Considerations on Bribery in Ancient Egypt

Author(s): Hassan El-Saady

Source: Studien zur Altägyptischen Kultur , 1998, Bd. 25 (1998), pp. 295-304
Published by: Helmut Buske Verlag GmbH

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 Considerations on Bribery in Ancient Egypt*

von

Hassan El-Saady

Abstract
This paper deals with the terminology and available examples of bribery in Ancient Egypt. This is based
on the textual evidences of administration, biographies as well as religious texts. Is also highlights the
different kinds of bribery and the various punishments, which were enacted against the bribers.

?The vice of greed (is) a gravious sickness without cure", Ptah-Hotep.

It is well-known that Ancient Egyptian society regulated its order according to Macet,
including the ethical structure. Nevertheless, breakdowns in this structure occurred
frequently, owing to the political, economic, social, religious and other human fields of
activity1.
In spite of the difficulty in achieving a clear definition of ..corruption"2; bribery stands
by itself as an obvious part of it. Apart from the controverted cases of bribery and their
various occurrences in texts, the present writer aims in this paper to highlight the scattered
examples which deal with bribery in Ancient Egypt as well as he can, and also to discuss
their terminology and circumstances.
Needless to say, the officials in the administration left documents and biographies which
represent the repertory for such studies. It is noteworthy that the instructions of Ptah-Hotep,
at any rate, do not refer to bribery specifically3. Probably because of the overall tone in

I owe deep gratitude to Prof. K. A. Kitchen for having generously supplying me with some of the cited
references here and discussing this output in its first form.
1 See J. Assmann, Macat: Gerechtigkeit und Unsterblichkeit im Alten Agypten, 1990; M. Lichtheim,
Maat in Egyptian Autobiographies and related studies, OBO 120, 1992, Ch. 1; B. Menu, Recherches
sur Thistoire Juridique, Economic et Sociale de 1'Ancienne Egypte, 1982, ch. 1/1; H. Brunner, Die
religiose Antwort auf die Korruption in Agypten, in: W. Schuller (ed.), Korruption im Altertum:
Konstanzer Symposium. Oktober 1979, 1982, 74.
2 W. Helck, ?Korruption" im Alten Agypten, in: W. Schuller (ed.), Korruption im Altertum: Konstanzer
Symposium. Oktober 1979, 1982, 65.
3 Cf. Z. 2aba, Les maximes de Ptah-hotep, 1956, passim; M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature I,
1975, 62- 73.

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 296 H. El-Saady SAK 25

these instructions as well as the lack of opportunity for the layman to express himself in
the Old Kingdom when the highly organized administration reached one of its peaks.
The first obvious allusions to bribery would be reflected in the petitions of the Eloquent
Peasant, when Egypt was still suffering from the crisis of decentralization. The petitioner
accused the magistrates who exculpated Nemtynakht, and even the mayor who did not take
any action against them, that they benefited in some way4.
Owing to his eloquence, the words used are rhetorical rather than explicit. Hence, the
bribery is described as ..portion": hrt and the action itself could be ..snatch": hnp; when he
says to the mayor ?your portion is in your house ; a jug of beer and three loaves... The
judges snatch what has been stolen"5. Then, when his anguish is rising, the reaction
becomes evident as reflected in describing the judges literally as ..greasy baskets"; mndm
pw rdyw sdmw; which refers to taking bribes6. Moreover, the action of bribery, as give and
take between the corrupted magistrates and the mayor, is clearly echoed in this passage of
the eighth petition as follows: ..Your portion is in your house, your belly is full ... the
magistrates give and you take. Are you then a robber?..."7. This is an obvious instance of
administrative fraud, it also repeats the rhetorical naming of bribery as ..portion", while the
recipient is eventually called a ..robber": rlwys.
The above mentioned words for bribery and briber could be considered as exceptional
usage; this is owing to the nature of the literary category of the ..Eloquent Peasant". Thus,
their uncommon use in the text in question, is definitely understandable.
Amongst several types of instructions in Egyptian literature9; those of Merikarec and
Amenemope refer openly to bribery in two different approaches and different terms. The
first which is addressed to Merikarec tends to enhance the capability of his administration
as a promising King, whereas the advice states:
?Advance your officials so that they act by your laws; he who has wealth at home will
not be partial, he is a rich man who lacks nothing. The poor man does not speak justly, not
righteous is one who says ?I wish I had", he inclines to whom who will pay him nb dblw10.

