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The Palgrave Handbook of
Anti-Communist Persecutions
Edited by
Christian Gerlach · Clemens Six
The Palgrave Handbook of Anti-Communist
Persecutions
Christian Gerlach · Clemens Six
Editors
The Palgrave
Handbook
of Anti-Communist
Persecutions
Editors
Christian Gerlach Clemens Six
Institute of History Department of History
University of Bern University of Groningen
Bern, Switzerland Groningen, The Netherlands
ISBN 978-3-030-54962-6 ISBN 978-3-030-54963-3 (eBook)

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54963-3
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Chapter “How Anti-Communism Disrupted Decolonization: South Korea’s State-Building
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Acknowledgments
This book is a collective effort to make anti-communist persecutions and their

dimensions, manifestations, and root causes in the twentieth and twenty-first
century better understood. By offering numerous regional perspectives and
thematic approaches and covering a time period much longer than the Cold
War, it provides many facets and aspects of a global complex story.
Collaborative scholarly works owe much to exchanges with a great number
of people. We, the editors, are indebted to all authors of this volume for their
contributions. Some authors worked out their chapters against the background
of great personal or professional difficulties, and we appreciate their commit-
ment and energy devoted to this collection. Not all of the contributors are
leftists or Marxists, but some are. A few of these suffered themselves from anti-
communist persecution—being arrested or compelled to leave their country—
during the time of the work on this volume. In spite of these challenges, they
persistently upheld their commitment to this project and helped to finalize
it. We also express our gratitude to the numerous librarians, archivists, and
colleagues with whom we discussed our work.
Parts of this book are based on the international conference “Anti-
communist persecutions in the 20th century,” held at the University of Bern,
Switzerland, in April 2017 organized by Christian Gerlach, Wendy Goldman,
and Clemens Six. We thank all participants in this event—authors of papers,
panel chairs, those taking part in the discussions and particularly Wendy
Goldman as co-organizer—for their valuable studies and inputs. Generous
support for the funding of this conference came from the Swiss National
Science Foundation (SNF contribution 171059), the Fondation Johanna
Dürmüller-Bol, Bern, Switzerland, and Carnegie Mellon University, Pitts-
burgh, USA. We are grateful to them and also for the infrastructural support
by the University of Bern and to those who helped with the conference organi-
zation: Moritz Feichtinger, Christian Hadorn, Daniela Heiniger, Elischa Riet-
zler, and Noemi Rui. We are also indebted to all applicants in a call for papers
v
vi ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
preceding this conference, and to many colleagues who helped us with their
hints to find authors of additional chapters.
The chapters in this collection present histories from many countries around
the world. To have great diversity among the authors was also important to
us. Contributors from different backgrounds offer perspectives from a variety
of academic cultures. We feel deep gratitude for the efforts by Gregory Sax, as
language editor, to straighten out and smoothen the use of language by those
authors whose primary language is not English. Financially, his work was made
possible by the University of Bern and the Nicolaas Mulerius Foundation,
University of Groningen, for which we thank these institutions.
At Palgrave Macmillan, our work received great support by Molly Beck
and Joseph Johnson. The same goes for Scientific Publishing Services Ltd.,
particularly Shukkanthy Siva and the copy editor, during the finalization of
the manuscript—many thanks to them. Finally, we are grateful to the three
unknown peer reviewers who helped clarify some aspects and further improve
our volume.
Contents
Introduction: Anti-Communist Persecutions in the Twentieth

Century 1
Christian Gerlach
Part I Policies and Practices of Persecution
The Smith Act Trials and Systemic Violence: Anti-Communist

Persecution and Prosecution in America, 1949–1957 31
Barbara J. Falk
The Continuities and Discontinuities of Anti-Leftist State

Persecution in Modern Japan 51
Frank Jacob
Franco’s Anti-Communist Judicial System: Results

and Solutions of Spanish Transitional Justice 77
Daniel Vallès Muñío
Laboratories of the Conditio Humana: The Role

of Communism in Greek and Argentine Torture Centers
During Their Last Military Dictatorships 97
Janis Nalbadidacis
Maoist Insurgency and the State’s Counterinsurgency in India:

An Anti-Anti-Communist Historical Perspective 117
Bernard D’Mello and Gautam Navlakha
vii
viii CONTENTS
Getting Hold of a Universe of Conspirators: Anti-Communist

Panic, Fears of Subversion, and the Routine of Repression
in Senegal’s Early Postcolonial Secret Police (the Sûreté),
1962–1965 163
Alexander Keese
Part II Anti-Communism in the Context of Nation-Building,

Race and Religion
How Anti-Communism Disrupted Decolonization: South

Korea’s State-Building Under US Patronage 185
Dong-Choon Kim
Redefining the Outsider: Anti-Communist Narratives

and the Student Massacre in Tlatelolco (1968) 203
Elisa Kriza
The Black and Red Scare in the Twentieth-Century United

States 225
Robbie Lieberman
Christian Agency in Anti-Communist Persecution?

British-Malaya and Indonesia in the 1950s and 1960s 245
Clemens Six
Part III Anti-Communist Persecution and New Models of

Capital Accumulation
Killing Communists: Stalinist Repression and the “Great

Terror” in the Soviet Union 265
Wendy Z. Goldman
Nation-Building as Anti-Communist Violence: The Armed

Forces in Cold War Argentina 283
James H. Shrader
CONTENTS ix
Part IV The Role of Non-State Actors
Non-state Anti-Communism and Political Violence

in Argentina and Uruguay, 1958–1973 315
Ernesto Bohoslavsky and Magdalena Broquetas
The Religious Justification of Anti-Communist Persecutions

in Greece (1920–1949) 329
Amaryllis Logotheti
From World War One to the Vanguard of Nazism? A Statistical

Approach to the History of German Paramilitarism 347
Jan-Philipp Pomplun
The Persecution of Communists in Mao’s China 363

Ning Wang
A Short History of Anti-Communist Violence in Colombia

(1930–2018): Rupture with the Past or Rebranding? 383
Andrei Gomez-Suarez
Part V Responses of the Persecuted
“So That They Leave the Prison Cage as Conscious

Revolutionaries”: How Polish Communists Used Prison 407
Padraic Kenney
Women, Communism, and Repression in Interwar Poland:

1918–1939 423
Natalia Jarska
Indonesian Narratives of Survival in and after 1965 and Their

Relation to Societal Persecution 441
Christian Gerlach
Remembering Anti-Communist Violence in Rural Society

in Indonesia: Patronage, Agricultural Transformation,
and the Legacy of Violence 459
Grace Leksana
x CONTENTS
The Left in Turkey: Emergence, Persecutions and Left-Wing

Memory Work 477
Berna Pekesen
Part VI Concluding Remarks
Anti-Communist Persecutions Between Globe-Spanning

Processes and Local Peculiarities 499
Clemens Six
Bibliography 523
Index 585
List of Contributors
Ernesto Bohoslavsky Universidad Nacional de General Sarmiento, Los

Polvorines, Argentina
Magdalena Broquetas Universidad de la República, Montevideo, Uruguay
Bernard D’Mello Mumbai, India
Barbara J. Falk Canadian Forces College, Toronto, ON, Canada;
Royal Military College of Canada, Toronto, ON, Canada;
University of Toronto, Toronto, ON, Canada
Christian Gerlach Historisches Institut, Universität Bern, Bern, Switzerland
Wendy Z. Goldman Carnegie Mellon University, Pittsburgh, PA, USA
Andrei Gomez-Suarez University of Bristol, Bristol, UK
Frank Jacob Nord University, Bodø, Norway
Natalia Jarska Polish Academy of Sciences, Warsaw, Poland
Alexander Keese Université de Genève, Geneva, Switzerland
Padraic Kenney Indiana University-Bloomington, Bloomington, USA
Dong-Choon Kim Department of Sociology, Sung Kong Hoe University,
Seoul, South Korea
Elisa Kriza University of Bamberg, Bamberg, Germany
Grace Leksana Malang State University, Malang, Indonesia
Robbie Lieberman Kennesaw State University, Kennesaw, GA, USA
Amaryllis Logotheti Independent Researcher, Athens, Greece
xi
xii LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
Janis Nalbadidacis Department of History, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin,

Berlin, Germany
Gautam Navlakha New Delhi, India
Berna Pekesen University Duisburg-Essen, Duisburg, Germany
Jan-Philipp Pomplun Center for Research on Antisemitism, Technische
Universität Berlin, Berlin, Germany
James H. Shrader Rowan University, Glassboro, NJ, USA
Clemens Six Department of History, University of Groningen, Groningen,
The Netherlands
Daniel Vallès Muñío Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, Barcelona, Spain
Ning Wang Brock University, St. Catharines, ON, Canada
List of Figures
Remembering Anti-Communist Violence in Rural Society in

Indonesia: Patronage, Agricultural Transformation, and the
Legacy of Violence
Fig. 1 Torture Diorama in Sacred Pancasila Monument Complex
(Photo Grace Leksana, 2006) 463
Fig. 2 The Trisula Monument in Donomulyo (Photo Grace Leksana,
2016) 475
Fig. 3 A Mass Grave in Donomulyo District (Photo Grace Leksana, 2017) 475
xiii
List of Tables
Introduction: Anti-Communist Persecutions in the Twentieth

Century
Table 1 List of major anti-communist persecutions 3
The Continuities and Discontinuities of Anti-Leftist State

Persecution in Modern Japan
Table 1 The status of unionism in Japan, December 31, 1919 62
Table 2 The increase of strikes in Japan between 1914 and 1919 63
Table 3 Tokkō arrests and prosecutions of Japanese communists
and communism-sympathizers, 1928–1937 68
From World War One to the Vanguard of Nazism? A Statistical

Approach to the History of German Paramilitarism
Table 1 Freikorps members with and without war experience 354
Table 2 Generational affiliation of the Freikorps members 356
Table 3 Freikorps members in Nazi organizations 359
xv
Introduction: Anti-Communist Persecutions
in the Twentieth Century
Christian Gerlach
In his science-fiction novel The Iron Heel of 1908, which he framed as an

account written in the twenty-seventh century, Jack London provided the
fictional history of future political struggles of a shocking magnitude between
a leftist workers’ movement in the USA and an oligarchic regime allied with
labor unions it had tamed.1 The oligarchy rules for over 300 years and claims
the lives of many hundreds of thousands of leftists, workers, and subpro-
letarians in the US, Japan, and elsewhere before the victory of the leftist
Brotherhood of Men. The novel describes a wide array of acts of oppres-
sion against the left, such as apocalyptic massacres to suppress the fictional
Chicago Commune and exterminations, with machine guns and artillery,
of whole towns; guerrilla uprisings, rural no-go areas, and the slaughter of
farmers; conspiracies, secret services, infiltrations, agents provocateurs, suspi-
cion, and terrorism by both sides; the state’s techniques of restricting domestic
movement used against leftist opponents; atrocity propaganda, courts-martial,
incarcerations, torture, forced disappearances, and legal executions; right-
wing mobs and organized paramilitaries mobilized against leftists’ facilities
and the mass conscription of citizens to hunt down and kill leftists hiding in
the countryside; deadly infighting among workers, betrayals, ostracization of
the families of political activists, the spatial segregation of social classes and
1 Jack London, The Iron Heel (Edinburgh: Rebel Inc., 1999 [first 1908]).
C. Gerlach (B)
Historisches Institut, Universität Bern, Bern, Switzerland
e-mail: christian.gerlach@hist.unibe.ch
© The Author(s) 2020 1

