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CITIZENSHIP AND TRANSFORMATIVE

EDUCATION
University of Rwanda
Year 1/2021
Module outline

Unit 1: Civic Education


Unit 2: Integrity systems
Unit 3: Human rights and citizenship education
Unit 4: Peace education
Module learning outcomes

By the end of this module, you should be able to:


Explain basic notions and issues of citizenship, state building and
national identity in connection with the History of Rwanda;
Relate integrity system and its mechanism into the Rwandan
context;
Discuss human rights, child rights, and child online protection;
Describe the role of Education in peaceful transformation of
conflicts.
Unit 1: Civic Education

Concepts of civic education, citizenship, national building, state


building, national identity;
Overview of the History of Rwanda in connection with the nation
and state building;
History of genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda.
Civic Education

The word “civic” originates from the Latin word “civis”, meaning “citizen”.
Civic Education is defined as a continual process of educating citizens to
participate in the public life of a democracy (a system of government in which the
citizens exercise power directly or indirectly through elected representatives), to
use their rights and to fulfill their responsibilities with the necessary knowledge,
skills and values.
It is a continual process of educating individuals, of all ages, in political, economic,
social and cultural domains, to become responsible citizens and active members
who participate in decisions concerning society.
It is the preparation of individuals to participate as active and responsible
citizens in a democracy.
Civic Education/Citizenship Education

It emphasizes not only citizen awareness but citizen


participation in all aspects of democratic society.
Civic education targets children or adults, in developing or
developed countries, and at local, national and international
level.
Civic education is transmitted formally (schools and other
educational institutions), non-formally (Ingando, training,
urugerero, workshops, etc) and informally (family, church,
media, etc),
Civic education comprises 3 main elements : Civic knowledge,
civic dispositions (values) and civic skills.
Civic knowledge
It refers to citizens:
understanding the workings of the political system i.e. a
fundamental understanding of the structure of government and
the processes by which government passes laws and makes
policy;
Understanding of basic concepts such as separation of powers,
individual rights, and the role of government.
But even understanding of the history that continues to shape
the present, aspects of geography that are vital to understanding
the country and the world, and the economics that is necessary
to assess public policy options.
Civic knowledge
In short, civic knowledge means citizens:
Understand their political and civic context ;
Know their social, economic, political and civil rights;
Understand the roles, rights and responsibilities of
citizens.
Civic skills
Abilities necessary to participate as active and responsible
citizens in democracy.
They include speaking, listening, collaboration, community
organizing, public advocacy, and the ability to gather and
process information.
They involve acquiring the ability to explain, analyze, interact,
evaluate, defend a position on public issues, and monitor
processes and outcomes (e.g. to monitor government
performance, or mobilize other citizens around particular issues);
They involve using knowledge to participate in civic and political
processes.
Civic dispositions
Encompass interpersonal and intrapersonal values, virtues
and behaviors (character traits).
These character traits include among others:
Civility - treating other people respectfully, regardless of
whether or not one agrees with their viewpoints.
Being willing to listen to other points of view and avoiding
hostile, abusive and emotional arguments;
Respect for the rights of other individuals - having respect for
others' rights to: an equal voice in government; be equal in the
eyes of the law; have different ideas; and join organizations to
advance their views.
Civic dispositions
Respect for the law - willingness to abide by laws, even
though one may not be in complete agreement with
every law; willingness to work through peaceful, legal
means to change laws which one thinks to be unwise or
unjust.
Honesty - willingness to seek and express the truth.
Open mindedness - willingness to consider others'
points of view.
Critical mindedness - openness to questioning the
validity of various positions on issues, including one's
own.
Civic dispositions
Negotiation and compromise - making an effort to come to
agreement with those with whom you may differ, when it is
reasonable and morally justifiable to do so.
Persistence - being willing to attempt again and again to
accomplish worthwhile goals.
Civic mindedness - paying attention to, and having concern for,
public affairs.
Compassion - having concern for the well-being of others,
especially for the less fortunate.
Civic dispositions
Patriotism - being loyal to the values and principles underlying
democracy and your country.
Courage - the strength to stand up for one's convictions.
Tolerance of ambiguity - the ability to accept uncertainties that
arise, e.g. from insufficient knowledge or understanding of
complex issues.
Other civic values: dedication, responsiveness, accountability,
solidarity, equal consideration, etc.
Civic dispositions
involve:
Developing confidence to be able to participate in civic life;
Engaging in political processes;
Assuming the roles, rights and responsibilities usually associated
with citizenship in democratic systems;
Being open, tolerant and responsible in exercising their rights and
Responsibilities.
The overall goal of civic education is to promote civic
engagement and support democratic and participatory
governance.
The idea behind civic education is to promote the demand
for good governance.
Civic duties, responsibilities, activities,
programs and organizations
Civic duties also called obligations: things citizens are required
to do, by law (e. g. paying taxes, obeying laws, serving in a jury
and military service in some countries).
We must fulfill duties required by national, state, and local
governments or face fines or imprisonment.
Civic responsibilities: things we should do but are not required
by law, obligations that we fulfill voluntarily. Examples: serving
the government, voting, attending civic meetings, joining a
political party, petitioning the government, helping others in
need in your community, volunteering, engagement in or
advocacy for various causes, etc.
Cont.

Civic activities: eg. ‘Umuganda’, voting in elections, holding


public office, signing up for the military, attendance in fora,
involvement in community activities.
Civic programs/organizations: ‘ingando’, ‘isibo’, ‘umugoroba
w’ababyeyi’, forums, clubs, volunteer groups, rescue groups,
etc.
Citizenship

Etymologically, citizenship comes from two


Latin words,Civis
‘ ’ (citizen), andCivitas
‘ ’ (city)
In that sense, citizens are members or
inhabitants of a city, or a state making a
political community, and are distinguished with
aliens or foreign citizens.
Citizenship
Citizenship is the status of being a citizen: a person
recognized under the custom law (or law of a state) that
confers (gives) on that person (called a citizen) the rights
and duties of citizenship.
Therefore, citizenship refers to the legal relationship
between the individual and the state, and among individuals
within a state. The state recognizes and guarantees the
individual’s rights.
We say ‘legal’ to mean formal status (with prior registration,
recognition, and publication by civil status services).
Determining factors of citizenship or
ways of acquiring citizenship
A person may be a citizen of more than two countries under
the laws of those countries.
In that case, we say that the person have multiple citizenship,
dual citizenship, dual nationality or multiple nationality.
Multiple or dual citizenship is a person's status of being a
citizen of two or more countries at the same time, under the
laws of those countries.
A person who does not have citizenship of any country is said
to be stateless person.
Citizenship by descent (in LatinJus
sanguinis )
It is citizenship ‘by blood’, from one or both parents, and some also
through a grandparent. .
Today, the citizenship laws of most countries are based onjus
sanguinis . It is automatic, only to be recognized.
In many cases, this also extends to children born outside the country
or descendent people born outside their ‘mother’ countries.
Some states (eg. UK, and Canada) limit the right to citizenship by
descent to a certain number of generations born outside the state.
Others request for registration to each generation. Others have no
generation-based limitation.
Citizenship by birth on the country's
territory jus
( soli ).
Canada, the United States and many Latin American countries grant
unconditional birthright citizenship.
To stop birth tourism (travel to another country for the purpose of
giving birth in that country), most countries have abolished it;
but other countries like Australia, France, Germany, Ireland, New
Zealand, South Africa, and the United Kingdom have modifiedjus soli ,
which requires at least one parent to be a citizen of the countryjus
(
sanguinis ) or a legal permanent resident who has lived in the country
for several years.
Citizenship by marriage (Jus matrimonii ): citizenship to spouses
of citizens of a country
It is naturalization based on marriage with a citizen.
In a few countries is citizenship granted on the
wedding day (e.g. Iran).
In some countries, the request must come from a
permanent resident;
In other countries, regulations try to detect sham
marriages, putting to scrutiny proofs of cultural integration,
marriage history, duration of residence, etc.
Citizenship by naturalization (orGrant ): acquired after political asylum,
residence permit, good conduct, faithful allegiance and outstanding
national interests, and with possibility of dual citizenship in some
countries.
Naturalization is the legal act or process by which a non-citizen in a
country may acquire citizenship or nationality of that country. It may
be done by a statute, without any effort on the part of the individual,
or it may involve an application and approval by legal authorities.
The rules of naturalization vary from country to country and typically
include a minimum legal residency requirement, and may specify
other requirements such as knowledge of the national dominant
language or culture, a promise to obey and uphold that country's laws.
An oath or pledge of allegiance is also sometimes required.
Some countries also require that the person renounce any
other citizenship that they currently hold, forbidding dual
citizenship, but whether this renunciation actually causes
loss of the person's original citizenship, as seen by the host
country and by the original country, will again depend on
the laws of the countries involved.
Citizenship by investment (Economic citizenship ): some countries give
citizenship to people who make a substantial monetary investment in a
country: asset-based, for generous donors or wealthy investors.
Citizenship by adoption: A minor adopted from another country when at
least one adoptive parent is a citizen (International adoption ).
International adoption (also referred to as inter-country adoption or
transnational adoption): an individual or couple becomes the legal and
permanent parent(s) of a child who is a national of a different country.
In general, future adoptive parents must meet the legal adoption
requirements of their country of residence and those of the country
whose nationality the child holds.
Citizenship by holding an office (jus oficii )