4 See F. Vogelsang, Kommentar zu den Klagen des Bauern, in: K. Sethe (ed.), Untersuchungen zur
Geschichte und Altertumskunde Aegyptens 6,1913; Lichtheim, Literature 1,169-184; R.B.Parkinson,
The Tale of the Eloquent Peasant, 1991.
5 Vogelsang, op.cit., 88-90, 92-4; Parkinson, op.cit., 23; 124-5, 130.
6 Lichtheim, Literature I, 175; Vogelsang, op.cit., 119-21; Parkinson, op.cit., 26, 164.
7 Lichtheim, Literature I, 180.
8 Vogelsang, op.cit., 208; Parkinson, op.cit., 43, 333.
9 Cf. for the instructions of Amenemhat I, Ani, Ankhsheshanq respectively; M. Lichtheim, Literature I,
135-9, II 135- 46, III 159-84; for Ani in: ANET, 419-20; for Ankhsheshanq in: M. Lichtheim, Late
Egyptian Wisdom literature in the International Context: A Study of Demotic Instructions, OBO 52,
1983, 13ff.
10 Lichtheim, Literature I, 100; W. Helck, Die Lehre ftir Konig Merikare, 1977, 24-5.

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 1998 Considerations on Bribery in Ancient Egypt 297

This previous passage would afford two noticeable points; the first is the phrase nb dbiw
which denotes the briber. It is derived from the verb dbi(w); to bribe and its derivatives
which may refer in context either to ordinary repayment and instead (n dbi; r- dbi), or the
sense of bribery11.
The second point refers to a worthwhile principle recognized in administration, since
the poverty of officials would provoke corruption and partiality in consequence, while the
who is well-off in his office did not need to be bribed12.

The disadvantages of partiality is well-expressed in Amenemope's instructions to his

son for being an efficient official13, hence he says in ch. 20: ?Do not accept the bribery (lit.
gift; fqiw) of a powerful man, and deprive the weak for his sake, Maat is a great gift of
god"14. This latter passage gives fqi(w) as a word for bribery, alongside the meaning of
(honest) gift or reward15. It also incorporates the notion of supply or special provisions
mainly in administration16.
Some of the royal decrees also implied in their codes against corruption a reference to
bribery and its legal punishment. The two striking examples - as far as I know - are those
of Horemheb and Sety II17.
The decree of Horemheb states a strict enactment against the two judges of Upper and
Lower Egypt, officials and Priests of a harsh punishment for any possible bribery, as it
mentions; ?..Do not receive the bribery (lit. reward: fqiw) of another ... [how then] shall
those like you judge others, while there is one among you committing crime against justice
... For any official or any priest...(.. who) opposes justice, it shall be against him a capital

11 For meaning and derivatives of dblw ft Jj Ik <* "^ see, WB V, 559; Faulkner, CD, 321; Meeks, Annee
lexicographique I, 446; III, 439; P. Vermis, Affaires et Scandales sous les Ramses, 1993, 248.
12 Helck, ..Korruption" im Alten Agypten, 67.
13 ANET, 421-25; Lichtheim, Literature II, 146-63; H.O. Lange, Das Weisheitsbuch des Amenemope,
1925. Another example in pBerlin 3034 can be likely quoted concerning the relation between payments
and partiality in the opening three mutilated lines in the text of ?the man who was tired of life"; see,
R.O. Faulkner, in: JEA 42, 1956, 21, 22; 1-3.
14 Lange, op.cit., 104-5, esp. 104; 3-4; F. Griffith, in: JEA 12,1926, 218; Brunner, Die religiose Antwort
auf die Korruption in Agypten, 72.
15 For fql(w) *S/:r1|\c= and its further meanings; see, Wb I, 579; Faulkner, CD, 98; Meeks, Annee
lexicographique I, 144; Vemus, op.cit., 246-7.
16 A. Spalinger, in: SAK 13, 1986, 240-44; S. Quirke, The Administration of Egypt in the Late Middle
Kingdom: The Hieratic Documents, 1990, 48, no. 9, 58, 62. It also refers to royal supplies (e.g.
maintenance costs, access to normal daily supply or food...) to individual officials in return for official
service; ibid., 106-7.
17 See for both decrees, BAR III, ? 45- 67; M. Mtiller, in: ZAS 26,1888,70-94; Kitchen, Ram. Inscr. IV,
263-66.