C. Gerlach and C. Six (eds.), The Palgrave Handbook
of Anti-Communist Persecutions,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54963-3_1
2 C. GERLACH
famines; and armed uprisings, international revolutions, and wars between

countries with different sociopolitical systems, including socialist regimes
crushed by opposing powers.
London wrote The Iron Heel with the Paris Commune and the Russian
Revolution of 1905–1907 in mind. He is credited with having anticipated
fascism, the split in the labor movement, the capitalist welfare state, and the
dominance of US anti-leftism in the Western Hemisphere.2 His novel antici-
pated much of what transpired in the twentieth century, which had just begun
when he wrote it. To be sure, he did not imagine that race and decoloniza-
tion would be factors of class conflict, the First World War, the use of punitive
camps, and many other events in the century to come. His novel was a work
of art, but it can prompt today’s thinking about historical developments, the
path-dependency of events, and roads not taken.
The Phenomenon
This book is about persecutions by anti-communists. It analyzes many of the
phenomena and practices described in The Iron Heel, including participatory
violence and various forms of government repression. Table 1 enumerates anti-
communist persecutions in the twentieth century whose bloodiness surpassed
even London’s gloomy fantasy.
As this incomplete list indicates, the magnitude of the phenomenon is
enormous. In the twentieth century, several waves of mass violence against
communists swept Europe, Asia, Latin America, and Africa, affecting capi-
talist and socialist societies, nation-states, colonial empires, neo-colonies, and
all types of political systems from right-wing dictatorships of various kinds
to bourgeois democracies to, arguably, communist-led regimes. Moreover,
the repression often overlapped with changes of political regimes (indicating
political instability).
Such persecutions happened before, during, and after the Cold War,
decreasing but not disappearing after 20003 ; in peacetime and wartime,
including civil wars and guerrilla wars; and in economic boom times and
times of slump, although their frequency seems to increase in the downturns
of long economic cycles (Kondratiev cycles).4 Until the end of the Second
2 Part of this is in Leon Trotsky, “Jack London’s The Iron Heel ” (1937/1945) in London,
Iron Heel: v–viii.
3 At present, anti-communist persecutions claim lives in Colombia, India, the Philippines
and Turkey. On Colombia and India, see the contributions by Andrei Gomez-Suárez and
by Bernard D’Mello and Gautam Navlakha in this volume. For one statement about the
decline of anti-communist persecution, see Jean-François Fayet, “Reflections on writing
the history of anti-communism”, Twentieth Century Communism, 6 (2014): 11.
4 Assuming such downturns to have taken place 1873–1892, 1914/18–1947, 1973–1992,
and from 2008, 20 of the cases listed in Table 1 occurred largely in downturns (B-phases),
11 in A-phases, and 10 stretched over both. Whether such a global periodization makes
sense, and thus to take economic synchronization for granted, is debatable.
INTRODUCTION: ANTI-COMMUNIST PERSECUTIONS … 3
Table 1 List of major

anti-communist 1871 France (Paris Commune)*
persecutions (cases with 1905–1907 Russia, suppression of revolution
more than 100,000 dead 1917–1921 Russia, civil war*
in bold; an asterisk marks 1918–1919 Finland, civil war*
armed foreign 1918–1920 Baltic region, civil war*
intervention) 1919–1920 Hungary*
1919–1921 Germany, civil war
1922–1945 Italian fascism, including occupation in the
Balkans*
1923 Bulgaria
1927–1949 China, civil war/Japanese occupation*
1930s USSR
1936–1940s Spain, civil war*
1933–1945 Germany
1941–1945 German occupation, esp. in the USSR,
Yugoslavia, Greece*
1941–1944 Bulgarian occupation in Yugoslavia*
1942–1954 The Philippines*
1943–1949 Greece, civil war*
1945–1954 Vietnam, decolonization*
1948 Indonesia (Madiun Regency)
1948–1953 South Korea, repression, Korean War*
1948–1960 British Malaya*
1956–1959, 1962–1965, 1966–1976 Peoples’ Republic of
China
1960-? Congo/Zaire*
1961–1975 South Vietnam, civil war, US-American
occupation*
1962–1974 Portuguese Angola*
1963 Iraq
1965–1968 Indonesia
1968–1974 Portuguese Mozambique*
1969–1996 Guatemala, civil war
since 1969 The Philippines
1971–1973 Thailand
1973–1990 Chile
1975–2002 Angola, civil war*
1976–1983 Argentina
1977–1992 Mozambique, civil war*
since 1967/77 India, Naxalite guerrilla war
1979–1993 El Salvador, civil war
repeatedly, esp. since 1984 Turkey, civil war
repeatedly, esp. 1984–1991, ongoing, Columbia, civil war
(continued)
4 C. GERLACH
Table 1 (continued)
1989–1993 Peru, civil war
1996–2006 Nepal, civil war
World War, much of the repression occurred in Europe, but it moved to Asia
after 1945 and later to Africa and Latin America as well. In the last decades,
armed foreign intervention has become less common. The frequency of perse-
cution during civil wars suggests that anti-communist repression was often
part of broader political and social conflicts, with violence coming from both
or multiple sides. The number of unarmed civilians killed in these persecutions
varied from thousands to millions.
The idea for this volume originated in a panel that Wendy Goldman orga-
nized at the American Historical Association conference in New York City in
January 2015, in which Goldman, Landon Storrs, and I presented papers on
the Great Terror in the Soviet Union in the 1930s, the Second Red Scare in
the USA in the 1940s and 1950s, and the massacres in Indonesia in the 1960s,
respectively. Despite the very different geographies and historic and cultural
contexts, our papers showed that these cases had amazing similarities among
the techniques of persecution; the social practices involved; the experience of
those persecuted; the Manichean world views of the repressive regimes and
their mechanisms for banning certain ideas that were not Marxist at all; the
non-state persecutors; the expanding target groups; their social exclusion; the
pressures involved; and the evasions, revokements, denunciations, family crises,
and suicides. The commentator of that panel, Ronald Suny, recommended
that we write what he called a black book of anti-communism, alluding to the
well-known, controversial Black Book of Communism.5
We did something else. Above all, this volume forgoes the political furor of
the Black Book. Instead of presenting a catalogue of state atrocities arranged
country-by-country aiming at completeness, our collection concentrates on
the analysis of certain interrelated aspects of the phenomena of anti-communist
persecution that have not been systematically studied. Crucially, the contrib-
utors to this volume conceive of persecution and violence as at least partially
based on interactions among social groups and, thus, as complex and dynamic
conflicts.6
5 StéphaneCourtois et al., The Black Book of Communism: Crimes, Terror, Repression

(Cambridge and London: Harvard University Press, 1999).
6 This volume is based on a conference, “Anti-communist persecutions in the 20th
century”, organized at the University of Bern in April 2017 by Wendy Goldman, Clemens
Six and this author.
The State of Research

Although an overall history of anti-communist persecution remains to be
written, some excellent research has been done. It is impossible and of little
value to enumerate all of it in this introduction; we refer readers to the bibli-
ography. But the existing scholarship has obvious limitations. Its focal point is
actually anti-communism, i.e., the history of anti-communist ideas, attitudes,
and propaganda.7 The essence of this literature’s complex findings about
how anti-communists either viewed or portrayed communists and what those
images implied can be summed up as setting social norms, calling for action,
having emotional notions, and being amorphous.8 Scholars have also studied
anti-communist organizations and the role of the mass media, though less
intensely. This kind of work is mostly about right-wing extremists, religious
groups, intellectuals, labor unions, and, often, their transnational entangle-
ments.9 Furthermore, there has been much scholarship on anti-communist
7 For example, B.A. Schabad, Die politische Philosophie des gegenwärtigen Imperialismus:
Zur Kritik der antikommunistischen Grundkonzeption (Berlin [East]: Deutscher Verlag der
Wissenschaften, 1970); Wolfgang Wippermann, Heilige Hetzjagd: Eine Ideologiegeschichte
des Antikommunismus (Berlin: Rotbuch, 2012); Jahrbuch für Historische Kommunismus-
forschung (2011): 1–194; Norbert Frei and Dominik Rigoll, eds., Der Antikommunismus
in seiner Epoche: Weltanschauung und Politik in Deutschland, Europa und den USA
(Göttingen: Wallstein, 2017) (the subtitle is indicative). For the Federal Republik of
Germany, see Erhard Albrecht, Der Antikommunismus: Ideologie des Klerikalmilitarismus
(Berlin [East]: Deutscher Verlag der Wissenschaften, 1961); the habilitation thesis by
Hans Beyer, Wesen, Funktionieren, Differenzen und Formen des Antikommunismus in West-
deutschland (Leipzig: Karl-Marx-Universität, 1966); Werner Hofmann, Zur Soziologie des
Antikommunismus (Heilbronn: Distel, n.y. [1982, first published in 1967]). For France:
Jean-Jacques Becker and Serge Berstein, Histoire de l’anticommunisme en France, vol I:
1917–1940 (Paris: Olivier Orban, 1987); Communisme, 18, 62–63 (2000): 3–206. For
Italy: Aurelio Lepre, L’anticommunismo e l’antifascismo in Italia (Bologna: Il Mulino,
1997). For Belgium: Pascal Delwit and José Gotovich, eds., La peur du rouge (Brussels:
Éditions de l’Université de Bruxelles, 1996). For Western Europe and the USA: Twentieth
Century Communism, vol. 6 (2014), A Century of Anti-Communism. The literature on
U.S. anti-communism is summed up in Marc Selverstone, “A literature so immense: The
historiography of anticommunism”, OAH Magazine of History (October 2010): 7–11; an
early critical U.S. study is by James Bristol et al., Anatomie des Antikommunismus (Olten:
Walter, 1970).
8 Hofmann, Soziologie, 15, for West Germany. An inquiry among elites in Berlin in
the 1990s seems to suggest a more differentiated, reflective, and rational kind of anti-
communism: Gesine Schwan, Antikommunismus und Antiamerikanismus in Deutschland:
Kontinuität und Wandel nach 1945 (Baden-Baden: Nomos, 1999), 82, 93–99. But
Schwan does not take into account how the situation of communication (persons being
interviewed for an academic study, possibly trying to appear respectable) influenced the
formers’ responses.
9 Typical of this literature is J.B. Kaschlew et al., eds., Antikommunismus: ideologische
Hauptwaffe des Imperialismus (Berlin [East]: Staatsverlag der Deutschen Demokratis-
chen Republik, 1974) with a longer first part „Doktrinen“ (doctrines) and a shorter
second part „Apparat“ (apparatus). The relatively best communist depiction in terms
of covering organizations, practices, geographical breadth and depth of analysis is the
collection Antikommunismus – Feind der Menschheit (Berlin [East]: Dietz, 1963). For
anti-communist organizations, see also Georges Lodygensky, Face au communisme: Quand
6 C. GERLACH
governments’ policies, secret services, and covert actions.10 This literature

has shown that anti-communism is a “polymorphous notion,” heterogeneous,
hard to delineate, “multi-faceted,” and its agents diverse to the point that
a bibliography of anti-communism has been called “impossible.”11 There is
a debate over whether “anti-communism” denotes one ideology or several
different ideologies. Anti-communists preached unity, but their organizations
were often faction-ridden and short-lived.
Many volumes about anti-communism, like those already mentioned in the
footnotes, focus on industrialized nations in Europe and North America but
claim to cover the entire phenomenon.12 To be sure, there is scholarship on
manifestations in nonindustrialized countries.13 And, in fact, it was in nonin-
dustrialized and just industrializing countries that anti-leftist persecutions were
most lethal.
Some words about the genesis of this state of research are appropriate.
Communist leaders tended to portray persecution and bloody waves of repres-
sion against their movement as inevitable but as defeats only strengthening
their movement, as Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht did just before they
were assassinated. “And whether we will then still be alive [or not], when
it [the triumph of the worker’s movement] is reached, what will live is our
program,” wrote Liebknecht in an article published on the day he died.14
This sentiment was in the tradition of Marx and Engels, who held that the
persecution of communists was a futile and passing phenomenon.15 The South
African Communist Party, illegal and suppressed during the struggle against
Apartheid, printed a leaflet in July 1961 that said, referring to Marxism, “You
Genève était le centre du mouvement anticommuniste international (Geneva: Éditions