In the case of Vatican City State, citizenship is based on holding


an office.
The Vatican citizenship held by the Pope, cardinals residing in
Vatican City, active members of the Holy See's diplomatic
service, and other directors of Vatican offices and services.
Vatican citizenship is lost when the office term comes to an end,
and children cannot inherit it from their parents.
Since Vatican citizenship is time-limited, dual citizenship is
allowed, and persons who would become stateless because of
loss of Vatican citizenship automatically become Italian
citizens.
Four styles of citizenship

Dutiful citizenship: is dependent, a ‘yes-man’.


Pragmatic citizenship: he/she just conforms to situations.
Outsider citizenship: inactive, he/she behaves like a
stranger.
Society critic citizenship: is responsible, and independent-
minded.
Alternative description of citizenship
styles
Ethno-national, associated with genealogical links
Civic, associated with social rights and welfare
Cultural, associated with participation and/but with self-
reliance.
Three types of political culture
How people view the political system as a whole and their beliefs in its
legitimacy. It a set of beliefs, opinions and emotions of the citizens
toward their form of government.
Parochial citizens: little interested in politics, especially at the national
level. Otherwise, only local and direct personal interests. Citizen are
only indistinctly/ unclearly aware of the existence of central
government.
Subjects: interested in national politics but only as observers. Leave
decisions to the elites. Citizens see themselves not as participants in
the political process but as subject of the government.
Participant citizens: Citizens believe both that they can contribute to
the systems and that they are affected by it. They have strong feeling
that they are entitled to and should actively contribute to national-
decision making in a sustainable way.
Models or traditions in citizenship
thought
Used to speak to citizenship, its pros and cons:
Liberalism advocates individual rights/interests, self-help, formal equality,
tolerance, a market economy and a minimal state. Citizens tend to be
politically passive.
Republicanism: Sometimes distinguished with communitarian/group
citizenship. Emphasis is on ‘public thing’ and civic values, beyond rights
claims.
Assimilationism: the practice (current in France, for eg.) of requiring
minorities and immigrants to adopt the customs and practices of the
majority population.
Models or traditions in citizenship
thought

Multiculturalism: diverse ethnic and cultural groups


receive equal treatment and are entitled to
maintain their differences (e.g. Canada).
Cosmopolitanism all human beings belong to a
single community, a world state, or a decentralized
and inclusive global structure.
State building and Nation building

Nation, state and nation- state?


State and Nation

The terms State and Nation are often used as synonyms.


For example, when we say ‘Western nations’ or ‘Asian
nations’ or ‘African nations’, we do not mean nations but
States.
Similarly, the ‘United Nations’ is in reality an organization of
nation-states.
However there exist some important distinctions between
the State and the Nation.
A state and a nation
A state is an independent, sovereign government exercising control over a
certain spatially defined and bounded area, whose borders are usually clearly
defined and internationally recognized by other states.
The State has four elements: population, territory, government, and sovereignty.
In the absence of even one element, a state cannot be really a state. A state is
always characterized by all these four elements.
On the contrary, a nation is a group of people who have a strong sense of unity
and common consciousness (The consciousness of a group of people is their
set of ideas, attitudes, and beliefs).
Common territory, common race, common religion, common language, common
history, common culture and common political aspirations are the elements
which help in the formation of a nation, and yet none of these is an absolutely
essential element.
The elements which go to build a nation keep on changing.
A state and a nation
Nation can be wider than the state: The State is limited to a fixed
territory. Its boundaries can increase or decrease but the process of
change is always very complex.
However a nation may or may not remain within the limits of a fixed
territory. Nation is a community based on common ethnicity, history
and traditions and aspirations. Its boundaries can easily extend beyond
the boundaries of the State.
Nation is more stable than State: When sovereignty ends, the State
dies, but not the nation. A nation can survive even without sovereignty.
This is why we say a nation is a stable community of people, formed on
the basis of a common language, territory, history, ethnicity, or
psychological make-up manifested in a common culture .
A state and nation

There can be two or more nationalities living in one State:


two or more than two nations within a single state.
Before the First World War, Austria and Hungary were one
state, but two different nations.
Most of the modern states are multinational states.
State and nation do not have the same boundaries, and yet there is a tendency
for a nation and state to be one.
Most of the nations today stand organized into different states.
The modern state is called a nation-state because all the (nationalities) living in
one state stand integrated into one nation.
A state continuously pursues the objective of national- integration. The State
tries to secure this objective by securing a willing blending of the majority
nationality and all the minority nationalities, through collective living, sharing of
all the ups and the downs in common and development of strong emotional,
spiritual and psychological bonds.
Unity in diversity or more really, unity in plurality stands accepted as the guiding
principle by all the modern civilized multinational states like India, USA, Russia,
China, Britain and others.
A Nation-State?
A Nation-State is the idea of a homogenous nation governed by its own
sovereign state—where each state contains one nation. This idea is
almost never achieved.
The nation state is a system of organization in which people with a
common identity live inside a country with firm borders and a single
government.
The nation state is held together by its physical boundaries, its
government, and the fact that the people believe they are connected to
each other.
Nation states must also have a shared national culture. This is often
achieved through common language, history, holidays, and education.
The idea that people of a nation are connected to each other is
called nationalism.
Is Rwanda a nation, a state or a nation-state?
Justify your answer.

Remember, Nation-state is a state (usually sovereign) in


which the great majority identify as a single culture (often
defined as an ethnic group).
Rwanda can be conceived as a nation-state because
majority of Rwandan people identify themselves as a single
culture with common customs, beliefs, values and taboos.
They identify themselves as Abanyarwanda.
State-building and nation building

How are nations formed? How are states built?


