scripture, and partly by a choice collection of modern relations, the real
existence of apparitions, spirits, and witches.” Printed 1700.
49. Webster, another divine, wrote “Criticisms and interpretations of
Scripture,” against the existence of witches, &c.
50. This story must be accounted for some way or other; or belief in the
appearance of the apparitions must be credited. Either the miller himself was the
murderer, or he was privy to it, unperceived by the actual perpetrators; or he might
be an accomplice before the fact, or at the time it was committed, but without
having inflicted any of the wounds. The compunctious visitings of his troubled
conscience, the dread of the law in the event of the disclosure, coming from any
one but himself, doubtless made him resolve to disburthen his guilty mind; and
pretended supernatural agency was the fittest channel that presented itself for the
occasion. That Walker and Sharp never confessed any thing, ought not to be matter
of wonder. There was no evidence against them but the miller’s apparition, which,
they were well assured, would not be likely to appear against them; they were
determined therefore not to implicate themselves; well knowing, that however the
case stood, Graime the miller could not be convicted, because, in the event of his
story of the apparition being rejected, they must be acquitted, although suspicion
and the circumstances of the pregnancy, &c. were against them; and again, if the
miller had declared himself, after this, as evidence for the crown, his testimony, if
taken at all, would be received with the greatest caution and distrust; the result
might, in fact, have been, that the strongest suspicions would have fallen upon him
as the real murderer of Anne Clarke; for which, under every consideration of the
case, he might not unjustly have been tried, condemned, and executed. The
statement of Lumley proves nothing that was not generally known. That Anne
Clarke was murdered was well known, but by whom nobody ever knew. She
afterwards appeared to the miller; and why to the miller in preference to any one
else, unless he had had the least hand in it? and with the exception of Sharp and
Walker, the only living being who was thoroughly acquainted with the catastrophe,
but who himself was, in fact, as guilty as either of the other two.
The Mr. Fanhair, who swore he saw “the likeness of a child standing upon
Walker’s shoulders” during the trial, ought to have been freely blooded, cupped,
purged, and dieted, for a month or two, until the vapours of his infantile
imagination had learned to condense themselves within their proper focus: then,
and then only, might his oath have been listened to. Besides, the child could only
be a fœtus, at what period of gestation we are not told, and to have appeared in
proper form, it ought to have had its principal appendage with it—the mother. The
two, however, might have been two heavy for Walker’s shoulders: nevertheless, the
gallantry of the times, certainly, would not have refused her a seat in the dock
alongside her guilty paramour; or a chair in the witness’-box, if she came to appear
as evidence against him.
51. By Mumia is here understood, that which was used by some ancient
physicians for some kind of implanted spirit, found chiefly in carcases, when the
infused spirit is fled; or kind of sympathetic influence, communicated from one
body to another, by which magnetic cures, &c. were said to be performed. Now,
however, deservedly exploded.
52. For a curious specimen of this odium theologicum, see the “Censure” of
the Sorbonne on Marmontel’s Belisarius.
53. This king is invoked in the first part of Shakspeare’s play of Henry the
Sixth, after the following manner:—
“You speedy helpers that are substitutes
Under the lordly monarch of the North—
Appear!”
54. This description is taken from an ancient Latin poem, describing the
lamentable vision of a devoted hermit, and supposed to have been written by St.