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 298 H. El-Saady SAK 25

crime"18. This decree, however, adopts fqi(w) for bribery, but it rather adds an explicit
description for it as a crime or eventually a capital crime (bti ri)19, for which the sentence
would be the death penalty20. Meanwhile a reference to the level of bribery used to be given
to recipients is mentioned in these passages of the decree, as it was either silver, gold or
copper21.
The decree of Sety II at Karnak also deals with any bribery that may be committed
mainly by the priesthood. The relevant passage of the decree runs as follows:
?... His [majesty decreed] that command be given to the bearer of Amon, Mut and
[Khons] in Thebes; the good and gracious, (and) for all [the gods and god]esses of the
South and North, [(to) the god's fathers?], (to) the wr6-priests and lectors, that anything
nkt(w) should (not) be allowed to be required from them (namely; to be bribed), by any
prophet who functions in the [time of his majesty?].
[As for any prophet of whom it shall be heard that] (he) requires any bribe (lit. anything;
nkt(w)) from them, one shall dismiss him from his post, being reduced to a field-labourer.
[As for any bearer, any god's father, any wr6-priests and any lector] of whom it shall be
heard that he gives any bribe (lit. anything; nkt(w)) to the prophet, he shall [be dismissed
from] his post, being reduced to a field-labourer; one shall cause the [law] to be executed
[against him ...]"22.
Here, we would notice two important points. The first is the additional term for bribe

as ?anything", nkt(w) ^p X23. Whilst the second is the punishment which exceeds the mere
dismissal from a post, by degrading an offender socially to be just a field labourer, i.e. at
the bottom of the social pyramid.
In dealing with royal reaction towards bribery, the present writer is inclined to suggest
another example which may stand at the edge of the sphere of bribery, if viewed at national
level. That is during the time of the Hyksos regime when Kamose was preparing to expel
them from the North, while his nobles spoke in the counsel preferring to keep the status
quo since - as they said - ?their (the Hyksos) fields are ploughed for us, our cattle are
pastured in the Delta, emmer is sent for our pigs and our cattle have not been taken
away"24.

18 BAR III, ? 63-4; B.G. Davies, Egyptian Historical Records of the Later Eighteenth Dynasty, fasc. VI,
1995,81.
19 U. Bouriant, in: RecTrav. 6, 1835,46; 5,47;6.
20 BAR III, ? 64a; C. Lalouette, Textes sacres et textes profanes de l'ancienne Egypt, 1984, 83.
21 Helck, ?Korruption" im Alten Agypten, 67.
22 Kitchen, Ram.Inscr. IV, 266; 1-4.
23 Vernus, Affaires et Scandales, 246.
24 ANET, 232; CAH 2/1,291; A. Gardiner, in: JEA 3,1916,103; B. Gunn/A. Gardiner, in: JEA 5,1918,
46.

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 1998 Considerations on Bribery in Ancient Egypt 299

These latter privileges were described by Van Seters in his account on the Hyksos as
..generous rights", whereas the nobles were reluctant to precipitate the break and suffer a
great deal of loss25. And since these benefits - as implied in the text - were restricted to the
nobles rather than all the Egyptians, the present writer would consider the nobles' common
defence of keeping the Hyksos privileges as implying a specific form of bribery, by which
the decision-making would be influenced to the point of high treason, although this concept
is never expressed openly.
Amongst the vast extent of the biographies of high officials we may quote the available
ones - as far as we can - where the reference to the harms of the vice of bribery is quite
obvious, and consequently each one exculpates himself constantly of committing this
offence.
Menthu-weser who functioned in many offices in the time of Sesostris I26 boasts himself
as ?the one who did not allow partiality towards the briber (nb dblw)"21.
Paheri who was a high official at the time of Hatshepsut28 states the matter as ?I never
received bribes (hsy(w)) from the revenues29. The importance of this passage stands in its