State-building
State building refers to the process of creating and strengthening the
institutions necessary to support long-term economic, social, and political
development;
It also refers to activity of building or strengthening the institutions and
infrastructure of a weak or failing state, typically by a foreign power. In many
countries, institutions are weak or absent.
State institutions include:
Legislatures, like the Rwandan parliament, to make laws
Judicial systems, like the Rwandan court systems, to interpret laws
Executive agencies, such as the ministries and others, to administer the laws
which control the domestic economy, education, trade, and diplomacy, for
example
Police and military forces, to provide security
State-building
State-building is the process through which states enhance their
ability to function.
State-building takes place in all states, whether rich or poor,
resilient or fragile, all states are seeking to make their structures
better at delivering on the goals of government.
Importantly, members of the international community, collectively
or individually, do not `do’ state-building outside their own borders.
State-building is a national process, a product of state-society
relations that may be influenced by a wide variety of external
forces (including trade or the media aid, etc.), but which is
primarily shaped by local dynamics (changing aspects).
State building

According to Whaites (2008), states never finish


enhancing their ability to function.
They are never “finally” built, they change and adapt
over time.
State building is an iterative process. It is shaped by
elite interaction, and by state-society relations.
States vary in the degree to which they manage
state-building.
Nation-building

The process of fostering a common identity among the


governed who come to see themselves as Tanzanians,
Rwandans or British, etc.
It is the broad process through which nations come into
being.
Nation-building aims at the unification of the people within
the state so that it remains politically stable and viable in
the long run.
Nation- building
Nations are often formed in two ways:
Internal process :
Family lineage clan tribe nation.
The first way nations have formed is through family, lineage, clan, ethnic
group to nations.
External process :
States resulting from colonization nation
People were regrouped into political entities by colonial powers. These
states later may develop into nations after decolonization.
This is the case of states formed by the colonial powers which now
evolved to become nations.
However, in most of the cases, these nations are actually multi-national
entities. They regroup various nations in one state-nation.
Nation building
In both processes, nations are reinforced by the
development of common values, beliefs, customs,
laws and principles that are taught to citizens through
the socialization process (family, community, media,
propaganda, school).
Currently, with globalization, nations tend to come
together and regroup into regional integration
communities and some people foresee the future of
nations as integrating to form a global nation though
other people fear the danger of the disintegration and
development of extreme nationalism and populist
(anti-elastic) ideologies (Hüsamettin İnaç& Feyzullah
Ünal, 2013).
Nation building
Nation formation process is iterative: nation rise, grow, integrate with others,
disintegrate, diffuse into others or even disappear.
Nations are constantly formed, reshaped, integrated and disintegrated
throughout the history.
Some nations have formed, got fame, then after integrated other nations and
later disintegrated and remained a small nation or even completely disappeared.
For example the great Roman Nation under Roman Empire has now narrowed to
the Italian nation!
The great catholic nation which in the middle age was a powerful multi-national
nation-state covering almost the whole Europe and Middle East has now
reduced to a small state within the City of Roma (the Vatican)!
The genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda as well as the recurrent problems
experienced by the Sudan can also be related to a lack of ethnic, religious, or
racial cohesion within the nation.
Nation building
Nation-building includes the creation of national
symbols such as flags, anthems, national days,
national stadiums, national airlines, national
languages, national myths, etc.
and at a deeper level, the creation of national
identity.
Nation-building and state- building
Where the state deliberately excludes its own people from its
nation-building agenda (such as the religious minorities)
then the state-building process will carry an ongoing risk of
challenge (example the 1994 genocide against Tutsi was a
result of exclusion).
Success in nation building offers no guarantees of easier
state-building, surveys in DRC suggest a strong sense of
national pride despite great skepticism (doubt) about the
state.
Nation-building and state- building

Success in nation building should go together with success in state


building.
The process of state building parallels that of nation building.
Once a nation has formed, some kind of organization raises
leading to the state.
In the past, nations have developed parallel to kingdoms,
monarchies and empires.
However, these forms of state have progressively changed into
modern states in form of constitutional monarchies and
democracies.
Nation-building and state- building

Often state building precedes (comes first) nation building


or re-building.
This is the case for example of states resulting from
conflicts (secession war, annexation war, regime change
through liberation war,…).
The newly created state engages in ideological creation or
recreation of the nation by promoting new common values,
principles, customs and cultural norms.
This is a process of shaping or re-shaping social
interrelations among the people within the state.
National identity
The basic meaning of identity refers to where one (a person or a group) belongs.
On the other hand, identity is something unique to each of us that we assume is more or
less consistent (and hence the same) over time.
For instance, our identity is something we uniquely possess: it is what distinguishes us
from other people.
Yet on the other hand, identity also implies a relationship with a broader collective or social
group of some kind.
When we talk about national identity, cultural identity, or gender identity, for example, we
imply that our identity is partly a matter of what we share with other people.
Here, identity is about identification with others whom we assume are similar to us (if not
exactly the same), at least in some significant ways.
Identity refers to how people answer the question, " Who are you? " This question may be
posed at a personal or a collective level, to others or to oneself.
Types of identities
Different types of identities fall into three categories:
The universal identity : some traits which distinguish the people from the non-
people.
Social/Group identity: shared identity by some people ( religious, ethnic and
cultural , professional, social class, gender, sex, racial, political, national, regional
identity).
Individual identity. How individuals see and define themselves and how others see
and define them
Identity
Our identities are developed in social interactions
Identity is therefore a socially and historically constructed concept.
Anybody learns about his or her own identity and the identity of
others through interactions with family, peers, role models, school,
organizations, institutions, media and other connections of
everyday life.
Key facets of identity—like gender, social class, age, race and
ethnicity, religion, etc.—play significant roles in determining how
people understand and experience the world, as well as shaping
the types of opportunities and challenges they face.
Social and cultural identity is linked to issues of power, value
systems and ideology.
Identity

When we think about identity, we may focus on cultural


markers, like clothing, or biological and physiological
markers as skin color.
However, it’s also important to understand that our identities
are comprised of shared ideas, ideologies, biases and
ways of seeing the world around us.
Our identities, therefore, are socially constructed, and our
biological attributes are only one part of who we are.
National identity
.
National identity is a person's identity or sense of belonging to one state or to
one nation.
It is defined in terms of sense of belonging to one state or nation; cohesion in terms of
traditions, culture, language and politics.
A set of cognitions (thoughts, understandings) and emotions that express an
individual’s relationship with a nation.
National identity may refer to the subjective (personal/individual) feeling one shares
with a group of people about a nation, regardless of one's legal citizenship status.
“National identity” is a subjective construction, differing from the concept of
“nationality,” which is an objective marker of an individual’s belonging to a nation.
Nationality is usually prescribed by the nation through official registration and issuing
of relevant documents.
National identity

National identity is not an inborn trait and it is essentially


socially constructed.
A person's national identity results directly from the
presence of elements from the "common points" in people's
daily lives: national symbols, language, colors, nation's
history, blood ties, culture, music, cuisine, radio, television,
cultural artifacts and so on.
Components of national identity
National identity includes some seven components:
1. A subjective conviction, also called self-categorization, as to which nation one
belongs
2. A strong sense of national affiliation as part of the individual’s identity
3. Emotions (positive or negative) toward the nation
4.Stereotypes about the typical characteristics and traits of people belonging either
to their own national group or to other national groups.
5. A subjective experience of inclusiveness and the perception of oneself as similar
to other group members along important group defining characteristics
6. Subjective opinions regarding the current aims and problems of the nation
7. Knowledge of and a willingness to internalize the national culture and values and
to follow national behavioral norms.
National identity
National identity is a social construct; therefore, it may change depending
on psychosocial circumstances.
Most people express some degree of national identity; however, its
expression increases in situations where belonging to a nation
becomes particularly salient, such as during international sport events,
or when there is a potential threat to one’s national identity, such as
during a cross-cultural encounter.
Although, most people have a single national identity, others, who either
by birth or by choice, belonging to multiple nations may have separate
national identities that relate to each of these nations.
For example, people whose parents come from different nations, as well
as first- and second-generation immigrants may have multiple national
identities.
Measures of national identity