Bernard, in the year 1238; a translation of which was printed for private
distribution by William Yates, Esq. of Manchester.
55. Sir Thomas Brown, who thinks that this view may be confirmed by
expositions of Holy Scripture, remarks, that, “whereas it is said, thou shalt not
offer unto devils; (the original word is seghuirim), that is, rough and hairy goats,
because in that shape the devil must have often appeared, as is expounded by the
Rabin; as Tremellius hath also explained; and as the word Ascemah, the god of
Emath, is by some conceived.”
56. See an interesting dissertation on this subject, in Douce’s Illustrations of
Shakspeare, Vol. i. p. 382. It is also noticed in the Border Minstrelsy, Vol. ii. p. 197.
57. Dio of Syracuse was visited by one of the furies in person, whose
appearance the soothsayers regarded as indicative of the death which occurred of
his son, as well as his own dissolution.
58. Sir Walter Scott has supposed that this mythological account of the
duergar bears a remote allusion to real history, having an ultimate reference to the
oppressed Fins, who, before the arrival of the invaders, under the conduct of Odin,
were the prior possessors of Scandinavia. The followers of this hero saw a people,
who knew how to work the mines of the country better than they did; and,
therefore, from a superstitious regard, transformed them into spirits of an
unfavourable character, dwelling in the interior of rocks, and surrounded with
immense riches.—Border Minstrelsy, v. ii. p. 179.
59. It is said that, in Orkney, they were often seen clad in complete armour.—
Brand’s description of Orkney. 8vo. Edinburgh, 1701. p. 63.
60. In Germany, probably for similar reasons, the dwarfs have acquired the
name of elves—a word, observes Mr. Douce, derived from the Teutonic of helfin,
which etymologists have translated juvare.
61. Minstrelsy of the Scottish border, vol. ii. page 215.
62. Before dismissing this subject of fairies, I shall slightly advert to the
strange blending which took place of Grecian and Teutonic fables. “We find,” says
Sir Walter Scott, “the elves accordingly arrayed in the costume of Greece and
Rome, and the fairy queen and her attendants transformed into Diana and her
nymphs, and invested with their attributes and appropriate insignia.” Mercury was
also named by Harsenet, in the year 1602, the prince of the fairies.
63. “He would chafe exceedingly,” says Scot, “if the maid or good wife of the
house, having compassion of his nakedness, laid ani cloths for him besides his
messe of white bread and milke, which was his standing fee. For in that case he
saith, what have we here? Hempton hamten, here will I never more tread nor
stampen.”
64. Bellus speaks with contempt of this petty instance of malevolence to the
human race: “stones are thrown down from the air,” he remarks, “which do no
harm, the devils having little strength, and being mere scarecrows.” So much for
the origin of meteoric stones.
65. See Hibbert’s Philosophy of Apparitions.
66. Grellman’s History of the Gipsies.
67. Grellman’s opinion seems extremely plausible, that they are of the lowest
class of Indians, called suders, and that they left India when Timur Bag ravaged
that country in 1408 and 1409, putting to death immense numbers of all ranks of
people.
68. Mr. Marsden first made inquiries among the English Gipsies concerning
their language.—Vide Archæologia, vol. ii. p. 382–386. Mr. Coxe communicated a
vocabulary of words used by those of Hungary.—See the same vol. of the
Archæologia, p. 387. Vocabularies of the German Gipsies may be seen in
Grellman’s Book. Any person wishing to be convinced of this similarity of
language, and being possessed of a vocabulary of words used in Hindostan, may be
satisfied of its truth by conversing with the first Gipsey he meets.
69. Margaret Finch, a celebrated modern adventuress, was buried October 24,