Slatkine, 2009); Klaus Körner, „Die rote Gefahr“: Antikommunistische Propaganda in der
Bundesrepublik 1950–2000 (Hamburg: Konkret Literatur Verlag, 2003); Giles Scott-Smith,
Western Anti-Communism and the Interdoc Network: Cold War Internationale (Basingstoke
and New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012); Luc van Dongen, Stéphane Roulin, and Giles
Scott-Smith, eds., Transnational Anti-Communism and the Cold War: Agents, Activities
and Networks (Basingstoke and New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014).
10 One example is Becker and Berstein, Histoire: 203–234.
11 Fayet, “Reflections”: 8–21, quotes on 8 and 15 (twice), respectively.
12 This
is also true for the recent—despite its subtitle quite conventional—literature survey
by Johannes Grossmann, „Die ‚Grundtorheit unserer Epoche‘? Neue Forschungen und
Zugänge zur Geschichte des Antikommunismus“, Archiv für Sozialgeschichte 56 (2016):
549–590.
13 To mention just two volumes about Indonesia: Katharine McGregor, Jess Melvin, and
Annie Pohlman, eds., The Indonesian Genocide of 1965 (Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018);
Robert Cribb, ed., The Indonesian Killings of 1965–1966 (Clayton: Monash University,
1990). See the bibliography of our volume.
14 Rosa Luxemburg, „Die Ordnung herrscht in Berlin“, 14 January 1919, in: idem,
Gesammelte Werke, vol. 4 (Berlin [East]: Dietz, 1983): 534–535; Karl Liebknecht, „Trotz
alledem!“, 15 January 1919, www.mlwerke.de/kl/kl004.htm (accessed 30 January 2019).
Both articles were published in the communist daily Die Rote Fahne (Red Flag).
15 WolfgangAdolphi, „Kommunistenverfolgung“, in: Historisch-kritisches Wörterbuch des
Marxismus, vol. 7/II (Berlin: Argument, 2010), 1336.
can kill people, but you cannot kill ideas.”16 More or less the same thought
was expressed by one of history’s fiercest anti-communists, Adolf Hitler.17
Communists’ disregard for individual suffering and emphasis on promoting
ideas and maintaining their organization has led to blind spots in historical
analysis.18
If it is correct that communists were the first to study the subject,19 the
noncommunists who have taken over part of it have followed their lead and
kept some of their bad habits. The main tradition, which this volume breaks
with, is that scholars have shown little interest in practices. Anti-communist
violence (which communist authors, by and large, noted and denounced but
did not analyze, perhaps because they thought that it was dysfunctionally
demoralizing to do so) has been studied in depth with regard to some coun-
tries and periods20 but much less in regard to others. That persecutors used
violence has been either explained in terms of their interests or their ideas
or both.21 Popular participation and the social environment on the ground
have also received comparatively little attention. The same goes for responses
of people persecuted as—or as if —leftists, except when their response was
heroic, organized struggle. This volume addresses these shortcomings, which
means to complement the prevailing history of anti-communism (a history of
ideas and high politics) with a history of anti-communist persecution (a history
of practices).
Also missing is systematic, transnational, and internationally comparative
research on anti-communist violence and persecution. Again, transnational
studies in the field concentrate on ideas, propaganda, and organizations
but less on violent action.22 Operation Condor, the collaboration between
16 “The Story of the Communist Party”, July 1961, https://www.google.com/url?sa=

t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=3&cad=rja&uact=8&ved=2ahUKEwjK4Ja_ic_gAh
XllYsKHdC-CskQFjACegQIBxAB&url=http%3A%2F%2Fpsimg.jstor.org%2Ffsi%2Fimg%
2Fpdf%2Ft0%2F10.5555%2Fal.sff.document.pam19610700.043.049_final.pdf&usg=AOv
Vaw3J8ERnA-hJENp_pf_8Gb-o (accessed 22 February 2019).
17 AdolfHitler, Mein Kampf (Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1999 [first 1925–
1927]), 170–171.
18 The deficiencies in communist writings about anti-communist repression may also have
had to do with the tendency toward secrecy within the communist movement, always
threatened by repression, in an effort not to give away strategies of survival and evasion.
19 As suggested by Fayet, “Reflections”: 16.
20 Thisincludes research on Nazi Germany, the Soviet Union, Indonesia, Argentina, Greece
and the Peoples Republic of China during the ‘Cultural Revolution’. For brief remarks
about violence against leftists, see J. Pankow et al., Antikommunismus heute (Berlin [East]:
Dietz, 1981), 93–96.
21 For a discussion of interests versus ideas, see David Pion-Berlin, The Ideology of State
Terror: Economic Doctrine and Political Repression in Argentina and Peru (Boulder and
London: Lynne Rienner, 1989), esp. 12, 17–18.
22 Seevan Dongen et al., Transnational Anti-Communism; Michael Radu, ed., The New
Insurgencies: Anti-Communist Guerrillas in the Third World (London and New York:
Routledge, 2017 [first 1990]), esp. Radu’s “Introduction”, ibid.: 1–93.
8 C. GERLACH
several Latin American regimes and the US-American government to repress

Latin American leftist movements in the 1970s, is one exception,23 one that
promotes the contested narrative of US leadership in the anti-communist
struggle during the Cold War.24 Studies of bilateral imperialist action, such as
Nazi Germany’s in the occupied Soviet territories and the USA’s in Vietnam,
are another exception. But scholarship on anti-communism usually confines
itself to national histories, whether it focuses on right-wing regimes or leftist
movements. Following existing approaches, most of the contributions in this
volume also deal with only one country; just a few compare two countries.25
Read together, however, the book allows for identifying overarching patterns,
transnational influences, and temporal clusters.
The authors of this volume have a wide spectrum of political persuasions.
They would not all agree with Ning Wang on what he calls the “savage
nature of modern Communism.”26 Scholars of anti-communist persecution
also approach their topic from different angles. Some are historians of leftist
movements or political parties. Others research right-wing movements or
regimes. And then there are scholars of violence among them, while others
are social historians, sociologists, political scientists, historians of religion, and
historians of law more generally. All of these approaches and disciplines are
represented in this volume. This prompts the question of what the study of the
persecution of communists can add to the understanding of each of these focal
points. For example, what characterized anti-communist violence as opposed
to violence against other groups, and what did they have in common? What
did its persecutions of communists mean, and do, to the often diverse polit-
ical right? Did the right tend to unify, or were its coalitions short-term, as
in Indonesia and during the Russian Civil War? What effects did persecu-
tion have on leftists, collectively and individually, and, given the wide range of
possible effects, from revolution to destruction, are there any patterns? Most
often, the outcome was leftist defeat (this is being given much prominence in
this volume), so what mechanisms were at play and what consequences did it
entail?
23 For example, see J. Patrice McSherry, “Tracing the origins of a state terror network:
Operation Condor”, Latin American Perspectives 29, 1 (2002): 38–60 and numerous
other works by the same author; David Mares, “The national security state”, in: Thomas
Holloway, ed., A Companion to Latin American History (London: Blackwell, 2011), 386–
405.
24 Apublication of this kind is Noam Chomsky and Edward Herman, The Washington
Connection and Third World Fascism: The Political Economy of Human Rights, vol. I
(Montréal: Black Rose, 1979). U.S. dominance is discussed and disputed in Luc van
Dongen, Stéphane Roulin, and Giles Scott-Smith, “Introduction”, in their Transnational
Anticommunism: 1–19.
25 See the chapter by Clemens Six on British Malaya and Indonesia; the chapter by Janis
Nalbadidacis on Greece and Argentina; and the chapter by Ernesto Bohoslavsky and
Magdalena Broquetas on Argentina and Uruguay.
26 See Wang’s contribution in this volume (p. 363).
Some Basic Observations

In this section, I discuss a number of crucial, intertwined issues pertaining
to the subject of our volume. It links the frequent widening of violent anti-
communist repression to other groups to broader social conflicts, which, in
turn, led to popular participation in acts of persecution. Then this section
considers the active and passive roles that leftists played in these conflicts and
the scope of their actions. Finally, I offer some reflections on international and
transnational influences on these persecutions enmeshed with social conflicts.
It is essential to realize that many of the targets of anti-communist perse-
cutions were not communists. Why were noncommunists always among the
victims? In part, the spread of violence and repression had to do with the
enormous, and dangerous, political influence that nearly everybody ascribed
to communists—whether proponents of capitalism or communists repressing
communists. This belief led to rampant, vague suspicions and the notions of
the crypto-communist, fellow traveler, or sympathizer. One could become a
victim by association with communists, by being suspected of being under
their influence, and by having acquaintances that were sympathetic to commu-
nism. No one’s privacy was respected and immune from suspicion.27 Orga-
nizations were often labeled “crypto-communist” or “communist fronts.”
Conspiracy theories were frequent, like those within the Senegalese police
apparatus described by Alexander Keese. This could lead to fiction of invisible
communists. In August 1973, Indonesia’s military regime blamed an anti-
Chinese pogrom in Bandung on communists; lacking any evidence for this
dubious claim, Admiral Sudomo argued that the communists had used an
“organization without form.”28
To its enemies, communism seemed contagious; treatments ranged from
isolation and re-education to elimination of those infected. This attitude
sometimes led to the targeting of the family members of communists from
Indonesia to Greece to the Soviet Union. In particular, children with a wrong
family background could face lifelong discrimination.29 The ultimate symbol
for this expansion of targets was the state- and Church-organized mass abduc-
tion of infants from families considered leftist, as in Argentina, Spain, and
Greece. In Spain, babies of socially marginalized mothers were stolen en masse
27 For one example, Executive Order 9835 of 1947 in the USA, see Wippermann, Hetz-
jagd: 58. For guilt by association with certain communists in der Soviet Union during the
1930s, see the contribution by Wendy Goldman in this volume.
28 Quoted in Julie Southwood and Patrick Flanagan, Indonesia: Law, Propaganda and
Terror (London: Zed, 1983), 182. And see Alexander Keese’s chapter in this volume.
29 See Eric Weitz, A Century of Genocide (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2003),
73; Wendy Goldman’s chapter in this volume; Gerlach, Extremely Violent Societies: Mass
Violence in the Twentieth Century World (Cambridge et al.: Cambridge University Press,
2010), 41; Andreas Stergiou, „Der Antikommunismus in Griechenland“, Jahrbuch für
Historische Kommunismusforschung (2011): 108. For the assassination of a son forcing his
leftist father out of his home country Argentina, see Pion-Berlin, Ideology: 88.
10 C. GERLACH
as late as 1990.30 After all, Francoist psychologists during the Spanish Civil
War (1936–1939) and afterward tried to prove that communism was either
inheritable or at least a quasi-medical predisposition of certain social groups,
including mentally disabled people, and a female psycho-pathology.31 To be
sure, communists themselves were often repressed for their convictions, rather
than their deeds, which was declared lawful in some countries,32 for it was the
personality, the (alleged) thoughts, the attitude, not necessarily the actions,
that counted.
Another explanation for the broad range of people that were caught up
in anti-communist persecutions, aside from the uncertainty who might be a
communist, or “infected” by communist thinking, was of course the intention
to spread intimidation and terror. Under the cover of anti-communism, the
organizers of persecutions were also targeting even moderately progressive
political and social movements, for example, workers, women’s, youth, peace,
civil rights’, ethno-racial emancipation, and decolonization movements, all of
which had the greatest importance in twentieth-century history. For example,
the South African Suppression of Communism Act of 26 May 1950 outlawed
any organization, “doctrine or scheme […] which aims at any political, indus-
trial, social or economic change in the Union by the promotion of disturbances
or disorder, by unlawful acts or omissions or by the threat of such acts
and omissions, or by means which include the promotion of disturbance or
disorder, or such acts or omissions or threat.”33 This law made it possible to
target almost any undesirable group. As Friedrich Engels had already asked in
1872, in a new introduction to the Communist Manifesto, “Is there any oppo-
sition that has not been accused of communism by its opponents in power?”34
Nominally anti-communist persecution, then, as several authors in this volume
argue, also served to outlaw or ostracize certain practices, ideas, and entire
30 Ute Müller, „Über 300 000 gestohlene Babys: Erster Prozess zu organisiertem Kinder-
raub in Spanien“, Neue Zürcher Zeitung (27 June 2018): 6; Stefanie Schüler-Springorum,
„Antikommunismus in Spanien“, Frei and Rigoll, eds., Antikommunismus: 181. See the
chapters by Janis Nalbadidacis and Amaryllis Logotheti in this volume.
31 Michael Richards, “Morality and biology in the Spanish Civil War: Psychiatrists, revolu-
tion and women prisoners in Málaga”, Contemporary European History 10, 3 (2001):
395–421; Javier Bandrés and Rafael Lavona, “Psychology in Franco’s concentration
camps”, Psychology in Spain 1 (1997): 3–9.
32 Minas Samatas, “A brief history of the anticommunist surveillance in Greece and its
lasting impact”, in: Kees Boersma et al., eds., Histories of State Surveillance in Europe and
Beyond (London and New York: Routledge, 2014), 50–55; for Iraq in 1938, see Tareq
Ismael, The Rise and Fall of the Communist Party of Iraq (Cambridge et al.: Cambridge
University Press, 2008), 26.
33 South African History Online, https://www.sahistory.org.za/archive/suppression-of-
communism-act%2C-act-no-44-of-1950 (accessed 26 April 2019). For similar language in
the Japanese Public Safety Maintenance Law of 1925, see the chapter by Kim Dong-Choon
in this volume.
34 Quoted in Fayet, “Reflections”: 10.
fields of thought through a combination of laws, violence, threats, and propa-

gandistic persuasion. This had enormous implications for politics and societies,
and it still has. Anti-communist persecution narrowed the permitted polit-
ical and social options, ideas, and social practices, thereby cementing existing
power structures and social hierarchies. That is, anti-communism worked for
extended periods against the plurality of ideas, identities, and groups.
One should not forget that authorities were never in full control. Persecu-
tion was a participatory process, and this social dimension also made violence
and discrimination spread. This was true in both capitalism and socialism.
Anti-communism was not limited to specific, clearly delineated groups; it
permeated large segments of society, as critics saw and one influential Soviet
analyst conceded as well.35 Many of those with anti-communist attitudes also
supported violence. According to an opinion survey in the USA in 1963, 77
percent advocated stripping communists of their US citizenship, 68 percent
wanted to deny them the right to speak in public, and 61 percent wanted
them imprisoned.36 Anti-communist persecution got some of its thrust from
such widespread social participation. In 1970, five years after the peak of the
mass murders in Indonesia, the exiled Communist Party of Indonesia (PKI)
noted, “the masses of the people do not support the PKI, even on the contrary
[…].”37
One central mechanism of public participation was denunciation, written or
spoken, including during public meetings.38 In the course of anti-communist
persecution, private feuds, arguments about unrelated issues, greed, peer pres-
sure, and ethno-religious prejudice could lead to denunciation. They could
also lead to private acts of exclusion, violence, and killing, which, in turn, could
have effects that regimes had not intended or at least did not control.39 And
such popular participation could have devastating effects on leftists. As one
author pointed out about Italian communists who returned after having been
banished by the fascists, not only did the police harass them, but they carried
35 SeeBristol et al., Anatomie: 54 and A. Rumjanzew, „Statt eines Vorworts“, in:

Antikommunismus – Feind der Menschheit: 5.
36 Bristol, Anatomie: 98.
37 „Bericht
des Auslandskomitees der KPI zum 50. Jahrestag der Gründung der KPI“ (23
May 1970), German Federal Archives, DY 30 IVA2/20/1052, page 24 of the document.
38 See the chapter by Wendy Goldman in this volume; furthermore, Wendy Goldman,
Inventing the Enemy: Denunciations and Terror in Stalin’s Russia (Cambridge et al.:
Cambridge University Press, 2011), 81–139; Sheila Fitzpatrick, Everyday Stalinism (New
York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999); Amedeo Osti Guerrazzi, „Antikommu-
nismus im italienischen Faschismus“, in: Frei and Rigoll, Antikommunismus: 172.
39 See,
for example, on the Cultural Revolution in China Jean-Louis Margolin, “China:
A Long March into Night”, in: Courteois et al., Black Book: 513–538; for Indonesia
1965–1966, see Christian Gerlach, Extremely: 56–66.
12 C. GERLACH
a stigma and had difficulties finding employment and establishing social rela-
tionships.40 Though it tended to be broad, popular participation was usually
not total so that some citizens did support the persecuted.
But did communists not bring violence upon themselves? After all, many
of them were not shy about conflict, and communist parties that did not turn
to reformism sought eventually armed revolution, many through rural (and
sometimes urban) guerrilla insurgency. Certainly, this fact was not lost on anti-
communist agitators, who often cited it to legitimize harsh persecution.
However, instead of normative chicken-and-egg-discussions about what was
violence and what was “only” counterviolence, it is more fruitful to conceive
both communists and anti-communists as participants in larger social conflicts.
This understanding also sheds light on why such a wide variety of groups and
individuals only vaguely associated with communists became targets of anti-
communist violence and why others became targets of communist violence. In
Marxist theory, violence was permissible in some situations of self-defense and
otherwise in revolutionary situations that promised victory for workers and
peasants. From another perspective, a revolutionary situation marked a crisis of
society (usually more than just a political crisis), a time of instability, and a state
of flux. Such periods might involve complex phenomena like mass hunger and
inflation; during such a crisis the social role of some groups was drawn into
question, and some were degraded, for example, ethnic, racial, or religious
minorities viewed as being in some association with the left, or women and
marginal peasants, partially in situations when they tried—or seemed to try—
to improve their lot.
According to this understanding, the social conflicts here investigated were
more complicated than the opposition of two clearly defined classes (such as
workers and bourgeoisie). It is not accidental that Table 1 includes so many
civil and guerrilla wars. Many of these civil wars had more than two sides
and illustrate social fragmentation. They were struggles but not simple binary
ones. For example, Kim Dong-Choon describes the situation in South Korea
from 1948 to 1953 as a civil war, which included aspects of what is called the
Korean War.41 Likewise, China’s Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution in the
late 1960s, which has often been interpreted as a conflict in the Communist
Party,42 can also be regarded as a conflict within the intelligentsia and as a
broader social conflict that has occasionally been called a civil war.43
40 Osti Guerrazzi, „Antikommunismus“: 171.

41 See
Dong-Choon Kim, “Forgotten war, forgotten massacres—The Korean War (1950–
1953) as licensed mass killing”, Journal of Genocide Research 6, 4 (2004): 523–544.
42 See the chapter by Ning Wang in this volume, who also points to violent factionalism
within the CPCh before it took power in 1949.
43 Margolin, “China”: 532. Members of the intelligentsia (including Communist Party
functionaries and civil servants) were prominent among those targeted; on the other hand,
for people belonging to the intelligentsia among the Red Guards, see Anita Chan, Stanley
Rosen, and Jonathan Unger, “Students and class warfare: The social roots of Red Guard
Conflict in Guangzhou (Canton)”, China Quarterly 83 (1980): 434. Thanks to Mirjam
Wiedemar for pointing me to this publication.
In capitalist countries, communists did not usually create such social crises,
although they did make use of, and sometimes exacerbated, them. Like others,
they were active, and some were violent, participants. Frequently, their oppo-
nents were not only governments but also non-state groups, who were very
often mobilized by baseless or hugely exaggerated atrocity propaganda. In
reality, when both sides engaged in terror, the “red” terror usually paled
in comparison with the “white” (as was the case in the Paris Commune in
1871; the civil wars in Russia, Germany, and Hungary from 1918 to 1921;
the Spanish Civil War of 1936–1939; and Indonesia in 1965–1966).44 Such
social crises, and the frequent participation of non-state agents in the persecu-
tion and targeting of noncommunists, make the perspective of social history
so important.
What was it like to be persecuted under the banner of anti-communism?
In certain respects, our knowledge is limited. Scholarship has focused on the
experiences of prominent communists and other leftists, rather than on ordi-
nary people caught up in the process. In many countries, it was primarily
highly educated people who were interviewed at length or left other sources.
Illiterate peasants and workers without school degree had less opportunity
to have their memories read or heard. What one can say is that there was a
tendency for people exposed to mechanisms of exclusion and isolation under
anti-communist repression to struggle in various ways for re-inclusion.
Because of its focus on the history of its own political organization, Marxist
scholarship on the persecution of communists has contributed little to a
social-historical analysis. One often learns from official party histories that
there were hard struggles; notably, the concept of struggle made persecution
seem inevitable, even a matter of honor. In his memoirs (written during his
imprisonment in 1974 under Pinochet’s regime), Luis Corvalán, the former
chairman of the Communist Party of Chile, described his earlier disagreement
with a high party official who argued, “our main concern should be to fight,
but without this causing more victims,” Corvalán holding “there is no struggle
without victims, without a certain number of fighters who fall under the assault
of the enemy.”45 Even if these were not exactly the words used, Corvalán’s
portrayal represents a well-established way of thinking, related to organized
struggle, which marginalized other responses to repression.
Did the individual matter to a communist party, or was preserving the orga-
nization the only important issue? Asking this question puts the occasionally
criticized instructions that the Communist Party of Indonesia issued in 1965,
a party with a rich experience in being violently repressed, in a different light:
“find your own escape, say you know nothing, you don’t know each other
44 Concerning Paris, see John Merriman, Massacre: The Life and Death of the Paris
Commune (New York: Basic Books, 2014).
45 Luis Corvalán, Aus meinem Leben (Berlin [East]: Dietz, 1978), 107 (my translation from
German, C.G.).
14 C. GERLACH
and have no connection to each other.”46 This led to factual dissolution,

but can be read as an example of a communist party protecting its members
for their own sake. Though rare, protecting its members was not unique to
Indonesia; in May 1950, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of
South Africa dissolved the party, assuming, inter alia, that “the rank-and-file of
the party would not be ready or in a position to bear the dangers and difficul-
ties of illegal activity.” However, according to the same communist author who
reported this, most members carried on with the collective struggle anyway,
founding the South African Communist Party in 1953.47
Illegality and persecution were common experiences. A brief history of
communist parties in 33 African and Asian countries notes that only three
(those in India, Ceylon/Sri Lanka, and Cyprus) were never banned before
1980.48 And the history of the Iraqi Communist Party has been portrayed as a
long series of mass arrests, mass torture, and executions in 1948–1949, 1958–
1960, 1963, 1965–1966, 1970, and 1983.49 On a personal level, this could
result in life stories of hardship in many, and twisted, ways. For example, after
some years in Sweden, also during the first years of Nazi rule, the German-
born communist Eva Siao lived through the Soviet terror of the 1930s and the
Cultural Revolution in China, where she spent seven years in solitary confine-
ment.50 Ariel Dorfman fled from anti-leftist regimes four times: Peron’s
Argentina in 1945, the McCarthyist USA in 1954 (as a child), Pinochet’s
Chile in 1973, and Argentina in the same year after Peron had again taken
over and leftists became targets of paramilitary violence.51 It is no accident
that such examples need to be taken from autobiographies. Writers of fiction
also described the experiences of persecuted communists while party histo-
ries said little. Less speculative than Jack London, the Japanese novelist Takiji
Kobayashi wrote a nuanced fictionalized account of arrest and torture based
on the actual anti-communist mass arrest of 1600 people on 15 March 1928
(when the Japanese Communist Party had only about 400 members). The
book also depicted the many ways in which affected people reacted. Kobayashi
was a fast worker, and his short novel was published, heavily censored, in late
46 Quoted in Ibu Marni, “I am a Leaf in the Storm”, Indonesia 47 (1989): 56.