Three measures of national identity:


1) Identification with the nation
Being of this nationality is an important part of my self-
definition”;
“When I talk about this nation, I say ‘we’ and not ‘they’”;
“When this nation is criticized, I take it personally”; in other
words, you can’t tolerate someone insulting your nation,
“It is important for me to think about myself as a member of
this nation.”
Measures of national identity

2) Attitudes toward the country:


I would rather be a citizen of this country than of any other
country in the world,”
There are some things about the country that make me
ashamed of the country,” “The world would be a better
place if people from other countries were more like the
citizens of this country,”
“Generally speaking, this country is a better country than
most other countries”.
Measures of national identity
3)National stereotypes
Individual’s opinions on other members of their nation and on members
of other nationalities.
National stereotypes consist of two main factors: competence (efficiency,
intelligence, self-confidence, competitiveness and clumsiness and
morality (honesty, tolerance, modesty, aggressiveness, selfishness and
rudeness).
Note: The expression of one's national identity seen in a positive light
is patriotism which is characterized by national pride and positive emotion
of love for one's country.
The extreme expression of national identity is chauvinism, which refers to
the firm belief in the country's superiority and extreme loyalty toward one's
country.
Elements of National identity: National
symbols
1) National flag: brief history and meaning
Objects that resemble flags were in use across the world in
ancient times. In Europe, flags became widespread during the
Crusades under the influence of Arab military banners.
Islam iconoclasm “image breaking”: Because of the
prohibition of figuration, Arabs had to rely on abstract patterns.
In the Christian world, the first flags were called cross flags
because they carried an image of the cross.
National flag
Thus, in medieval Europe, flags were religious and found in a military
context.
For the first time, flags were flown outside the context of religion and
warfare in early modern Europe during the age of sailing, when trading
companies started to use banners to identify themselves at seas.
National flag indicating a sovereign nation is a relatively modern
phenomenon.
It was invented only during the American and French revolutions.
The latter revolution in particular attached great importance to the creation
of a new symbolic universe, legitimize the new political and social order.
Thus the French revolution was full of symbolic conflicts that played an
important role in it, sometimes they even acted as the driving force
responsible for the revolution’s dynamic.
Significance of Rwandan flag

What does the flag of Rwanda look like? The Rwandan flag is a large horizontal blue
band and two smaller horizontal yellow and green bands. There is a yellow sun
in the top right of the flag.
The colours of the Rwandan flag hold great significance for the nation.
The colours are designed to represent happiness, peace, economic development
and the hope of prosperity.
In addition to the horizontal tricolour bands, a sun emblem is also located in the top
right corner of the flag.
This sun was added to the design to represent enlightenment.
The flag as a whole is designed to represent the unity of the nation, heroism,
confidence and hope for the future.
Steps to current Rwandan flag
One of the first flags flown in Rwanda was the flag of the German East
Africa Company.
This flag was later replaced with the flag used by German East Africa; the
first European colonial power.
When Rwanda became known as Ruanda-Urundi, the flag of Belgium was
used until 1959 to be in parallel with the flag of the Kingdom of Rwanda.
This flag was used for just two years until another flag was adopted.
This one was a tricolour using the Pan-African colours of red, yellow and
green, with a black letter “R” distinguishing it from the flag of Guinea.
This flag was used until 2001, changed to mark the unity of Rwandans after
genocide committed against the Tutsi.
The new flag was precisely adopted on October 25, 2001.
2. National anthem
A patriotic song or musical composition that is either recognized
officially by a nation’s government and constitution or is
accepted as such by convention through popular use.
The national anthem reflects the history, struggles, and
traditions of a nation and its people and serves as an
expression of national identity.
The concept of a national anthem was first popularized in 19th
century in Europe.
After their independence from European colonial powers, many
of the newly-independent nations also composed their own
national anthems and today, almost every sovereign nation in
the world has its own national anthem.
Importance of a National anthem
To represent the tradition, history, and beliefs of a nation and
its people.
To help evoke feelings of patriotism among the country’s
citizens and reminds them of their nation’s glory, beauty,
and rich heritage.
To helps unite the citizens of the country by one single song
or music.
Students who listen to the national anthem in their schools
learn to respect their nation and develop a sense of unity
among themselves.
3. State emblem
Abstract or representational pictorial image that represents a concept, like a moral
truth, an allegory, or a person, like a king or saint.
Since the 15th century, the term of emblem belongs to the technical expression in
architecture.
Emblems are certain gestures which have a specific meaning attached to them.
These meanings usually are associated with the culture they are established in.
Using emblems creates a way for humans to communicate with one another in a non-
verbal way.
In Rwanda, it is known as seal or coat of arms (Ikirangantego cya Repubulika y’u
Rwanda ).
Activity: Find out the elements of the Rwandan coat of arm and their meanings
4. National calendar
A system of organizing days for social, religious,
commercial or administrative purposes.
This is done by giving names to periods of time, typically
days, weeks, months and years.
A calendar is also a physical record of such a system.
A calendar can also mean a list of planned events, such
as an academic calendar or a chronological list of
documents, such as a calendar of wills.
Periods in a calendar such as years and months are
usually synchronized with the cycle of the sun or the
moon.
National calendars have a strong relationship with identity
formation especially in postcolonial nations.
After colonisation, several nations emphasised certain
aspects of the past for commemorative or celebratory
purposes, while suppressing or ignoring the memories of
some other event or historical figure.
Both these processes, in different ways, seek to give a certain
direction to the narrative about the history of the nation and
the nation‐state.
These aspects of national memory and amnesia have been
explained through the prism of national holidays.
Activity

1) Read the whole 2003 constitution of Rwanda as amended


in 2015 and describe:
The form of the government of Rwanda;
The national symbols of Rwanda;
The fundamental principles of the state of Rwanda;
Fundamental duties of a Rwandan citizen.
2. Describe the nation symbols of the Republic of Rwanda
3. Discuss the law related to Rwandan citizenship
Overview of the history of Rwanda in
connection with nation and state building
Nation formation and state building in
the Rwandan context
Four phases have marked Rwanda’s nation formation and state
building:
Nation formation in the pre-colonial period (the great work of
national ancestral heroes: Gihanga and successors)
State building and nation re-shaping during the colonial period: divide
and rule (disruption of national cohesion)
Nation and state building under the first and the second republic
(discriminative politics)
Nation and state (re) building after the liberation war (peace building,
unity, reconciliation,…)
Nation formation in the pre-colonial
period
In the region that later developed into the kingdom of
Rwanda, there were other kingdoms said to have been
founded by Bantu groups.
They (bantu groups) settled in small organized states made
of families (lineages).
Gradually, these families made clans under the absolute
authority of the head of the clan.
They (clans) were: Abenengwe, Abasinga, Ababanda,
Abongera, Abazigaba, Abahinda and Abagara.
Around the 12th century, the actual Rwanda was made of a
variety of small kingdoms.
On their arrival, Abanyiginya clan fought with those lineages
or clans and defeated them progressively and came to get
superiority over those clans.
It installed a small kingdom at Gasabo around Lake Muhazi.
From there, the small kingdom expanded to covering the
territory far larger than the current Rwanda.
Factors that facilitated Nyiginya
expansion
Fertile soils and a long rainy season (from September to June)
that were favorable for both cattle keeping and cultivation;
Able, courageous and resilient kings (Abami) who ruled the
kingdom and expanded it from its nucleus at Gasabo on the
shores of L. Muhazi up to its climax by 1900;
It had a centralized monarchical system;
It had well organized armies (militias or I‘ngabo’ ) who were used
in defense and expansion of the kingdom;
High population density in the region (REB,2016)
Nation formation in the pre-colonial
period
According to the legend, the most distant ancestor of
Abanyiginya clan is the mythical personality calledKigwa or
Sabizeze.
But, it wasGihanga (one of the successors of Kigwa, the 10th
of the genealogical list) who is considered as the founder, not
only of the nyiginya dynasty, but also of other dynasties which
were found in the majority of the kingdoms of the region.
Indeed, he shared his “empire” between his sons who
founded different dynasties in the region.
Nation formation in the pre-colonial
period
The kings of Rwanda were in three categories or series:
Ibirali or Ibimanuka (the fallen from the Sky): these are ancestors of the
kings of Nyiginya dynasty and their names are Kigwa or Sabizeze, Muntu,
Kijuru, Kobo, Merano, Randa, Gisa, Kizira and Kazi.
It is not clear whether they ever lived or exercised political power.
Abami b’Umushumi (Kings of the Belt): these are the ones who worked
hard and laid the foundation for Rwanda at Gasabo. Their list starts with
Gihanga Ngomijana and ends with Nsoro Samukondo.
Gihanga is the one said to have made great achievements among all of
them.
Nation formation in the pre-colonial period