offering another term for bribery namely hsy(w) s ^ ^, which might have been used
only since the time of the 18 th. Dynasty30.
Yet another is Rekhmirec, vizier of Thotmosis III, who deals extensively with the
relevant point of our research by saying ?... I judged great matter (?) [I caused] both parties
to go forth at peace. I did not per[vert] justice for bribes (dblw). I was not deaf to empty
handed, for indeed, I never accepted anyone's bribe hsy(w)... I judged the suppliant, I did
not incline to one side. I did not pay attention (lit. set the brow) to rewards (bribes;
dblw)"31.
We would note here the condemnation of bribery as a cause of partiality, as well as two
different terms for it were used in the latter passage; i.e. dbl(w), hsy(w).
The last example in this category is derived from pAnast. Ill, where Amenemope the
high official in Merenptah's reign boasts himself as ?... a lover of justice ... he (who) does
not take bribery (fql) from the guilty..."32. This text speaks obviously for itself.

25 J. Van Seters, The Hyksos: A New Investigation, 1966, 167.

26 E.g. steward, overseer of granary, overseer of labor-force (people), overseer of cattle ...; see for the
whole text, C. Ransom, The Stela of Menthu-weser, 1913.
27 Sethe, Lesestucke, 79; 19; Idem, Erlauterungen zu den agyptischen Lesestticken, 1927, 125.
28 He started his career earlier than her reign and reached the position of Mayor of El- Kab; see, S. Ratie,
La Reine Hatshepsut: Sources et Problemes, 1979, 338.
29 Urk. IV, 118; 17; 58-9.

30 (Var. ?-A hsy, hsiy), Wb III, 332-3; Faulkner, CD, 197; Vernus, Affaires et Scandales, 247.
31 Davies, Rekh-mi-Rec, 81 -2.
32 LEM, 21(1,7-8); R.A. Caminos, Late-Egyptian Miscellanies, 1954, 69, 72 (1,7-8).

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 300 H. El-Saady SAK 25

In effect, one would not invisage that bribery had never occurred or been recorded in
Egyptian documents. Thus, the following examples would exemplify bribery in some
actual incidents of administrative fraud either in the tomb-robberies investigations or at the
village of Deir-El Medinah. The most striking instances of which are the cases of the chief
workman Paneb, the scribe Qenherkhepeshef and the quarryman Amonpanefer. Besides
those which are cited from some legal dockets as minor cases.
As for Paneb, he attained his higher office within a long career which started at the end
of Ramesses II's reign, lasting until the seventh of Ramesses III33. His corruption reached
its peak during the time of Sety II where he was backed by the vizier Pere-em-hab. In his
impeachment recorded in pSalt 124 (BM 10055)34 two cases of bribery may be noted as
stated by his rival Amennakht. The first concerns the passing over the right which is
claimed by the latter to inherit the position of chief-workman after the mysterious death of
his brother Neferhotep, the successor of their father Nebnefer. He states that Paneb ?gave
(rdv, bribed) five servants of my father to Pere-em-hab who was then vizier... [and he put
him in the place of?] my father [...]"35.
Apart from the case itself as showing a corrupt way to achieve a certain target, the legal
view of inheriting the post by Paneb as a foster son is still controversial since he had in
heritance-rights through his adoptive father's property36.
This two-pronged case of corruption committed by a vizier and chief-workman is
paralleled by another one who was bribed also by Paneb, but this time to facilitate his
intruding into and robbing three tombs. It is stated in the text of impeachment that ?...
Paneb bribed (gave; rdi) something to the [scribe] Qenherkhepeshef and he took it out"37;
(may be some of the tomb fittings).
It is worth noting that the bribe here is denoted by the word ..something"; nkt(w), while
the bribe itself was described straightforwardly by rdi(t); ?to give"38.
Qenherkhepeshef who held the scribal office for approximately five decades (i.e. 46
years as minimum and 54 as maximum) from the reign of Ramesses II up to that of Sety