47 A. Lerumo [i.e. Michael Harmel], Fünfzig Jahre Kampf der Südafrikanischen Kommu-
nistischen Partei 1921–1971 (Berlin [East]: Dietz: 1973), 160 (quote, retranslated from
German, C.G.), 169.
48 EmilLanger et al., Entwicklung und Kampf der kommunistischen Bewegung in Asien und
Afrika (Berlin [East]: Dietz, 1980), 122. But see the contribution by Bernard D’Mello
and Gautam Navlakha about India in this volume.
49 Ismael, Rise and Fall, ix, 40, 79, 98, 102, 107–108, 112, 142, 201, 225–226. On the
other hand, see ibid., 87 and 91 for mass killings supported and possibly committed by
communists in Kirkuk in July 1959.
50 Eva Siao, China – mein Traum, mein Leben (Bergisch Gladbach: Gustav Lübbe, 1990),
57–64, 301–364.
51 See
Ariel Dorfman, Kurs nach Süden, Blick nach Norden: Leben zwischen zwei Welten
(Munich and Vienna: Europa, 1999).
1928. In April 1932, Kobayashi went into hiding, and four months later he
finished his short novel Life of a Party Member about living underground. It
portrays strategies of illegal life, intense police espionage, and how the pres-
sures during illegal life limits and deforms human relationships for an activist
(who, for example, ruthlessly exploits a woman who hides him). When the
novel came out in the spring of 1933, Kobayashi was no longer alive, having
been tortured to death by the Special Higher Police.52 His analysis of persecu-
tion is incisive. The organization of proletarian-revolutionary Japanese writers
to which Kobayashi had belonged fell apart in 1933, after fierce repression led
about 500 members to recant their allegiance to communism.53
Because of our understanding of anti-communist persecution as occurring
within social conflicts, this volume places less weight on foreign involvement
than some others do. Intercessions that it does discuss include US-American
influence on Mexico’s repression of leftists 1968, German paramilitaries’
murders of communists in the Baltic countries in 1919, British colonial
violence in Malaya from 1948 to 1960, and the USA’s neocolonial interven-
tion in Korea between 1945 and 1953.54 A case not discussed here is British
and US-American support of the coup in Iraq in 1963, in which Saddam
Hussein played a major role, which involved massacres of communists. US-
American authorities provided lists of communists to be targeted, as they did
in support of Indonesia’s massacres in 1965.55
Multilateral efforts to combat communism are also not prominent in this
book for they weren’t very important.56 Except for the Anti-Comintern Pact
of 1936–1945, there were extensive anti-leftist networks but no real anti-
communist Internationale as an interstate organization.57 Even with some
52 See Takiji Kobayashi, “March 15, 1928”, in: Heather Bowen-Struyk and Norma Field,
eds., For Dignity, Justice and Revolution: An Anthology of Japanese Proletarian Literature
(Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 2016), 103–158; Takiji Kobayashi,
“Life of a party member”, in: idem, The Crab Cannery Ship and Other Novels of Struggle
(Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2013), 221–293. For the context see Yoichi
Komori, “Introduction”, in: Kobayashi, Crab Cannery Ship: 6 and 13, and Bowen-Struyk
and Field, Dignity: 47, 103 and 329.
53 See ibid.: 331 and 364.
54 See
the chapters by Elena Kriza, Jan-Philipp Pomplun, Clemens Six, and Kim Dong-
Choon in this volume.
55 See Mark Curtis, “The massacres in Iraq, 1963”, 12 February 2007, available on Curtis’
webside, http://markcurtis.info/2007/02/12/the-massacres-in-iraq-1963/ and Gerlach,
Extremely: 77–87.
56 For such efforts, see Iris Schröder and Christian Methfessel, „Antikommunismus und
Internationalismus“, in: Frei and Rigoll, Antikommunismus: 139–155.
57 This becomes also clear from Giles Scott-Smith, Western Anti-Communism and
the Interdoc Network: Cold War Internationale (Basingstoke and New York: Palgrave
Macmillan, 2012), despite the book’s subtitle. NATO did not play this role, see van
Dongen et al., “Introduction”: 5. The Anti-Comintern Pact has yet to become subject
to in-depth research. It was an aggressive alliance, but a loose one, and almost half of its
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The theory of the process rests on the fact that by a careful admixture of a nitrogenous
substance diluted with land plaster, with phenolsulfuric acid, it is possible to change the nitric acid
into nitro-phenol, and by the reducing action of zinc dust to change the nitro-product formed into
amido-phenol. This afterwards is transformed into ammonium sulfate by heating with sulfuric acid,
by which process, at the same time, all other nitrogenous compounds present in the substance, as
with Kjeldahl’s method, likewise form ammonium sulfate, only with the difference that addition of
mercury is here absolutely necessary for the complete transformation of the slowly decomposed
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compounds formed in the solution by potassium sulfid, which is added after or with the soda-lye.
191. The Dutch Jodlbaur Method.—The Royal Experiment Station of Holland directs that the
jodlbaur process be carried out as indicated below.[162]
The reagents necessary are:
1. Phenolsulfuric acid, prepared by dissolving 100 grams of pure crystallized phenol in pure
sulfuric acid (1.84) and making up the solution to a liter with the same sulfuric acid:
2. Zinc, carefully washed and thoroughly dried:
3. Sodium hydroxid solution, the same as is used in the kjeldahl method:
4. Potassium sulfid solution, made by dissolving 355 grams of potassium sulfid (K₂S), or sodium
sulfid solution, made by dissolving 250 grams of sodium sulfid (Na₂S) in a liter of water.
As apparatus, are necessary oxidation flasks holding about 200 cubic centimeters, and
distillation flasks holding about 750 cubic centimeters, both of bohemian glass.
Manipulation.—Weigh one gram of substance, moisten it with water, dry, and introduce into an
oxidation flask. Cover with fifteen cubic centimeters of phenolsulfuric acid and, after cooling,
thoroughly mix by gently shaking. After five minutes add from two to three grams of zinc in small
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drops of mercury. Boil the mixture till the fluid is colorless. Cool and dilute. Wash into a distillation
flask and add an excess of sodium hydroxid solution and twenty-five cubic centimeters of the
sodium (or potassium) sulfid solution. Distil and titrate as in the kjeldahl method.
192. The Halle-Jodlbaur Method.—At the Halle station it is the uniform practice to mix the
nitrate with gypsum before the combustion.[163] In the case of Chile phosphates ten grams are
rubbed with an equal amount of gypsum, and two grams of the mixture, equal to one gram of the
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and of lower forms of nitrates or mixtures thereof, from three to five grams.
The sample, as prepared above, is treated with thirty cubic centimeters of a mixture of
phenolsulfuric acid and phosphoric acid anhydrid. The mixture is prepared by dissolving sixty-six
grams of phenol and 250 grams of phosphoric anhydrid in strong sulfuric acid, and, after cooling,
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acid. The mixture contains, in thirty cubic centimeters, one and two-tenths grams of phenol and four
grams of phosphoric anhydrid. In the use of phenolsulfuric acid the the presence of phosphoric
anhydrid is indispensable in keeping the sulfuric acid water-free and in absorbing the water
produced by the combustion.
The phenolsulfuric acid used contains only enough phenol to reduce half a gram of saltpeter.
The sample and acid mixture having been put in the combustion flask the latter is shaken, at
intervals, for an hour, and the contents cooled.
The conversion of the nitrates into nitro-phenol compounds is finished in this time, and the next
step consists in reducing these bodies to the amido-phenol group. This is accomplished in the cold
by nascent hydrogen produced by the addition of zinc dust to the mixture. From one to three grams
of the dust are to be used in proportion to the quantity of nitrates originally present.
The flask should be placed in a cooling mixture and the zinc dust added in small portions to
prevent a too violent evolution of hydrogen. After the reduction is ended the flask is allowed to
stand for two hours, after which the combustion, distillation, and titration are accomplished in the
usual way. On cooling, after the end of the combustion, the contents of the flask become solid.
They may be brought again into liquid state by shaking and gentle warming.
193. The Official Kjeldahl Method for Nitric Nitrogen.—As has already been stated, the
presence of certain organic compounds, rich in hydrocarbons, permits the reduction of nitric
nitrogen to ammonia by combustion with sulfuric acid. Benzol, phenol, and salicylic acid have all
been used for this purpose. The official chemists have adopted for their method the salicylic acid
process first proposed by Scovell.[164]
Besides the reagents and apparatus given under the Kjeldahl method there will be needed:
(1) Zinc dust: This should be an impalpable powder; granulated zinc or zinc filings will not
answer.
(2) Sodium thiosulfate:
(3) Commercial salicylic acid:
It is found most convenient to prepare a solution of 33.3 grams of salicylic acid in one liter of the
strongest sulfuric acid, and keep it for use rather than to mix it for each combustion. We prefer the
thiosulfate process first mentioned below. In the zinc dust method there has been noticed a
tendency for the distillation flask to break just at the end of the process.
The Manipulation.—Place from seven-tenths to three and five-tenths grams of the substance to
be analyzed in a kjeldahl digesting flask, add sixty cubic centimeters of sulfuric acid containing one
gram of salicylic acid, and shake until thoroughly mixed, then add five grams of crystallized sodium
thiosulfate; or add to the substance thirty cubic centimeters of sulfuric acid containing two grams of
salicylic acid, then add gradually two grams of zinc dust, shaking the contents of the flask at the
same time. Finally place the flask on the stand for holding the digestion flasks, where it is heated
over a low flame until all danger from frothing has passed. The heat is then raised until the acid
boils briskly and the boiling continued until white fumes no longer pour out of the flask. This
requires about five or ten minutes. Add now approximately seven-tenths gram of mercuric oxid or
its equivalent in metallic mercury, and continue the boiling until the liquid in the flask is colorless or
nearly so. In case the contents of the flask are likely to become solid before this point is reached
add ten cubic centimeters more of sulfuric acid. Complete the oxidation with a little potassium
permanganate in the usual way, and proceed with the distillation as described in the kjeldahl
method. The reagents should be tested by blank experiments.
194. The Gunning Moist Combustion Process.—The modification proposed by Gunning was
based upon the observation that in the ordinary kjeldahl process the excess of sulfur trioxid in the
beginning of the operation soon escapes or unites with water in a form not easily decomposed.[165]
During the progress of the combustion the acid diminishes in strength until it is below the
concentration represented by the formula H₂SO₄, and in this diluted condition the oxidation takes
place more slowly. Gunning proposes to avoid this difficulty by mixing potassium sulfate with the
sulfuric acid. This salt forms with the sulfuric acid, acid salts which, by heating, lose water easier
than acid and as is well known, they not only act as decomposing and oxidizing media as well as
sulfuric acid, but even in a higher degree, resembling the action of sulfuric acid at high
temperatures and under pressure.
By heating this mixture of sulfuric acid and potassium sulfate with organic matters in an open
vessel, not only the water originally present, but that which is formed during the oxidation is driven
off without loss of acid. For this reason instead of the oxidizing mixture becoming weaker, the acid
becomes stronger, the boiling-point rises and this, combined with the fluidity of the mass favors the
decomposition and oxidation of the organic matter in a constantly increasing ratio.
The original mixture used by Gunning had the following composition; viz., one part of potassium
sulfate and two parts of strong sulfuric acid. The substances are united by heat and, on cooling, are
in a semi-solid state, melting, however, easily on the application of heat and assuming a condition
to be easily poured from vessel to vessel. The quantity of the sample taken should vary in
proportion to its nitrogenous content from half a gram to a gram. The combustion takes place in
flasks entirely similar to those used in the ordinary kjeldahl process. In the case of liquids, they
should be previously evaporated to dryness before the addition of the oxidizing mixture. At the
beginning of the combustion there is a violent foaming attended with evolution of some acid and
much water, and afterwards of stronger acid. This loss of acid should not be allowed to go far
enough to produce too great concentration of the material in the flask. One of the best ways to
avoid it is to place a funnel in the flask covered with a watch-glass which will permit of the
condensation and return of the escaping acid. As soon as the foaming ceases, the flame should be
so regulated as to permit of the volatilized acid being condensed upon the sides of the flask. In the
end a colorless mass is obtained in which no metallic oxids are present, and this mass can at once
be diluted with water, treated with alkali, and distilled. According to the nature of the substance from
half an hour to an hour and a half are required for the complete combustion.
Modifications of the Gunning Method.—As in the case of the kjeldahl method, numerous minor
modifications of the gunning method have been made, the most important of which relate to its
application to substances containing nitrates. In general the same processes are employed in this
case as with the kjeldahl method. One of the best modifications consists in the use of the mixture of
salicylic and sulfuric acids followed by the addition of sodium thiosulfate or of potassium sulfate or
sulfid. These modifications will be given in detail under the official methods.
195. Reactions of the Gunning Process.—The various reactions which take place during the
combustion according to the gunning method have been tabulated by Van Slyke.[166]
The first reaction to take place is the union of sulfuric acid and potassium sulfate to form
potassium acid sulfate in accordance with the following equation:
(1) K₂SO₄ + H₂SO₄ = 2KHSO₄.

When heated, the potassium acid sulfate decomposes, forming potassium disulfate and water,
thus:
(2) 2KHSO₄ = K₂S₂O₇ + H₂O.

The potassium disulfate at a higher temperature decomposes, forming normal potassium sulfate
and sulfur trioxid, thus:
(3) K₂S₂O₇ = K₂SO₄ + SO₃.

At a sufficiently high temperature the two preceding reactions may take place in one, thus:
2KHSO₄ = K₂SO₄ + H₂O + SO₃.