Abami b’Ibitekerezo (Kings of historical accounts) : i.e. those to


whom it was composed the historical accounts transmitted to the
following generations.
The list starts with Ruganzu I Bwimba and ends with the advent of
the republic in 1962 with Kigeli V Ndahindurwa.
Abami b’Ibitekerezo are the ones who expanded Rwanda from
Ruganzu I Bwimba up to Kigeli IV Rwabugili.
The main kings of historical accounts with great achievements
include: Ruganzu I Bwimbwa (1482 - 1506), Kigeli I Mukobanya
(1528 - 1552), Ruganzu II Ndoli (1624 – 1648), Cyilima II Rujugira
(1744 – 1768), Yuhi IV Gahindiro (1797 - 1830), Mutara II Rwogera
(1830 - 1860) and Kigeli IV Rwabugili (1860 - 1895).
Nation formation in the pre-colonial period

Other kings dedicated their lives to building the nation in its economic,
cultural and religious aspects such as carrying out rituals for cattle
prosperity and organizing other rites for wealth and wellbeing such as
organizing harvest rituals “umuganura: first fruits festival” and other
political activities for nation stability.
They managed to unify the country around strong cultural values which
were transmitted from generation to generation through family
socialization and youth education institution “Itorero”: a channel
through which the nation could convey the messages to the people
regarding national culture in different areas such as language,
patriotism, social relations, sports, dance, songs and the defense of the
nation (Republic of Rwanda, 2011).
Nation formation in the pre-colonial
period

The kingdom of Rwanda had a political vision in


connection with citizenship, state-building and national
identity: There was a vision about territory expansion and a
vision about people or social incorporation in power
structures.
1) Missions of kings
Cycles of kings had existed prior to the Mutara Semugeshi reform. For instance, we
see the repetition of reign names such as Yuhi, Ndahiro , Nsoro and Ruganzu up
to Semugeshi.
But it is Semugeshi who decided over names to keep, and kings’ mission from his
reign onwards. Prior to Semugeshi, Rwanda had had kings who had
implemented significant reforms.
For example, Kigeri I Mukobanya is said to have initiated the process of
centralization of the country. Ruganzu II Ndori had rescued the monarchy of
Rwanda. Mutara I Semugeshi came as a monarch who made more reforms in
the esoteric code and in the royal ideology. Abiru consider him as the genial
innovator (Kagame, 1951, p.48).
Semugeshi took a very strong decision of suppressing some of the existing names
of reign. He put away the following names: Ndahiro, Ruganzu and Nsoro.
Succession order of dynastic names
Mutara I Semugeshi determined the succession order of
the five remaining dynastic names:
Each king had a dynastic name in a specific successive
order and according to a cycle which was repeated after
four reigns:
Mutara or Cyilima were at the beginning of the cycle, then
Kigeli, Mibambwe and finally Yuhi.
Succession order of dynastic names
Kings of the 1st generation Kings of the 2nd generation Kings of the 3rd Kings of the 4th generation
generation

Mutara Cyilima Mutara Cyilima


Kigeli Kigeli Kigeli Kigeli
Mibambwe Mibambwe Mibambwe Mibambwe
Yuhi Yuhi Yuhi Yuhi
Missions of kings

A symbolic function was attributed to these five dynastic


names:
The kings Mutara and Cyilima accomplished ceremonies
related to the cattle prosperity.
The royal names of Kigeli and Mibambwe were kings of war, in
charge of expanding and defending the kingdom while
Yuhi was in charge of the perennity of the dynasty and was in
fact the king of fire.
2) Military ideology
The practice of kings of creating a military unit at their advent to be added
to the existing ones led to the increase of military recruits.
This shows some kind of military vision for reaching a bigger size of
military recruits in future.
But most importantly, the ideological part of military activities reveals to
what extent the military vision was elaborated. Through the ibyivugo
and inzira z’ubwiru we get a grasp of this ideology. The ibyivugo trace
psychological mobilization at individual and social levels. They also
place military exploit at the top of the ideals of ingabo (Kagame, 1969,
p.15-88).
In dynastic poetry, the King is presented as the most powerful warrior.
Sometimes he is compared with the thunder such as the King
Mazimpaka.
Military ideology
Mazimpaka has been considered as the thunder when he defeated the
Burundian King Ntare. A poet celebrated the event in his poem in
following terms: “The day when the thunder defeated the lion.”
(Kagame, 1951, p. 137).
Besides, naming male children followed sometimes military exploits. For
example: Nshozamihigo, Rugamba, Mutiganda, Ntaganda, Rudahunga,
Mulindabyuma, Mutabazi, Mukotanyi, Makuza, etc. This practice may
have played both a psychological role (self-fulfilling mission), but also
an educative role (socialization).
The Ubwiru rituals also elevate the king at the level of a great conqueror
of other kingdoms. The ritual of enthronement, inziray’ubwimika,
socializes, obliges and instills the new king to be an extraordinary
warrior. He is young, so the Abiru, through this ritual, try to instill in
him all these ideals.
3)Unifying vision

Many clans happen to have been incorporated in organs of power and they
remained within those positions for centuries.
Key to this feature was the adoption and implementation of the principle of
hereditary political positions. Some keepers of power were getting dismissed
(kunyagwa) but their successors would keep positions.
For example, in the Abiru college, we find following clans and lineages: Abatsobe
(umwiru w’umutsobe), Abakono/umwiru wa Nyamweru, Abatege ,Abaheka,
Abakobwa, Abatandura, Abenemuhinda, etc.
Another unifying feature is that several clans intervened in the rituals of Ubwiru to
make the rituals more ‘national’.
Indeed, the reading of inzira y’umuriro, inzira y’umuganura, inzira y’ishora and inzira
y’ubwimika indicates that many geographical places, many people of different
clans or lineages appear or play a role in a ritual.
Unifying factors in ancient Rwanda