33 For Paneb's career and fraud see, Cerny, Community, 301-5; Vemus, Affaires et Scandales, 101-20;
J. Janssen, Two Personalities, in: R.J. Demaree/J. Janssen (eds.), Gleanings from Deir El- Medina,
1982,113-5; D. de Valbelle, Les Ouvriers de la Tombe: Deir El-Medineh a l'epoque Ramesside, IFAO
1985, 77-8, 107.
34 See for the whole impeachment of Paneb; J. Cerny, in: JEA 15,1929, 244- 6; Kitchen, Ram.Inscr. IV,
408-14.
35 Cerny, op.cit., 244; Kitchen, Ram.Inscr. IV, 408; 13-4.
36 See and cf.,M.Bierbrier, The Tomb-builders of the Pharaohs, 1992,108; Vemus, Affaires et Scandales,
102-4.
37 Cerny, op.cit., 245; Kitchen, Ram.Inscr. IV, 410; 3-6.
38 Kitchen, Ram.Inscr. IV, 410; 5.

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 1998 Considerations on Bribery in Ancient Egypt 301

II39, stood accused in another bribery case. It is stated in O. Gardiner 197, v. 3-6 where ?In
year 9 (of Merenptah) the workman RaTiotep shaved the hair of the scribe Qenher
khepeshef. He gave him nine balls of yarn, after he had concealed his misdeeds"40.
If we consider the triangle of fraud consisted by Pere-em-hab, Paneb, and Qenher
khepeshef as one entity, we would say that they exploited the perks of their positions to the
extreme. Undoubtedly, both officials at Deir-El-Medinah were backed by the vizier whose
strong position on the one hand and impure character on the other enabled him to be
involved with the two corrupt officials. However, the list of crimes and misdeeds by the
two vain men would have been finally punished by a dismissal from their jobs. Although
we only have textual evidence about Paneb's removal from office41, we would speculate
that did not occur until the time of the vizier Hori who succeeded Pere-em-hab42, and
consequently a dismissal of the scribe as well would have happened since he disappeared,
like Paneb, from the contemporary documents. Needless to say that the heavy punishments
applied to all the misdeeds they had both committed, including eventually bribery.
The case of the quarryman Amonpanefer whose looting of several of the tombs with
various gangs was also disclosed after a formal investigation which was done by a high
powered delegation headed by the vizier, as a response to the Mayor Paser's report43.
Amonpanefer confessed when he was arrested for the second time, that he bribed an
official and succeeded in escaping, whereas he committed several robberies. In one of his
confessions stated in pBM 10054 r.(l-ll); he pointed out the case of bribery as he says
during the examination that ?when we were arrested, the scribe of the quarter Khaemope
came to [me] and I gave (rdi(t)) him the 4 kite of gold which had fallen to my lot"44.
The same case is most likely repeated with slight differences in pLeopold II, where
Amonpanefer confessed that he was seized and imprisoned in the office of the mayor after
steeling some tombs of royal and noble members. Then he adds: ?... I took the 20 deben of
gold that had fallen to me as (my) portion, and gave them to Khaemope, the scribe of the

39 Cerny, Community, 329-37.

40 Ibid., 231-2; Kitchen, Ram.Inscr. IV, 159; Vernus, Affaires et Scandales, 104.
41 Cerny, in: JEA 15, 1929, 246; Kitchen, Ram.Inscr. IV, 414; 8; D. de Valbelle, Les Ouvriers de la
Tombe, 54,e.
42 See Cerny, Community, 304; whereas he supposed that Paneb was removed from both the foremanship
and the community of workmen. This harsh punishment most likely was applied to Qenherkhepeshef
as well; cf. C. Eyre, in: Mediterranees No. 6/7, 1996, 191.
43 The examination proved that the tombs of the 17 th. dynasty' s King Sebekemsaef and his wife Nubkhas
were the most important ones robbed by Amonpanefer and his fellows; for the tomb see, H.E. Winlock,
in: JEA 10,1924,237-43; for the documents of these incidents see, T.E. Peet, The Great Tomb Robbe
ries of the Twentieth Egyptian Dynasty, 1930.
44 Ibid., 61-2; Kitchen, Ram.Inscr. VI, 491.