At the temperature at which these reactions take place, the water that is set free does not
recombine with the sulfur trioxid nor with the sulfuric acid that is present in excess, but is expelled
from the mixture; hence the mixture becomes more concentrated during the digestion. The sulfur
trioxid set free acts upon the organic matter in the powerful manner peculiar to it, and the
potassium sulfate formed in the last reaction above unites with another molecule of sulfuric acid,
and the same round of reactions is repeated continuously so long as there is an excess of free
sulfuric acid present in the mixture. As the liquid becomes more concentrated with the continuation
of the digestion, the boiling-point increases so that the effect is the same as heating under
pressure. The danger of too great concentration and risk of consequent loss of nitrogen is avoided
by using increased proportions of sulfuric acid.
As compared with the kjeldahl the gunning method presents the following advantages:
(1) The gunning method requires fewer reagents. As no form of mercury is used no potassium
sulfid is needed, and there is no risk of loss from the presence of mercurammonium compounds.
(2) The solution to which caustic soda is added is clear, so that in neutralizing, it is an easy
matter to avoid great excess of alkali, and so, in most cases, to avoid foaming and bumping in
distillation.
(3) In the blank determinations less nitrogen is found in the reagents used in the gunning
method. In only one case was more nitrogen reported in a blank by this method; in all the others
the amount averaged considerably less.
196. The Official Gunning Method.—In a digestion flask holding from 250 to 500 cubic
centimeters place from seven-tenths to two and eight-tenths grams of the substance to be
analyzed, according to its proportion of nitrogen. Then add ten grams of powdered potassium
sulfate and from fifteen to twenty-five cubic centimeters (ordinarily about twenty cubic centimeters)
of concentrated sulfuric acid. Conduct the digestion as in the kjeldahl process, starting with a
temperature below boiling-point and increasing the heat gradually until frothing ceases. Digest until
colorless or nearly so. Do not add either potassium permanganate or potassium sulfid. Dilute,
neutralize, and distil as in the kjeldahl method. In neutralizing, it is convenient to add a few drops of
phenolphthalein indicator, by which one can tell when the acid is completely neutralized,
remembering that the pink color, which indicates an alkaline reaction, is destroyed by a
considerable excess of strong fixed alkali. The distillation and titration are conducted as in the
kjeldahl method. In distilling, the use of zinc or of any substance to prevent bumping or foaming is
generally unnecessary, if too great an excess of fixed alkali be avoided. The amount of sulfuric acid
recommended by Gunning is two grams for each gram of potassium sulfate; but Voorhees has
found that this mixture is so viscous as to cause troublesome foaming frequently, and after cooling
it cakes in a hard mass, which may be difficult to redissolve.[167] To avoid foaming and caking, he
has found it an effective means to increase the amount of sulfuric acid used, taking instead of two
grams to one of potassium sulfate three or four grams of acid to one of potassium sulfate. It is,
therefore, suggested in carrying out the work, to use from five to twenty-five cubic centimeters
(ordinarily about twenty cubic centimeters) of sulfuric acid for ten grams of potassium sulfate. In
case the potassium sulfate is not free from nitrogen compounds, one or two recrystallizations will
make it pure.
197. Gunning Method Adapted to Nitrates.—The essential features of this modification are
due to Winton and Voorhees.[168] The modifications of the kjeldahl method, for similar purposes,
furnished the material details for the gunning modified process. Winton reports good results from
digesting for two hours, from half a gram to a gram of the sample with thirty cubic centimeters of
sulfuric containing two grams of salicylic acid, in a flask of half a liter capacity. Two grams of zinc
dust are then slowly added, with constant shaking, and the flask heated, at first gently, until, after a
few minutes boiling, dense fumes are no longer emitted. Three grams of potassium sulfate are next
added and the boiling continued until the solution is colorless, or if iron be present, until a light
straw color is produced. On cooling, when the mixture begins to solidify, water is added with
caution, and afterwards sodium hydroxid, and the ammonia is obtained by distillation.
In the process, as conducted by Voorhees, about one gram of the sample is digested with ten
grams of potassium sulfate and thirty cubic centimeters of sulfuric containing one gram of salicylic
acid, and three grains of zinc sulfid. The heat is kept down until frothing ceases, and then the mass
kept in gentle ebullition until clear. The distillation is accomplished with the usual precautions. The
voorhees process is superior to that recommended by Winton in adding the potassium sulfate at
the beginning of the combustion.
198. Official Gunning Method Modified to Include the Nitrogen of Nitrates.—In a digestion
flask holding from 250 to 500 cubic centimeters, place from seven-tenths to three and five-tenths
grams of the substance to be analyzed, according to the amount of nitrogen present. Add from
thirty to thirty-five cubic centimeters of salicylic acid mixture, namely, thirty cubic centimeters of
sulfuric to one gram of salicylic acid, shake until thoroughly mixed, and allow to stand from five to
ten minutes, with frequent shaking; then add five grams of sodium thiosulfate and ten grams of
potassium sulfate. Heat very gently until frothing ceases, then strongly until nearly colorless. Dilute,
neutralize, and distil the same as in the gunning method.
DETERMINATION OF NITROGEN IN
DEFINITE FORMS OF COMBINATION.
199. Introductory Considerations.—In the foregoing pages has been given a summary of the
methods most in vogue for the estimation of nitrogen in fertilizers and fertilizing materials. There
are many cases in which the analyst may have to deal with a definite chemical compound, and
where a modified or shorter method may be used. There are other cases in which the nitrogen may
be present in two or three definite forms, as in artificially mixed fertilizers, and where it is desirable
to show the proportions in which the various forms are present. For these reasons it is necessary to
be able to use methods by which the percentage of nitrogen in its various forms may be relatively
as well as absolutely determined. Such a case would be presented for instance, in that of a fertilizer
containing dried blood, sodium nitrate, and ammonium sulfate. It is evident here that the total
nitrogen could be determined by the volumetric method by combustion with copper oxid, or by the
moist combustion process adapted to nitric nitrogen, but the method of determining the percentage
of each constituent has not yet been described.
We have to deal here with a case entirely similar to that of phosphoric acid in a
superphosphate. There is no doubt whatever of the uneven assimilability of the different forms of
nitrogen. A nitrate, for instance, is already in condition for assimilation by plants. An ammoniacal
salt is only partly changed to a state suited to plant nutrition while organic nitrogen is forced to
undergo a complete transformation before it becomes available to supply the needs of the growing
plant. It is important, therefore, equally to the analyst, the merchant, and the agronomist, to know
definitely the forms of combination in which the nitrogen exists and the relative proportion of the
different combinations.
200. Nitrogen as Ammonia.—The most frequent form in which nitrogen as ammonia is used
for fertilizing is as sulfate. The method of determination to be described is, however, equally
applicable to all ammonia salts. When no other form of nitrogenous compound is present the
ammonia can be easily and directly determined by distillation with soda- or potash-lye, as
described in the final part of the moist combustion process.
To one gram of the ammonia salt add from 200 to 300 cubic centimeters of water and thirty
grams of the soda-lye used in the moist combustion process; distil, collect the ammonia, and titrate
the excess of sulfuric acid exactly as there described.
Fresenius recommends that the ammonia expelled by distillation be taken up by one-fifth
normal sulfuric acid, the excess of which is titrated with one-fifth normal soda, using
phenolphthalein as an indicator. If the distillate, on examination, be found to contain thiocyanate,
soda-lye cannot be used for the expulsion of ammonia, but, in its place, caustic magnesia is
applied.
In all cases where organic matter containing nitrogen is present, caustic magnesia must be
substituted for the soda solution. The magnesia must be added in sufficient excess and the
distillation continued a little longer than is necessary when soda-lye is used. Otherwise the details
of the operation are the same.
In a mixed fertilizer containing organic nitrogen and ammonia salts, the total nitrogen can be
determined by the moist combustion process, and the ammoniacal nitrogen by distillation with
magnesia. The difference between the two results will give the nitrogen due to the organic matter.
To avoid any danger whatever of decomposing organic nitrogenous compounds, the ammonia
may be determined in the cold by treatment with soda-lye, under a bell-jar containing some set
sulfuric acid. The operation must be allowed to continue for many days. Even at the end of a long
time it will be found that some ammonia is still escaping. It may therefore be finally inferred that all
the nitrogen as ammonia is not obtained by this process, or that even magnesia may gradually
convert other nitrogenous compounds into ammonia. In this connection the methods of determining
ammonia in soils 406, 407, and 408 of volume one may be consulted.
201. Method of Boussingault.—The official French method is essentially the original method
of Boussingault with slight modifications. It is conducted as follows:[169] In case the sample is
ammonium sulfate about half a gram is placed in a flask of half a liter capacity, together with 300
cubic centimeters of distilled water and two grams of caustic magnesia. The flask is connected with
a condenser of glass or metal which ends in a tube drawn out to a point and dipping beneath the
set acid in the receiver in the usual way. The acid is colored with litmus or lacmoid tincture. The
distillation is continued until about 100 cubic centimeters have gone over. The receiver is then
removed with the usual precautions and the residual acid titrated. Suppose twenty cubic
centimeters of normal acid have been employed and twelve and a half cubic centimeters of normal
alkali be necessary to neutralize the excess of the acid. Then the nitrogen is found by the following
equations: 20.0 - 12.5 = 7.5 and 7.5 × 0.014 = 0.105 gram = weight of nitrogen found. Then 0.105 ×
100 ÷ 5 = 21.00 = per cent of nitrogen found.
The distilling apparatus of Aubin is preferred by the French chemists, an apparatus so arranged
with a reflux partial condenser, that nearly all the aqueous vapor is returned in a condensed state to
the flask while the ammonia, on account of its great volatility, is carried over into the receiver. To
avoid the regurgitation which might be caused by the concentrated ammonia gas coming in contact
with the acid the separable part of the condensing tube is expanded into a bulb large enough to
hold all the acid which lies above its mouth. By the means of this apparatus the ammonia is all
collected in the standard acid without greatly increasing its volume and the titration is thus rendered
sharper. The employment of caustic magnesia has the advantage of not decomposing any organic
matters or cyanids that may be present.
If the sample under examination hold part of its ammonia as ammonium magnesium phosphate
it will be necessary first to treat it with sulfuric acid in order to set the ammonia free and then to use
enough of the magnesium oxid to neutralize the excess of the sulfuric acid and still supply the two
grams necessary for the distillation. When the sample contains a considerable quantity of organic
matter it sometimes tends to become frothy towards the end of the distillation. This trouble can be
avoided by introducing into the flask one or two grams of paraffin.
Where carbon dioxid is given off during the distillation the contents of the receiver must be
boiled before titration, or else lacmoid must be used as an indicator instead of litmus.
202. Determination of Thiocyanates in Ammoniacal Fertilizers.—The extended use of
ammonium sulfate as a fertilizer renders it important to determine the actual constituents which
may be present in samples of this material. The following bodies have been found in commercial
ammonium sulfates: Sulfuric acid, chlorin, ammonia, thiocyanic acid, potash, soda, lime and iron
oxid. These are found in the soluble portions. In the insoluble portions have been found silica,
sulfuric acid, lime, magnesia and iron oxid. A sample of commercial ammonium sulfate analyzed by
Jumeau contained the following substances:[170]
Per cent.
Moisture 10.5109
Ammonium sulfate 67.8453
Ammonium thiocyanate 9.3935
Sodium sulfate 9.2429
Potassium sulfate 0.9774
Calcium sulfate 0.6800
Iron thiocyanate 0.5000
Magnesium chlorid traces
Silica 0.0830
Undetermined 0.7670
The determination of the thiocyanic acid in the thiocyanate is generally made by the oxidation of
the sulfur to sulfuric acid and its subsequent weighing in the form of barium sulfate. Jumeau has
modified the method by determining the amount of the thiocyanate by means of a titrated liquid.
The method is practiced as follows:
A solution of ammonium thiocyanate is prepared, containing eight grams of this salt per liter,
and its exact content of thiocyanate is rigorously determined by titration with silver nitrate or by the
weight of the barium sulfate produced after the oxidation of the sulfur. Ten cubic centimeters of the
titrated liquor are taken and diluted with water to about 100 cubic centimeters and ten cubic
centimeters of pure sulfuric acid added. Afterward, drop by drop, a solution of potassium
permanganate is added, containing about ten grams of that salt per liter. The permanganate is
instantly decolorized. There is an evolution of hydrocyanic acid as the thiocyanate passes to the
state of sulfuric acid. A single drop in excess gives to the mixture the well-known rose coloration of
the permanganate solution which persists for several hours. The number of cubic centimeters
necessary to produce the persistent rose tint is noted and the same operation is carried on with
from one-half to one gram of the unknown product which is to be assayed. A simple proportion
indicates the content of the thiocyanate in the unknown body. The process is of great exactitude
and permits the rapid determination of thiocyanic acid in the presence of chlorids, cyanids, etc.,
which remain without action upon the permanganate. In case chlorids and cyanids are absent the
thiocyanate can be determined directly by silver nitrate either by weighing the precipitate or by the
process of Volhardt based upon the precipitation of the silver by thiocyanate in the presence of a
ferric salt. The end of the reaction is indicated by the red coloration which the liquid shows when
the thiocyanate is in excess.
203. Separation of Albuminoid from Amid and Other Forms of Nitrogen in Organic
Fertilizers.—It may be of interest to the dealer, farmer, and analyst, to discriminate between the
albuminoid and other nitrogen in fertilizers, such as oil-cakes. The final value of the nitrogen for
plant nourishment is not greatly different, but the immediate availability for nitrification is a matter of
some importance. The most convenient process in such a case is the copper hydroxid separation
process as improved by Stutzer.[171] The process is conveniently carried out in accordance with the
method prescribed by the official chemists.[172]
Total Crude Protein.—Determine nitrogen as directed for nitrogen in fertilizers and multiply the
result by 6.25 for the crude protein.
Determination of Albuminoid Nitrogen.—To from seven-tenths to eight-tenths gram of the
substance in a beaker add 100 cubic centimeters of water, heat to boiling, or in the case of
substances rich in starch, heat on the water-bath ten minutes, and add a quantity of cupric hydroxid
mixture containing from one-half to six-tenths gram of the hydroxid; stir thoroughly, filter when cold,
wash with cold water, and put the filter and its contents into the concentrated sulfuric acid for the
determination of nitrogen. The filter-papers used must be practically free of nitrogen. Add sufficient
potassium sulfid solution to completely precipitate all copper and mercury, and proceed as in the
moist combustion process for nitrogen. If the substance examined consist of seed of any kind, or
residues of seeds, such as oil-cake or anything else rich in alkaline phosphates, add a few cubic
centimeters of a concentrated solution of alum just before adding the cupric hydroxid, and mix well
by stirring. This serves to decompose the alkaline phosphates. If this be not done cupric phosphate
and free alkali may be formed, and the protein-copper may be partially dissolved in the alkaline
liquid.
Cupric Hydroxid.—Prepare the cupric hydroxid as follows: Dissolve 100 grams of pure cupric
sulfate in five liters of water, and add twenty-five cubic centimeters of glycerol; add a dilute solution
of sodium hydroxid until the liquid is alkaline; filter, rub the precipitate up with water containing five
cubic centimeters of glycerol per liter, and then wash by decantation or filtration until the washings
are no longer alkaline. Rub the precipitate up again in a mortar with water containing ten per cent of
glycerol, thus preparing a uniform gelatinous mass that can be measured out with a pipette.
Determine the quantity of cupric hydroxid per cubic centimeter of this mixture.
Amid Nitrogen.—The albuminoid nitrogen determined as above subtracted from the total, gives
that part of the organic nitrogen existing in the sample as amids and in other allied forms.
204. Separation of Nitric and Ammoniacal from Organic Nitrogen.—The nitrogen being
present in three forms, viz., organic, ammoniacal, and nitric, the separation of the latter two may be
accomplished by the following procedure:[173] One gram of the fertilizer is exhausted on a small
filter with a two per cent solution of tannin, using from thirty to forty cubic centimeters in small
portions. This is sufficient to dissolve all the nitrates and the greater portion of the ammoniacal
salts, while the tannin renders insoluble all the organic nitrogenous compounds. The filter and its
contents are treated for nitrogen by the kjeldahl process. When the distillation and titration are
completed the solution obtained by the aqueous tannin is added to the distilling flask and the
operation continued. This represents the ammoniacal nitrogen.
The nitric acid is estimated by the ferrous iron or other appropriate method in another portion of
the substance.
This method can be used even when the fertilizer contains ammonium magnesium phosphate.
In this case digest one gram for fifteen hours in dilute soda-lye solution, which easily dissolves the
ammonium magnesium phosphate. Filter and wash the insoluble part with the tannin solution. The
residue is treated as above. The filtered solution distilled with soda-lye furnishes the ammonia. The
nitrates are estimated by one of the methods above mentioned.
205. Nitric Nitrogen.—The methods of estimating nitric nitrogen, both when present in
weighable quantities and as mere traces have been sufficiently described in the first volume. For
convenience, however, the standard methods of procedure will be given here. The moist
combustion methods adapted to nitrates and the volumetric copper oxid process have already been
described. Of the reduction methods the process of Ulsch is one of the easiest of application and
also reliable. As practiced by the official chemists the manipulation is conducted as described in the
first volume, page 539.
206. Ulsch Method, Applicable to Mixed Fertilizers.—The method of Ulsch which is found to
give good results with pure nitrates or with nitrates in the absence of other forms of nitrogen may
also be adapted to mixed fertilizers containing nitrogen in more than one form. Street has
developed such a method and shown, by analytical data, that it is applicable in a great number of
cases.[174] The process is based on the substitution of magnesia for soda in the distillation and is
carried on as follows:
Place one gram of the sample in a half liter flat-bottomed flask. Add about thirty cubic
centimeters of water, one gram of reduced iron, and ten cubic centimeters of sulfuric acid diluted
with an equal volume of water, shake well, and allow to stand for a short time. This will remove the
danger of an explosion caused by the otherwise violent action which takes place. Close the neck of
the flask with a rubber stopper through which passes a glass dropping-bulb filled with water. The
flask having been stoppered, place it on a slab to which a moderate heat is applied. Allow the
solution to come slowly to a boil and then boil for five minutes and cool. Add about 100 cubic
centimeters of water, a little paraffin, and about five grams of magnesium oxid. Boil for forty
minutes, after which time all the ammonia will be distilled, and collect the ammonia in set acid.
The magnesia causes a slight frothing, which can easily be controlled by adding a little paraffin
and by bringing to a boil very gradually. Fully forty minutes are necessary to distil all the ammonia.
Tests were made after thirty minutes boiling and traces of ammonia were still found; after forty
minutes these traces entirely disappeared.
The method is a quick one. One man can easily do six determinations at a time, and these six
determinations can be made in but a little over an hour. Magnesia gives results closely agreeing
with theory and causes a very slight frothing, which can be easily controlled. One gram of reduced
iron is sufficient in all ordinary complete fertilizers.
Magnesia is preferred to caustic soda in the distillation because it produces less frothing and by
reason of the danger of some of the soda-lye being carried over mechanically and thus tending to
produce an error of a plus nature. In the use of magnesia, assurance must be had that it is strongly
in excess. Being less active in its effects a longer time for the distillation must be taken than when
soda-lye is used. The modified ulsch method just described is recommended provisionally and with
the expectation that each analyst will ascertain its true merits before allowing it to displace longer
approved processes.
207. Method of Schlösing-Wagner.—The Schlösing-Wagner method for estimating nitrogen in
the nitrates of fertilizers is carried out at the Halle Experiment Station as follows:[175]
A flask, figure 14, of about 250 cubic centimeters capacity, is provided with a rubber stopper
with two holes. Through one of them is passed the stem of a funnel carrying a glass stop-cock. The
other carries a delivery-tube leading to the receiving vessel. The end of the delivery tube is bent so
as to pass easily under the mouth of the measuring burette and is covered with a piece of rubber
tubing.
Fifty cubic centimeters of saturated ferrous chlorid solution and the same quantity of ten per
cent hydrochloric acid are placed in the flask. The ferrous chlorid solution is obtained by dissolving
nails or other small pieces of iron in hot hydrochloric acid and it is kept in glass stoppered flasks, of
about fifty cubic centimeters capacity, entirely filled. The content of one flask is enough for about
twelve determinations and by using the whole content of a flask as soon as possible after opening,
any danger of oxidation which would take place in a large flask frequently opened is avoided.
Figure. 14.
Schlösing-Wagner Apparatus.
The contents of the flask are boiled until all the air is driven off.
The delivery-tube is then placed under the measuring-tube, which is
filled with forty per cent potash-lye. The measuring-tube is previously
almost filled with potash-lye and then a few drops of water added
and the tube covered with a piece of filter-paper. By a careful and
quick inversion the measuring-tube can be brought into the vessel
receiving it without any danger of air entering. The boiling is
continued for some time and when no more air escapes, the end of
the delivery-tube is brought into another freshly filled measuring-tube
and the estimation is commenced.
Ten cubic centimeters of a normal saltpeter solution, containing
two and a half grams of pure sodium nitrate in 100 cubic centimeters
are placed in the funnel and, with continued boiling, allowed to pass,
drop by drop, into the flask. When almost all has run out the funnel is
washed three times with ten cubic centimeters of ten per cent
hydrochloric acid and this is allowed to pass, drop by drop, into the
flask. When no more nitric oxid is evolved the measuring-tube is
transferred to a large jar filled with distilled water.
The solution of the substance to be examined should be taken in
such quantity as will give about the same quantity of gas as is
furnished by the ten cubic centimeters test nitrate solution before
described; viz., about seventy cubic centimeters. Eight or ten
determinations can be made, one following the other, and at the end
another determination with normal sodium nitrate solution should be
made as a check. At the end of the operation all of the measuring-
tubes are in the large jar filled with distilled water. The temperature of
the surrounding water will soon be imparted to the contents of each
tube and the volume of nitric oxid is read by bringing the level within
and without the measuring-tube to the same point. The percentages
are calculated for the given temperature and barometer pressure in
the usual way; or to avoid computation the volume can be compared
directly with the volume furnished by a normal nitrate solution, which
is a much simpler method.
208. Schmitt’s Modified Method.—The method is a modification
of that already described by the author in which a mixture of
powdered zinc and iron is used as a reducing agent.[176] The
process is carried out as follows: Ten grams of the nitrate are
dissolved and the volume made up to half a liter. Ten cubic
centimeters of glacial acetic acid and ten grams of the fine metallic
powder, iron and zinc, are placed in a flask of a capacity of about
three-quarters of a liter and twenty-five cubic centimeters of the
solution of the nitrate added. The flask is covered during the
reduction to prevent loss by spraying, and after the solution is
complete, which is the case in about ten minutes, the contents of the
flask are diluted with from 200 to 300 cubic centimeters of water,
thirty cubic centimeters of caustic soda of 1.25 specific gravity
added, and the whole distilled as in the kjeldahl process. It must be
noted that it is essential that the iron be finely divided; it is mixed with
the powdered zinc in equal parts. The total nitrogen can be
determined in guanos and nitrate mixtures by the following simple
alteration in procedure: One gram of the substance is dissolved in
water, five cubic centimeters of glacial acetic acid, and from two to
three grams of the mixed metallic powder added, and the whole
gently heated for ten or fifteen minutes. After the contents of the
flask have cooled, twenty-five cubic centimeters of sulfuric acid are
cautiously added in small portions, undue frothing being restrained
by the addition of a fragment of paraffin wax. The acetic acid is then
driven off by heating, and the remaining contents of the flask boiled
until the organic matter is completely decomposed, as in the kjeldahl
process. About two hours boiling is required. Neutralization and
distillation are then practiced as in the ordinary manner. The method
is also applicable to the determination of nitrates in drinking water,
provided nitrites and ammonia be absent.
209. Krüger’s Method for Nitric Acid.—About three-tenths
gram of the substance dissolved in water is mixed with twenty cubic
centimeters of a hydrochloric acid solution of stannous chlorid
holding 150 grams of tin per liter.[177] One and a half grams of
spongy tin prepared by the action of zinc on stannous chlorid are
added. The flask containing the mixture is heated until the tin is
dissolved, by which time the nitric acid is completely reduced. The
subsequent distillation and titration are accomplished as usual. In the
case of nitro and nitroso compounds, after the solution of the tin,
twenty cubic centimeters of sulfuric acid are added and heated until
sulfuric vapors escape. After cooling, the amido substances formed
are oxidized by potassium bichromate before the distillation takes
place.
Krüger also estimates the nitrogen in benzol, pyridin, and chinolin
derivatives by dissolving them in sulfuric acid, using from two-tenths
to eight-tenths of a gram of the alkaloidal bodies and, after cooling
the solution, oxidizing by adding finely powdered potassium
bichromate.[178] About half a gram more of the potassium
bichromate should be used than is necessary for the oxidation of the
substances in solution. The entire oxidation does not consume more
than from fifteen to thirty minutes.
SODIUM NITRATE.
210. Functions of Sodium Nitrate.—Practically the only form of
oxidized nitrogen which is of importance from an agronomic point of
view is sodium nitrate, often known in commerce by the name Chile
saltpeter. Applied to a growing crop it at once becomes dissolved at
the first rainfall or by the natural moisture of the soil. It carries thus to
the rootlets of plants a supply of nitrogen in the most highly available
state. There is perhaps no other kind of plant food which is offered to
the living vegetable in a more completely predigested state, and
none to which a quicker response will be given. By reason of its high
availability, however, it must be used with care. A too free use of
such a stimulating food may have, in the end, an injurious effect
upon the crop, and is quite certain to lead to the waste of a
considerable portion of expensive material. For this reason sodium
nitrate should be applied with extreme care, in small quantities at a
time and only when it is needed by the growing crop. It would be
useless, for instance, to apply this fertilizer in the autumn with the
expectation of its benefitting the crop to a maximum degree the
following spring. Again, if the application of this salt should be made
just previous to a heavy rain almost or quite the whole of it would be
removed beyond the reach of the absorbing organs of the plant.
When once the nitric acid has been absorbed by the living rootlet
it is held with great tenacity. Living plants macerated in water give up
only a trace of nitric acid, but if they be previously killed with
chloroform the nitric acid they contain is easily leached out.
The molecule of sodium nitrate is decomposed in the process of
the absorption of the nitric acid. The acid enters the plant organism
and the soda is excreted and left to combine with the soil acids. The
nascent soda may thus play a role of some importance in
decomposing particles of minerals containing potash or phosphoric
acid. It is probable that the decomposition of the sodium nitrate takes
place in the cells of the absorbing plant organs for it is difficult to
understand how it could be accomplished externally. While the soda
therefore is of no importance as a direct plant food it can hardly be
dismissed as of no value whatever in the process of fertilization.
Many of the salts of soda as, for instance, common salt, are quite
hygroscopic and serve to attract moisture from the air and thus
become carriers of water between the plant and the air in seasons of
drought; and sodium nitrate itself is so hygroscopic as not to be
suited to the manufacture of gunpowder.
To recapitulate: The chief functions of sodium nitrate are to give
to the plant a supply of oxidized nitrogen ready for absorption into its
tissues and incidentally to aid, by the residual soda, in the
decomposition of silt particles containing potash or phosphoric acid
and in supplying to the soil salts of a more or less deliquescent
nature.
211. Commercial Forms of Chile Saltpeter.—The Chile
saltpeter of commerce may reach the farmer or analyst in the lumpy
state in which it is shipped or as finely ground and ready for
application to the fields. Unless the farmer is provided with means for
grinding, the latter condition is much to be preferred. It permits of a
more even distribution of the salt and thus encourages economy in
its use. For the chemist also it is advantageous to have the finely
ground material, which condition permits more easily a perfect
sampling, a process which, with the unground salt, is attended with
no little difficulty.
212. Percentage of Nitrogen in Chile Saltpeter.—Chemically
pure sodium nitrate contains 16.49 per cent of nitrogen. The salt of
commerce is never pure. It contains moisture, potash, magnesia,
lime, sulfur, chlorin, iodin, silica and insoluble materials, and traces
of other bodies. The value of the salt depends, therefore, not only on
the market value of nitrogen at the time of sale, but also on its
content of nitrogen. The nitrate of commerce varies greatly in its
nitrogen content and is sold on a guaranty of its purity. The best
grades range in nitrogen from fifteen to sixteen per cent. The content
of nitrogen has long been estimated in the trade by determining the
other constituents and counting the rest as nitrogen. This practice
arose in former times when no convenient method was at hand for
determining nitric nitrogen. The process is tiresome and unreliable
because all errors of every kind are accumulated in the nitrogen
content, but inasmuch as the method is still required by many
merchants, the analyst should be acquainted with it, and it is
therefore given further along. The usual methods for determining
nitric nitrogen may be applied in all cases where samples of sodium
nitrate are under examination, but some special processes are
added for convenience.
213. Adulteration of Chile Saltpeter.—The analyst is the only
protector of the farmer in guarding against the practice of
adulteration of sodium nitrate aside from the honesty of the dealer.
Even the honest dealer is compelled to protect himself against fraud,
and therefore, the world over, commerce in this fertilizer is now
conducted solely on the analyst’s certificate. Happily, therefore,
adulteration is almost unknown because it is certain to be detected.
Formerly, the saltpeter was adulterated with common salt, or low
grade salts from the potash mines; but it is an extremely rare thing
now to find any impurities in the salts other than those naturally
present.
In every case the analyst may grow suspicious when he finds the
content of nitrogen in a sample to fall below thirteen per cent. It must
not be forgotten, however, that some potassium nitrate may be
present in the sample, and since that salt contains only 13.87 per
cent of nitrogen its presence would tend to lower the value of the
fertilizer; but although the potash itself is a fertilizer of value it is not
worth more than one-third as much as nitrogen. In all cases of
suspected adulteration, it is advisable to make a complete analysis.
The results of this work will, as a rule, lead the analyst to a correct
judgment.
Figure. 15.
Halle Nitric Acid Apparatus.
214. The Halle Zinc-Iron Method.—For determining the nitrogen