Some of the factors that united Rwandans- Hutu, Tutsi,Twa


social groups-, prior to colonial and missionary arrival, are:
1) Clan: Hutu, Tutsi and Twa—identified themselves by a
social organization based primarily on the clan or clans.
The clan was by far the most important social organization in
pre-colonial Rwanda.
The Hutu, Tutsi and Twa constituted social classes and that
all the three mix in the same clans.
Unifying factors in ancient Rwanda
The presence of the three social classes—Hutu, Tutsi and
Twa—in each of the clans is one of the significant facts
characterizing unity of Rwandan people.
Irrespective of being Hutu, Tutsi and Twa, the members of
the same clan had in common many factors such as
totems, religious beliefs and ritual functions.
Thus, clans brought all Rwandans together, irrespective of
their either Hutu, Tutsi or Twa social categories, and
enabled them to help one another.
Unifying factors in ancient Rwanda

2) Common language—Kinyarwanda
In Rwanda, the Kinyarwanda language—mother tongue for
Rwandans—unites all Rwandans.
The uniqueness of the national language underlies this
cultural homogeneity of Rwanda.
Not only the Kinyarwanda, as a language, is a communication
tool but also a real vehicle of the same wisdom, the same
vision of the world and the same perception of the political
life.
Distinctive language has often been taken as a criterion for
belonging to a separate ethnic group
Unifying factors in ancient Rwanda

3) Cultural unity, shared beliefs and ethics (moral values)


The socio-cultural harmony and the ethics led everyday life in pre-colonial Rwanda.
In fact, life in Rwanda was characterized by a shared religion—the belief in the
Supreme being, the Creator—and respecting ancestors while appeasing their spirits.
These beliefs, among many others, implied the Unity of life, or vital life in horizontal
(between people that are relatively equal in knowledge, wisdom, or technique) and
vertical relationships (between superiors and inferiors) in which each person relates
to descendants, family, ancestors, the cosmos and God.
It was a participatory life because members of a clan knew that they lived not just
for themselves but also for their community, participating in the sacred life of the
ancestors and preparing for one‘s future life through their descendants.
This community of life was managed by a “relational harmony”
Unifying factors in ancient Rwanda

Shared values such as patriotism, integrity,


heroism, excellence, protection of those in need
and who seek protection from imminent danger,
preservation of life and certain taboos, like killing
children and women, were inscribed in the
Rwandan culture.
Unifying factors in ancient Rwanda

4) A shared land and life


Rwandans were also united by the shared land, on which they always
lived together, side by side.
There was neither region for Hutu, Tutsi or Twa. All of them had a
mixed housing.
They helped one another based on being neighbors. Rwandans
were living peacefully together and got married with one another
without distinction.
There was also something particular, which Rwandans were doing
without discrimination, and which shows how they loved one
another: exchanging blood (drinking your friend‘s blood as a proof
that nothing will separate you from him).
Unifying factors in ancient Rwanda

5) The monarch/King
Prior to colonization, Rwanda was a politically and culturally unified
entity ruled byUmwami (the Monarch or King).
The society had thus its own institutions and a culture, which united
Rwandans of different social categories (Hutu, Tutsi and Twa).
The Monarch/King was identified as the cordon (line, ring) of
cohesion, as he was calledUmwami wa rubanda‘, meaning the
―King of the people.
The monarch, did not belong to any distinct social group, hewas
above the social groups because he represented the nation and the
mediator between people and God.
Unifying factors in ancient Rwanda

All Rwandans, without distinction, were convinced that the


King was benevolent; that is, a King who always wanted,
and was responsible for, the good for all.
Rwandans were also aware that by taking this responsibility
to strive for the good, no Rwandan was excluded.
In fact, the King was the crux for all Rwandans. Poets
called himSebantu (to mean father of all people‘ of
Rwanda).
After the King was enthroned, he was no more belonging to
any social category or group, but he became the King of all
Rwandans, without distinction.
In their daily life, Hutu,Tutsi and Twa were familiar with the
King.
It was also forbidden to keep somebody away because of
his height or color. Anyone who wanted could meet the
King and none was kept away from the royal court.
The King was thus bringing all Rwandans together, and all
Rwandans were equal before the King.
In short