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 302 H. El-Saady SAK 25

quarter ... He released me and I rejoined my companions and they compensated me with
a portion once again. Thus I together with other thieves... have continued down to this day
in the practice of robbing the tombs ...,f45.
It seems very difficult to decide whether Amonpanefer's documents cited above are of
one similar case or two different ones, since the available dates are mostly typical and the
figures of the cases are the same, whilst the bribe differs in quantity and the looted tombs
are mainly royal in the second document rather than of nobles as stated in that of the first
one. Moreover, these considerations make the reconstruction of the order of events some
times difficult as the relevant details are scattered in two different papyri46.
It is noteworthy, however, that the conduct of the above-cited cases against high
officials was handled directly or indirectly by the contemporary viziers either Hori or
Khacemwas. It is well-known that dealing with crimes, abuses and culpable acts formed
part of the vizier's juridicial duties, either by himself or by delegating the Qnbt of the
village to deal with some of them47.
Further cases of bribery may be cited here from legal dockets in pTurin 1887
concerning temple affairs, either in return for illegal service or to conceal some misdeeds.
The first case refers to a prophet was given a bribe ht(w) to let someone enter in before a
god48.
The second one is about the ship's captain of the temple of Khnum who burnt a barge
of the temple along with its mast and tackle. He gave a bribe ht(w) to the agents of the
temple of Khnum, who then did not report about it49.
The third case is a memo concerning a theft from the temples of Anquet. The thieves,
who were mainly from the Deir el-Medinah workforce, were examined, and confessed that
they sold the looted material and received the payment. The mayor [accepted] the bribe
ht(w) from them and let them go50.

45 J. Capart/A.H. Gardiner/B. van de Walle, in: JEA 22, 1936, 171-2.

46 See and cf.; ibid., 184-5, 192; Peet, op.cit., 60-1; A.G. McDowell, Jurisdiction in the Workmen's
community of Deir El-Medina, 1990, 190.
47 See, G.P.F. Van den Broom, The duties of the Vizier, 1988, 315-7. As for the power of the Qnbt and
its limits in the terms of justice see, S. Allam, in: Mediterranees No. 6/7,1996,195ff; M. della Monica,
La Classe Ouvriere sous les Pharaons, 1975, 74-6; McDowell, op.cit., 114-7, 170-9; A. Theodorides,
in: LA I, 765, s.v. Bestechung.
48 pTurinr. (1,14); A. Gardiner, Ramesside Administrative Documents, 1968,75 (1,14); Vermis, Affaires
etScandales, 137.
49 pTurin v. (2,15-6); Gardiner, op.cit., 81 (2,15-6); Vernus, op.cit., 135.
50 pTurin r. (1,3); Gardiner, op.cit., 78 (1,3); Vernus, op.cit., 131.

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 1998 Considerations on Bribery in Ancient Egypt 303

The three previous cases, however, afford us another term for bribe which is ht(w) J ^;
thing51.
It would seem quite astonishing when we discover that bribery is reflected in the world
of deities either as a misdeed or as a matter for exculpation. This is the case in the well
known tale of the contendings (or conflict) of Horus and Seth52, when the judging gods
moved to the island of the Midst asking the ferryman Nemty (cAnty) not to ferry any one
especially Isis. The latter, after disguising herself, tried to bribe Nemty to ferry her by
offering a cake. Nemty says: ..What is it to me, your cake? shall I ferry you ... in exchange
(r-dbl(w)) for your cake"53? Then they made a deal by which she crossed to the island in
return for a golden ring in her hand given to the ferryman.
When the device was disclosed, Nemty (cAnty) was punished before the Ennead by
removing his claws54. This punishment would coincide with the nature of the ferryman in
the story as the falcon Nemty (or cAnty) whose claws are the major part of his power55.
In the sense of exculpating a god: Amon is described in a praise as ?the Vizier of the
poor who does not take bribe (fql) from the guilty"56.
Another prayer to Amon cited in pAnast. II (8,5- 9,1); implies allusions to bribery and
total corruption in the court which the poor can overcome by the defence of Amon. Hence
the prayer runs as follows:
? Amon, thrive ear to one who is alone in the tribunal, who is poor, not rich. When the
tribunal defrauds him of silver and gold for the scribes of the mat, and clothes for the
retainers; perchance Amon transforms himself into a vizier in order to release the poor,
perchance the poor is vindicated; may poverty outstrip wealth"57.
Finally, one may reach the following conclusions:
1) It seems remarkable that although keenness to be exculpated from the charge of
bribery is shown by officials mentioned supra, yet the trend was not universal, since the
Book of the Dead in spell 125 of the negation confession; has no direct mention of bribery,
except as being silently included within the sins of extortion or greed58.