1740, at Beckenham, in Kent. This remarkable person lived to the age of 109 years.
She was one of the people called Gipsies, and had the title of their queen. After
travelling over various parts of the kingdom, during the greater part of a century,
she settled at Norwood, a place notorious for vagrants of this description, whither
her great age and the fame of her fortune-telling, attracted numerous visitors.
From a habit of sitting on the ground, with her chin resting on her knees, the
sinews at length became so contracted, that she could not rise from that posture.
After her death they were obliged to inclose her body in a deep square box. Her
funeral was attended by two mourning coaches, a sermon was preached on the
occasion; and a great concourse of people attended the ceremony.
There is an engraved portrait of Margaret Finch, from a drawing made in
1739. Her picture adorned the sign of a house of public entertainment in Norwood,
called the Gipsey house, which was situated in a small green, in a valley,
surrounded by woods. On this green, a few families of Gipsies used to pitch their
tents, during the summer season. In winter they either procure lodgings in
London, or take up their abode in barns, in some of the more distant counties. In a
cottage that adjoined the Gipsey house, lived an old woman, granddaughter of
Queen Margaret, who inherited her title. She was niece of Queen Budget, who was
buried (see Lysons, vol i. p. 107.) at Dulwich, in 1768. Her rank seemed, however,
to be merely titular; nor do we find that the gipsies paid her any particular respect,
or that she differed in any other manner than that of being a householder, from the
rest of her tribe.—
70. A private dwelling house.
71. The woods, hedges or bushes.
72. His wench, &c.
73. Clothes.
74. Hens.
75. Turkies.
76. Young Pigs.
77. Geese.
78. Plunder, goods, or money acquired by theft.
79. Legend is also used by authors to signify the words or letters engraven
about the margins, &c. of coins. It is also applied to the inscription of medals, of
which it serves to explain the figures or devices. In point of strictness the legend
differs from the inscription, the latter properly signifying words instead of figures
placed on the reverse of a medal.
80. See Geddes’s Tracts.
81. See Geddes’s Tracts.
TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES
‫‪Page‬‬ ‫‪Changed from‬‬ ‫‪Changed to‬‬
‫‪96‬‬ ‫תגת‬ ‫‪.‬הגה‬
‫‪143‬‬ ‫‪μαν εια‬‬ ‫‪μαντεια‬‬
‫‪144‬‬ ‫‪χλησων‬‬ ‫‪κληδων‬‬
‫‪149‬‬ ‫‪γε‬‬ ‫‪γη‬‬
‫‪152‬‬ ‫‪υαvτεiα‬‬ ‫‪μαντεια‬‬
‫‪171‬‬ ‫‪ΦΥΣΙΟΤΝΩΜΙΑ‬‬ ‫‪ΦΥΣΙΟΓΝΩΜΙΑ‬‬
‫קסומי נאלי באוכ‬ ‫קסומי נא לי באוב‬
‫‪229‬‬
‫מעינן‬ ‫מעונן‬
‫‪230‬‬ ‫הש‬ ‫נחש‬
‫חיבר חבר‬ ‫נחשחובר חבר‬
‫‪232‬‬ ‫חיבר חבר‬ ‫חובר חבר‬
‫‪ἐπὰδων‬‬ ‫‪ἐπάδων‬‬
‫חיבר‬ ‫חובר‬
‫מחכם אשר לא־ישמע לקול‬ ‫לקול‬ ‫לא־ישמע‬ ‫אשר‬
‫‪233‬‬
‫מלחשים חובר חברים‬ ‫מלחשים חובר חברים מחכם‬
‫חיבר חבר‬ ‫חובר חבר‬
‫שיאל אוב‬ ‫שואל אוב‬
‫‪Ἐγγαϛείμυθος‬‬ ‫‪Ἐγγαστρίμυθος‬‬
‫‪234‬‬
‫שיאל אוב‬ ‫שואל אוב‬
‫‪Ἐγγαϛείμυθος‬‬ ‫‪Ἐγγαστρίμυθος‬‬
‫כהם אוב‬ ‫בהם אוב‬
‫‪235‬‬ ‫באיב‬ ‫באוב‬
‫‪Ἐγγαϛείμυθῳ‬‬ ‫‪Ἐγγαστρίμυθῳ‬‬
‫בעלת איב‬ ‫בעלת אוב‬
‫בעלת איב‬ ‫בעלת אוב‬
‫‪236‬‬
‫איב‬ ‫אוב‬
‫חיבר חבר‬ ‫חובר חבר‬
‫ירעני‬ ‫ידעני‬
‫יעשח איב וידעני‬ ‫יעשה אוב וידעני‬
‫‪237‬‬
‫בעלת בוא‬ ‫בעלת אוב‬
‫איב כעלוה‬ ‫בעליה אוב‬
‫‪239‬‬
‫הטהגים‬ ‫המהגים‬
‫‪243‬‬ ‫הרטמים‬ ‫חרטמים‬
‫מבשפים‬ ‫מכשפים‬
‫חבטים‬ ‫חכמים‬
‫להש‬ ‫להט‬
‫דהט חדב‬ ‫להט חרב‬
‫בלהטוהם‬ ‫קסומי־נא לי‬
245
Ohh Obh
μαντεϊον μαντεῖον
Ὅπ θεασάμπνυον τὸ
Ὅτι θεασάμενον τὸ
γύναιον ἅνδρa
γύναιον ἄνδρa σεμνὸν
σεμνὸν καὶ
καὶ θεοπρεπῆ
θεοπρεπῆ ταράττεται,
246 ταράττεται, καὶ πρὸς
καὶ πρὸς την ὅψίν
την ὄψίν οὐπλαγέν, οὐ
οὐπλαγέν, οὐ σὺ,
σύ, φησὶν, ὁ
φησὶν, ὁ Βασιλεὺς
Βασιλεὺς Σαοῦλος
Σάουλος
‫אלהום‬ ‫אלהים‬
247
Elochim Elohim
249 ‫ידץ‬ ‫ידע‬
250 διπλοίδα ἱεραπκηὶ διπλοΐδα ἱερατικήν
Θεῷτηὶ μερηὶ Θεῷ τὴν μορφὴν
251
ὅμοιος ὅμοιος
‫חולם‬ ‫עולם‬
holam gnolam
292
‫לחולם‬ ‫לעולם‬
leholam legnolam
256 θoοὺς θεοὺς
1. Note that in the author's Hebrew transliterations 'hh'