Before the colonial period (1897), and the arrival of catholic missionaries,
Rwandan people— Hutu, Tutsi and Twa social groups—were strongly united, and
had the feeling of protecting their country together—a sense of national identity.
In pre-colonial Rwanda, Hutu, Tutsi and Twa social categories or groups, knew
that they were above all Rwandans, that Rwanda was their country, and that
nobody could say that s/he had the right to it more than the other.
Differences only referred to the socio-economic life in relation to cattle raising
(cows) and the land use, whereby cows culturally and comparatively
represented wealth
All the above-described cultural factors that were uniting Rwandans were
unfortunately eroded with the advent of western culture, colonial rule and the
policies of post independence regimes.
State building and nation re-shaping during
the colonial period (1897-1962)
On the arrival of Europeans at the end of the 19th century,
Rwanda was already a respectful nation highly organized,
politically, militarily, economically, socially and culturally
unified.
Colonial authorities, with assistance from the Catholic
Church and Hutu extremists, gradually increased ethnic
divisions in order to keep Rwandans divided so that it was
easier to maintain control.
Both colonizers and missionaries deteriorated the social
relationships among Rwandan people and led to an identity crisis
Ubunyarwanda‘ (Rwandanness).
(loss of the sameness quality of
The colonization period (1897-1962) was characterized by a
disintegration of Rwandan unity, social cohesion, heritage, unity and
socio-political structures, leading to divisionism.
The King‘s uniting authority was taken away and a social inequality
ideology that split up Rwandans, coupled with forced labor for
colonial interests, was established and taught in schools.
State building and nation re-shaping during
the colonial period (1897-1962)
In fact, at the end of the 19th century, Rwanda had
become a colony of Germans (1897-1916) and then
Belgians (1916-1962), with serious and permanent
changes that affected leadership, economy, society and
last but not least culture.
The Germans adopted an indirect rule; they interfered
little with nation building but took some important
decisions like banning Itorero, Rwandan army and
establishing a legal state on their model.
State building and nation re-shaping during the
colonial period (1897-1962)
After the defeat of Germans in the World War I, Belgians re-shaped
the Rwandan state as a mandate under the League of Nations and
as trust territory under the UN trusteeship and disrupting the
Rwandan nationhood and national unity.
Divisionism was institutionalized by the Belgians;
The administrative reforms introduced by Belgian colonizers
(Mortehan’s reforms) has seriously modified the traditional
structures and has instituted an exceptional phenomenon consisting
to progressively impact an ethnic color to the administration.
State building and nation re-shaping during
the colonial period (1897-1962)
Belgians introduced the notion of ethnicity for groups which initially were social classes,
not ethnic groups as they spoke the same language, had same beliefs, same culture and
had intermarriage links.
Since 1923, Belgians introduced discriminatory policies amongst Rwandans on the basis
of ethnicity.
Social classes (Hutu, Tutsi and Twa) were turned into ethnic groups.
In 1931, they officially introduced identity cards based on the abovementioned false
ethnic groups, which also became mandatory in every administrative document that
detailed each person‘s ethnicity.
The above policy manipulated and institutionalized divisionism in the country and it was
the beginning of ethnic identity differences amongst citizens.
State building and nation re-shaping
during the colonial period (1897-1962)
This manipulation was based on the falseHamitic theory or Hamite thesis
introduced by the Belgians, which brought about ethnicity, divisionism and
hatred among the Rwandans.
According to this false thesis ―whatever value that existed in Africa was
brought byhamites, a branch that is supposed to be a Caucasian race.
Hamites were supposed to have inborn leadership qualities;
The Belgians defined the Tutsi as a foreign group with superior qualities.
The Hutu were described with inferior attributes.
It was a characteristic of that period in Europe to classify people and to attribute
superior or inferior qualities to them.
State building and nation re-shaping during the
colonial period (1897-1962)
The introduction of identity cards has stimulated the ethnic extremism and distorted the
sense of the Rwandan history, causing a separate identity which served as a starting
point of a grave crisis and Genocide crimes.
Advised by the Catholic hierarchy, the Belgian colonial administration replaced all the
Hutu and Twa chiefs and sub-chiefs by Tutsi Chiefs and Sub-Chiefs and limited access to
the colonial schools to children of some Tutsi Chiefs and Sub-chiefs only.
Tutsi chiefs and sub-chiefs were then charged with the responsibility of implementing the
colonial harsh policies, drawing resentment (hatred) of the mass against them.
Hutu and/or Twa chiefs and sub-chiefs were thus dismissed from their posts and
replaced by Tutsi.
State building and nation re-shaping during
the colonial period (1897-1962)
The predominance of Tutsi senior workers in the administration was strengthened and
sustained by creating in 1932 an administrative section at Groupe Scolaire d‘Astrida (now
Groupe Scolaire Officiel de Butare), uniquely planned for sons from Tutsi high ranked
Indatwa (the prestigious ones).
families, who were given the name of
This has given a profile to ethnic groups as relevant political categories, something
inexistent in the past.
By promoting elements of one social category, and by introducing forced labor executed by
Tutsi sub/chiefs—hence reinforced divisions between Tutsi and Hutu—the colonial power
had created a potentially hatred situation.
Belgians, helped by Tutsi auxiliaries, unkindly forced Rwandans to work in colonial coffee
and tea plantations and used to beat or kill people who refused to work in these plantations,
which also led to the increased number of non-collaborators as time went on.
Antagonisms take birth and develop around the fact that some persons can access to
advantages, while others encounter lots of handicaps.
State building and nation re-shaping during the
colonial period (1897-1962)
Likewise, the colonial system introduced the school, which was conducted by missionaries.
Its objective was to evangelize and to train the administrators of the colonial power.
Education in Rwanda was thus characterized by mistrust of traditional values and knowledge,
and a literature that conveyed division of the people was extensively distributed.
Another element used by the colonizer in tearing apart the social relationships (especially
after Tutsi elite‘s disagreement with colonial divisive policy) consisted in including the ethnic
ideology of numeric representativity (Hutu, majority-85% and Tutsi, minority-14%), which was
institutionalized and politicized.
The figures came into play for the first time during the 1953 and 1956 so-called elections‘
organized by the colonizer.
This numeric system has also been used as a means of trickery stressing that democracy is
government system in which the population‘s sovereignty belongs to the majority ethnic
group.
State building and nation re-shaping
during the colonial period (1897-1962)
In fact, in 1950s, realizing that the Tutsi elite group was increasingly gaining ideas of
nationalism and independence, the Belgian colonizers and the Catholic missionaries
changed plans and quickly set up preparations to create an alternative Hutu elite, while
putting all the blame of ill treatment/cruelty and all frustration of colonization on the head of
his former Tutsi allies.
The political solution of the Belgian administration became thus to ally with the Hutu
“majority” as a way to continue serving colonial interests, which the Hutu, unfortunately,
adhered to.
The Belgians, thus turned against the Tutsi elite, and slowly started allying with the Hutu
elites to overrun Tutsi elite demands.
They mobilized the Hutu against the Tutsi and planned, organized, coordinated, and
supported a Hutu uprising known as “the 1959 Hutu Revolution” which resulted in the
persecution and killings of thousands of Tutsi, as wells of hundreds of thousands of Tutsi
sent into exile, especially in Burundi, Tanzania, Uganda, former Zaïre, etc.
State building and nation re-shaping
during the colonial period (1897-1962)
During the Belgian rule, the Rwandan nation was divided to
the extent that the independence process was marked by
ethnic violence which led to seizure of power by Hutu elite
with ethnic ideology with part of the Rwandans (Tutsi)
fleeing the country (1959-1962).
Nation and state building under the two
republics
At the independence, the new state inherited a divided
nation.
Instead of promoting a nation building process inclusive of
all Rwandans, the two successive regimes (first Republic of
Gregoire Kayibanda and the second Republic of Juvenal
Habyalimana Juvenal) continued the divisionism politics
with a systematic exclusion of the Tutsi.
Nation and state building under the two
republics
The first republic, under Grégoire Kayibanda‘s presidency, based on the social and political
persecution of the Tutsi and its power on the ethnic colored party, called MDR-PARMEHUTU.
This racist/divisive party:
(1) openly preached hatred against Tutsi, calling them snakes, cockroaches, untrustworthy,
and foreigners, who should be sent back where they supposedly came from (Abyssinia-
Ethiopia), and
(2) organized cyclical killings of Tutsis (1963-1967, 1973, etc.) that further sent waves of
Tutsi into exile.
Intense anti-Tutsi propaganda used to constitute the most important part of the rulers‘
speeches, of radio broadcasts, popular songs, school classes, etc.
Such propaganda was aimed at explaining that the Tutsi were foreigners, who had conquered
and dominated the Hutu people four centuries long.
For example, the former Préfet André Nkeramugaba addressed citizens in the former
Prefecture of Gikongoro and said:―we are expected to defend ourselves. The only way to go
about it is to paralyze the Tutsi. How? They must be killed.
Nation and state building under the two
republics

The Tutsi who remained in the country were excluded from political and civil rights.
Particularly, they were denied the right to education, right to employment, right to
civil participation, as well as other human rights;
In the eyes of President Kayibanda himself, the issue of co-existence and pacific
cohabitation between Hutu and Tutsi required the establishment of two separate
zones; otherwise one ethnic group should disappear on behalf of the other.‘
Kayibanda went further by submitting to the UN and the former Belgian metropolis a
proposal of zone redistribution, the Hutu-land and the Tutsi-land.
The Tutsi-land would be part of Bugesera, Buganza and all the territory, which had
become the provinces of Kibungo and Umutara (the Eastern-part of Rwanda); and
the remaining part of the country would be the Hutu Zone‘.
Unity, concord (harmony), mutual assistance, trust, collaboration, patriotism among
Rwandans had thus lost their value and no longer existed.
Nation and state building under the two
republics
The second Republic (1973-1994) pursued the same discriminatory policies against
the Tutsi but also introduced regional discrimination against regions other than those
of the north.
At political and social levels, the regime elaborated the policy of regional and ethnic
balance.
It strived to set up quotas for different social groups, and to regions, proportionate to
the population representativity as regards access to education and employment.
Accordingly, administrative structures, including a Ministry in charge of education,
were established and diverse laws securing the general regulation of education were
introduced.
Rather than correcting the errors of the colonial era, education remained very
discriminatory and was not relevant to Rwandan society, culture and values, which
resulted in the people losing their patriotism.
This was indeed one of the contributing factors to the Genocide against Tutsi in 1994
Nation and state building under the two
republics
The Hutu in general, and particularly those of the North, were
sensitized by the regime that they have been historically
disadvantaged and so were attributed the lions share.
Habyarimana indeed publicly announced the general orientations of
it is
regional and ethnic political equilibrium in these terms: ―
comprehensible that admission in different schools will take into
consideration the social, ethnic and regional composition of the
Rwandan community.
From 1986 to 1990, the economic crisis and power monopolization
started also to break the foundations of the Habyarimana regime.
Beside impunity, the regime became featured by fraud, corruption and
all sorts of abuses and exactions.
This resulted into a rapid weakening of the state.
Nation and state building under the two
republics
The second republic was also alleged to have a tough political
and social control.
In fact, all governors of provinces (Prefets) and Bourgmestres
(Mayors) were appointed by the President of the Republic.
The Bourgmestres, in their turn, were entitled to appoint the
chiefs of sectors and cells.
Such a network constituted the corner stone to the exacerbation
of the hatred between Hutu and Tutsi and the reinforcing of
control over the community.
This network also greatly served the purpose and the
implementation of the 1994 Genocide of Tutsi.
Nation and state building under the two
republics
Through it, the political authorities sensitized the population to
carry out what they had named “the final solution”; that is, the
extermination of the Tutsi.
Via the radio, slogans, organized popular meetings or gatherings
directed to the large public, authorities, at the grassroots or higher
politico-administrative hierarchy, invited the Hutu population to
massacres, and organized them into trained militia with the
purpose of Tutsi extermination as well as of the Hutu, and
whoever else, who did not support the Genocide ideology.
Nation and state building under the two
republics
The discriminatory policies and MRND‘s lack of respect of democracy, basic
human rights and rule of law, led to the formation of Rwanda Alliance for
National Unity (RANU) later transformed into Rwandese Patriotic Front
(RPF), in 1987, with the intent to fight for human rights and democratic
change in Rwanda.
After the failure of all peaceful means to reform the MRND regime, RPF
eventually resorted to the liberation war in 1990.
The MRND regime responded by organizing and committing acts of
Genocide against Tutsi and opposition in 1990, 1991, 1992, which climaxed
in the 1994 Genocide against Tutsi, which was repeatedly referred to, by the
an apocalypse.
Genocide planners, as
Nation and state building under the two
republics
Though the national unity was claimed to guide the national socio-economic and
political development, the policies and practices contradicted that principle.
There were ethnic divisions, and regional divisions (for example the policy of regional
and ethnic quota in education, army and public labor, IRINGANIZA).
Divisionist politics culminated into genocide ideology that led to the genocide against
the Tutsi in 1994.
The political elite in Rwanda, since independence up to 1994, chose divisions and
Genocide as a political strategy to monopolize power;
The divisionism, discrimination and hatred against Tutsi in Rwanda from 1990 to 1994
were indeed totally brutal and not human in nature in comparison with the 1959, 1963,
1967, and 1973 Tutsi killings.
Nation and state building after the liberation
war