51 Cf. ibid., 245-6.

52 LESt, 37-60; J. Capart, in: CdE 8, 1933, 247ff; Lichtheim, Literature II, 215-23.
53 Gardiner, op.cit., 44 (5, 14).
54 Ibid., 47, (7, 14-8,1).
55 Cf. W. Barta, in: LA IV, 453, s.v. Nemti; E. Otto, in: LA I, 318-9, s.v. Anti.
56 pBologna 1094, 2 (4-5); pAnast. II, 6 (5-7); see also LEM, 2 (4-5); 16 (6; 5-6); R.A. Caminos, Late
Egyptian Miscellanies, 9 (2; 4-5), 50, 7 (6; 5-6).
57 LEM, 17 (8; 5-9; 1); Caminos, op.cit., 56,9 (8; 5-9; 1); McDowell, op.cit., 169; Brunner, Die religiose
Antwort, 72-3.
58 Cf. Lichtheim, Literature II, 125; idem., Maat, 103ff.; R.O. Faulkner, Book of the Dead, 1993,29-31.

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 304 H. El-Saady SAK 25

2) It seems also noticeable that instructions always incline to the ethical ideals in dealing
with bribery, while Royal decrees naturally apply practical remedies.
3) The above mentioned examples afford certain points worthy of note, such as the
nature of bribery which varies from precious metals to clothes and yarns. Also that there
are noticeable ties between corruption and holding positions for long periods, as in the
cases of Paneb and Qenherkhepeshef; while harms would be less to some extent if the
officials are very well-off. Moreover, the legal punishment for bribery was not prescribed
separately, as it might be dealt with as part of a whole sentence against corrupt official. It
varied, however, from death penalty to office removal as well as loss of rank.
4) We would also emphasize the difference between bribery and the mutual greetings
or exchanging of presents between the high officials and their retainers during their official
visits. Some examples would be considered in this respect such as the two silver picks pre
sented by the chief-workman on behalf of his gang's members to the vizier of Ramesses
VI; Neferompet. Or that rewards in return given to the workforce once by the vizier
Panehsy and another by the vizier Pensakhmet of Merenptah, as well as his fellow the chief
of treasury; Tjay, in loaves, sesame-oil, garments and cakes59.
5) The word bribery was expressed in the relevant texts by several terms. Alongside
words that are specifically ?bribery", other words of neutral reference could be used also
to cover this crime. Thus the words dbiw,fqiw, hsyw, nktw and htw would be adopted as
terms of bribery with further addition of the verb rdit, which has to be considered in terms
of context. Moreover. One would disagree with Vernus that these ?cinq termes designant
d'une maniere ou d'une autre le bakchich", since the difference between bribery and tips
is fairly notable. Any further study, however, on tips in Ancient Egypt will be most
welcome60.

59 O. Berlin, P 12654; Kitchen, Ram.Inscr. VI, 345; O. C GC 25504, r. 2 v. 1, r. 2 (2-3); Kitchen, Ram.
Inscr. IV, 155-7. For further examples of official visits see, Kitchen, Ram.Inscr. IV, 155-8, 315;
Kitchen, Ram.Inscr. VI, 143-8; cf. Eyre, in: Mediterranees No. 6/7, 1996, 191-2.
60 An outwardly descent word for bribery rather than ..bakchich" is ..ikramiyah" <^ S^ j , while ht(w)
and nkt(w) are very explicit for the word ?hagah" H^r L*; ?thing or something", cf. Vermis, Affaires
et Scandales, 245- 8.

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