indicates a hard 'aitch'.
2. Note that in the author's Hebrew transliterations 'gn'
indicates a (silent) hard glottal-stop.
3. Silently corrected obvious typographical errors and
variations in spelling.
4. Retained archaic, non-standard, and uncertain spellings
as printed.
5. Re-indexed footnotes using numbers and collected
together at the end of the last chapter.
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Careers of the Professoriate: Academic

Pathways of the Linguists and

ISBN 978-3-031-25240-2 ISBN 978-3-031-25241-9 (eBook)

Cover pattern © Melisa Hasan

Angermuller and colleagues at Warwick (Coventry, UK) and Ecole des

Graph 8.1 Historical distributions of career milestones: birth, PhD

Table 5.1 Professors in linguistics and sociology 40

Introduction: Studying the Professoriate

Abstract A professorship is a career goal for many academics. Yet little is

Keywords Professoriate • Comparative research • Empirical research •

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature 1

(The Nutty Professor, 1996), as a mad genius (Flubber, 1997), as a sombre

professeur.e.s (du secondaire, a similar distinction is made in Spanish between

A Process Perspective on the Professoriate

Abstract The making of a professor spans an entire life. This is why a

Keywords Professorship • PhD • Process • Career

Nowadays, most academics normally go through a sequence of qualifica-

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature 7

participants strengthening some knowledge claims and, conversely, of

Academics are usually engaged in academic work from early on until

management or teaching role, publications, etc. These events take place as

Existing Research on Academic Careers

Abstract Professorial careers result from the conjunction of two inter-

Keywords Academic mobility • Market • Performance • Inequalities •

About the early nineteenth century, higher education in Europe saw a

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature 11

tradition of the autonomous intellectual turned into an academic leader,

The Market, the Organisation, and the Actors

which perceives academic careers as a function of an individual’s achieve-

Even if academia was a perfectly research-based meritocratic system,

public discourses about academic “excellence” notwithstanding, many

Towards a Standard Career?

2017). The great heterogeneity of academic systems notwithstanding,

positions in academia) or they are tacitly shared (such as French postdocs

Professors in Germany, France, United

Keywords Academic systems • France • Germany • UK • Career

Higher Education in Transnational Perspective

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature 19

in 2018 (Statistisches Bundesamt), 18,000 in France in 2019 (Kabla-­

Austria or German-speaking Switzerland. There are 270 million speakers

W. WILSON, PRINTER, 57, SKINNER-STREET, LONDON.

“At Phœbi nondum Patiens, immanis in antro,

1. Note that in the author's Hebrew transliterations 'hh'

Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions

Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S.

START: FULL LICENSE

To protect the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting the

Section 1. General Terms of Use and

1.B. “Project Gutenberg” is a registered trademark. It may only

You might also like

Table 5.1 Professors in linguistics and sociology 40

in 2018 (Statistisches Bundesamt), 18,000 in France in 2019 (Kabla-