in Chile saltpeter the reduction method is conducted at the Halle
Station as follows:[179] Ten grams of the nitrate are dissolved in one
liter and fifty cubic centimeters of the solution corresponding to half a
gram of the sample, taken for each determination. The apparatus
employed is shown in Fig. 15. A mixture of five grams of zinc dust
and an equal weight of iron filings is employed as the source of
hydrogen. The reduction takes place in an alkaline medium secured
by adding to the other materials mentioned, eighty cubic centimeters
of soda-lye of 1.30 specific gravity. The respective quantities of iron
and zinc may be measured instead of weighed, as exact proportions
are not required. After the addition of all the materials the flask is
allowed to stand for an hour at room temperature. The distillation is
then commenced and continued until at least 100 cubic centimeters
of distillate have been collected. The receiving flasks are ordinary
erlenmeyers, each of which contains twenty cubic centimeters of set
sulfuric acid, as in the usual kjeldahl process. The flasks are sealed
with a few drops of water by the device shown in the figure. After the
end of the operation the water in each one is washed back into its
proper flask with freshly boiled water. During the vigorous evolution
of hydrogen, at the beginning of the operation, some kind of a safety
arrangement is necessary to prevent the particles of soda-lye being
carried over by the bubbles of that gas. The siphon bulb shown in
the figure is found effective for this purpose. In this operation better
results are obtained by condensing the escaping steam, and for this
reason the block tin tubes are conducted through a tank supplied
with a current of cold water. The ends of the tubes should not dip
below the surface of the liquid in the receivers. When the condensed
liquid collects in considerable quantities in the safety tube the lamp
should be extinguished under the flask, which permits the return of
the liquid to the flask by means of the siphon. This should be done
two or three times during the progress of the distillation to prevent a
too high concentration of the soda-lye, thus endangering the flask.
The excess of the acid in the receiver is determined by titration, as in
the regular kjeldahl method. Blank determinations should be made,
from time to time, and corrections made in harmony therewith.
215. Method of the French Sugar Chemists.—The nitrogen in
Chile saltpeter is estimated by the French chemists according to the
method of Schlösing, described in the first volume, page 500. In
order to avoid the trouble of calculating the results from the volume
of nitric oxid obtained, a determination is first made with a pure salt,
sodium or potassium nitrate. The volume of gas obtained is read
directly without correction and taken for direct comparison. The
comparison is made as follows:
The solutions of the pure salts and of the sample to be analyzed
are made of such a strength as to contain sixty-six grams of sodium
nitrate, or eighty grams of potassium nitrate, in a liter. Five cubic
centimeters of such a solution will yield a little less than 100 cubic
centimeters of nitric oxid under usual conditions. Let the volume of
gas obtained with the pure salt be v; and that with the sample be v′.
The calculation is then made from the equation:
v′ = x
v 100
Example: Let ninety-five cubic centimeters be
the volume of gas from five cubic centimeters of the
pure salt (sodium nitrate), and 91.5 cubic
centimeters be the volume of gas from five cubic
centimeters of the sample; then
91.5 x
= , whence x = 96.31.
95 100
Hence the sample analyzed contains 96.31 per
cent of sodium nitrate. Since the pure sodium nitrate
contains 16.47 per cent of nitrogen the sample
under examination would contain
16.47 × 96.31
= 15.86 per cent.
100
It is evident that this comparative method is quite easy of
application when the sample under examination has no other nitrate
in it except that combined with the one base.
216. Volumetric Method of Gantter.—The process proposed by
Gantter for determining the nitrogen, volumetrically, in Chile saltpeter
and other nitrates is based on the following principles:[180]
(1) If a nitrate be heated in contact with sulfuric and phosphorous
acids, nitrous acid will be formed.
(2) If nitrous acid be boiled with ammonium chlorid, nitrogen will
be quantitatively evolved from both compounds. These processes
are illustrated by the following formulas:
(a) N₂O₅ + P₂O₃ = N₂O₃ + P₂O₅.

(b) N₂O₃ + 2NH₄Cl = 2N₂ + 3H₂O + 2HCl.
Figure. 16.
Gantter’s Nitrogen Apparatus.
It is seen from the above that the nitrate will give, by this
treatment, double the volume of nitrogen which it contains. In
practice, the two reactions may be secured in one operation by
warming the nitrate solution slowly with sulfuric and phosphorous
acids and ammonium chlorid. The nitric acid, as it becomes free,
gives a part of its oxygen to the phosphorous compound, and the
nitrous acid, in a nascent state, is at once reduced by the ammonium
chlorid. There are two sources of error which must be guarded
against in the work; a portion of the nitrogen may escape reduction
to the elementary state, or some of the nitrate may fail to be
decomposed. These errors are easily avoided if the reaction be
begun slowly, so that the evolution of gas may be gradual. The
temperatures at first should, therefore, be kept as low as possible.
The development of red fumes, showing the presence of
undecomposed nitrogen oxids, shows that the results will be too low.
It is necessary, also, to provide for the absorption of the hydrochloric
acid which is formed. The reaction is very conveniently conducted in
the apparatus shown in Fig. 16. The decomposition takes place in
the flask A and the mixed gases pass into the absorption bulb C. The
delivery-tube is very much expanded, as shown in the figure, so that
no soda-lye can enter A during the cooling of the flask. The
absorption bulb is connected with A and B by the tubes a and b as
shown. The tube d connects the apparatus with the gasvolumeter.
[181] The bulb B serves as a pipette for the introduction of the
decomposing acid. The operation is conducted as follows: Three
cubic centimeters of the nitrate solution, containing no more than
300 milligrams of substance, are placed in the flask A with half a
gram each of crystallized ammonium chlorid and phosphorous acid.
In the bulb B are placed seven cubic centimeters of sulfuric acid to
which has been added one-third its volume of water. Two cubic
centimeters of acid are allowed to flow from B into A. The apparatus
is brought to a constant temperature by being immersed in a large
cylinder, E, containing water at a temperature which can easily be
controlled. When this constant temperature has been reached the
apparatus is taken from the cooling cylinder which contains also a
smaller cylinder, D, nearly filled with water and connected through f′
with the measuring apparatus M. The barometer-tube F is half filled
with colored water so that the pressure may be equalized before and
after the operation. The flask A is warmed very gently at first, and the
nitrogen evolved is conducted into D driving an equivalent volume of
water into M. The evolution of the gas must be carefully controlled
and the heat at once removed if it become too rapid. The
appearance of a red color shows the evolution of oxids of nitrogen
rendering the analysis inexact. When the evolution of nitrogen has
nearly ceased the lamp is removed and some more sulfuric acid
allowed to flow into A from B, after which A is again heated, this time
to the boiling-point. All vapors of hydrochloric acid produced are
absorbed by the soda-lye in C. The boiling is continued a few
minutes, but not long enough to darken the liquid in A. After
replacing the apparatus in the cylinder E and bringing both
temperature and pressure to the same point as before the beginning
of the operation, the volume of nitrogen evolved is determined by
measuring the water in M.

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The Palgrave Handbook Of

Anti-Communist Persecutions 1st

ISBN 978-3-030-54962-6 ISBN 978-3-030-54963-3 (eBook)

Cover credit: National Geographic Image Collection/Alamy Stock Photo

This book is a collective effort to make anti-communist persecutions and their

Introduction: Anti-Communist Persecutions in the Twentieth

Part I Policies and Practices of Persecution

The Smith Act Trials and Systemic Violence: Anti-Communist

The Continuities and Discontinuities of Anti-Leftist State

Franco’s Anti-Communist Judicial System: Results

Laboratories of the Conditio Humana: The Role

Maoist Insurgency and the State’s Counterinsurgency in India:

Getting Hold of a Universe of Conspirators: Anti-Communist

Part II Anti-Communism in the Context of Nation-Building,

How Anti-Communism Disrupted Decolonization: South

Redefining the Outsider: Anti-Communist Narratives

The Black and Red Scare in the Twentieth-Century United

Christian Agency in Anti-Communist Persecution?

Part III Anti-Communist Persecution and New Models of

Killing Communists: Stalinist Repression and the “Great

Nation-Building as Anti-Communist Violence: The Armed

Part IV The Role of Non-State Actors

Non-state Anti-Communism and Political Violence

The Religious Justification of Anti-Communist Persecutions

From World War One to the Vanguard of Nazism? A Statistical

The Persecution of Communists in Mao’s China 363

A Short History of Anti-Communist Violence in Colombia

Part V Responses of the Persecuted

“So That They Leave the Prison Cage as Conscious

Women, Communism, and Repression in Interwar Poland:

Indonesian Narratives of Survival in and after 1965 and Their

Remembering Anti-Communist Violence in Rural Society

The Left in Turkey: Emergence, Persecutions and Left-Wing

Part VI Concluding Remarks

Anti-Communist Persecutions Between Globe-Spanning

Ernesto Bohoslavsky Universidad Nacional de General Sarmiento, Los

Janis Nalbadidacis Department of History, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin,

Remembering Anti-Communist Violence in Rural Society in

Introduction: Anti-Communist Persecutions in the Twentieth

The Continuities and Discontinuities of Anti-Leftist State

From World War One to the Vanguard of Nazism? A Statistical

In his science-fiction novel The Iron Heel of 1908, which he framed as an

© The Author(s) 2020 1

famines; and armed uprisings, international revolutions, and wars between

Table 1 List of major

5 StéphaneCourtois et al., The Black Book of Communism: Crimes, Terror, Repression

The State of Research

governments’ policies, secret services, and covert actions.10 This literature

Genève était le centre du mouvement anticommuniste international (Geneva: Éditions

16 “The Story of the Communist Party”, July 1961, https://www.google.com/url?sa=

several Latin American regimes and the US-American government to repress

Some Basic Observations

fields of thought through a combination of laws, violence, threats, and propa-

35 SeeBristol et al., Anatomie: 54 and A. Rumjanzew, „Statt eines Vorworts“, in:

40 Osti Guerrazzi, „Antikommunismus“: 171.

and have no connection to each other.”46 This led to factual dissolution,

46 Quoted in Ibu Marni, “I am a Leaf in the Storm”, Indonesia 47 (1989): 56.

(1) K₂SO₄ + H₂SO₄ = 2KHSO₄.

(2) 2KHSO₄ = K₂S₂O₇ + H₂O.

(3) K₂S₂O₇ = K₂SO₄ + SO₃.

2KHSO₄ = K₂SO₄ + H₂O + SO₃.

214. The Halle Zinc-Iron Method.—For determining the nitrogen

(a) N₂O₅ + P₂O₃ = N₂O₃ + P₂O₅.