At the eve of 1990s, Rwandan who had been in exile for almost three decades
decided to fight for their rights to return and for the instauration of democracy in
Rwanda.
After trying all diplomatic and pacific means without success, they opted for a
liberation war which started on 1st October 1990.
After the liberation war that ended the genocide against the Tutsi on 4th July
1994, a national unity government was established with a huge task of both
nation rebuilding and state building.
In fact, the war and genocide against the Tutsi left a Rwanda that was nearly a
failed state with disintegrated social fabric.
Nation and state building after the
liberation war

The Government of Rwanda put in place mechanisms for


reconstruction and nation rebuilding. These include:
Ensuring security of people and properties,
Promoting the repatriation and reinsertion of refugees,
Promoting peace and reconciliation,
promoting justice for survivors of the genocide against the
Tutsi,
promoting economic growth, etc.
Nation and state building after the liberation
war
Among the measures to rebuild the nation, there is:
The establishment of a national unity and reconciliation commission with “the overall
mission of promoting national unity and reconciliation among Rwandans (Republic of
Rwanda, 2013).
One of its specific objectives is developing strategic measures designed to eradicate
divisions among Rwandans within and outside the country for the reinforcement of
national unity and reconciliation.
Beside the National Unity and Reconciliation Commission, there was the re-
establishment of Itorero as a means from the Rwandan culture and history to teach
about Rwandan values as pillars of nation building.
In the same line of promoting home grown solutions to problems left by the genocide,
Rwandan Government established Community and participatory justice called Gacaca
Courts which helped to solve the problem of providing justice to genocide survivors
which could not have been done using the Western model of justice (ordinary courts of
justice).
Nation and state building after the
liberation war
According to reports from the National Unity and
Reconciliation Commission, great progress has been done
in terms of nation building through unity and reconciliation
though there are still things to be done particularly in
eradicating genocide denial and ideology and divisionist
ideologies in order to ensure that a genocide never occurs
again.
History of genocide against the Tutsi in
Rwanda
The term "genocide" did not exist before 1944. It was coined in 1944 by Raphael Lemkin
(a Polish-Jewish legal scholar of international law), firstly from the Greek rootgénos
-cidium (cutting, killing) via French
(race, tribe); secondly from Latin –cide.
He wanted to describe Nazi policies of systematic murder of minority groups, including
the destruction of the European Jews.
In his book “Axis Rule in Occupied Europe” (1944), Lemkin wrote, "New conceptions
require new terms. By 'genocide' we mean the destruction of a nation or an ethnic group.
Raphael Lemkin spent 4 years pushing for genocide to be added to international law.
Finally, in 1948, the United Nations Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of
Genocide was adopted, and it entered into force in 1951.
In 1946, the first session of the United Nations General Assembly
adopted a resolution "affirmed" that genocide was a crime under
international law, but did not provide a legal definition of the crime.
On December 9, 1948, the UN General Assembly adopted the
Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of
Genocide which legally defined the crime of genocide for the first time.
TheCPPCG contains an internationally-recognized definition of
genocide which was incorporated into the national criminal legislation
of many countries, and was also adopted by the Rome Statute of the
International Criminal Court (the treaty that established the International
Criminal Court (ICC).
Definition of “Genocide”
The CPPCG (in article 2) defines genocide as any of the following acts committed with
intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as
such:
(a) Killing members of the group;
(b) Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group;
(c) Deliberately inflicting, on the group, conditions of life calculated to bring about its
physical destruction in whole or in part;
(d) Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group;
(e) Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group.
It is often the dispute of one of these acts which makes debate for the official
recognition of a crime as genocide.
History of genocide against the Tutsi in
Rwanda
The history of the genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda can be traced
back from the colonial period especially from Belgium colonial rule.
Read what Belgians did (previous slides)
After the independence of Rwanda in 1962, political power fell into the
hands of the Hutu
Genocide ideology (the belief in Hutu supremacy) was propagated
in Rwandan schools;
Hundreds of thousands of Tutsis were periodically murdered
between 1963 and 1973;
From 1962 to 1994, Presidents Kayibanda and Habyarimana
enacted policies that discriminated against Tutsi in the workforce
and schools (Policy of iringaniza).
History of genocide against the Tutsi in
Rwanda
The Liberation War, fought between government forces and the
Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), was used as a pretext (excuse,
cause) for the further propagation of an ideology of Hutu
supremacy and for human rights abuses
Hutu Interahamwe militia were trained and armed so that they
could carry out the genocide;
Lists of Tutsi to be killed were made;
Hutu extremists used the death of President Habyarimana in a
plane crash on 6 April 1994 as a pretext to begin the genocide
Execution of the genocide against the
Tutsi
Because the identity card system originally implemented by the
Belgians included the bearer’s ethnicity on IDs, the government
already had the names and addresses of almost every Tutsi;
Ammunition was cost-prohibitive (too expensive), so most Tutsis
were killed with weapons like machetes, often by Hutu neighbors
who they knew well
The genocide lasted from April to July 1994. In those 100 days,
more than 1,000,000 Tutsi were killed
The genocide finally came to an end with the victory of the RPF
over government forces in July 1994.
History of genocide against the Tutsi (in short)

12th century 1895: nation building: unity


1895 1962: colonial divisionism
1962 1994: exclusion, divisionism, hatred and
genocide against the Tutsi, genocide
1994 to date: national reconciliation, managing
consequences of the genocide, fighting its ideology and
denial , making never again a reality
Root causes, various explanations
Naturalist Explanation: Traditional hate between Hutu and Tutsi throughout the whole history of
Rwanda (P. Erny)
Structural Explanation: Life Space, Economic misery, land question, demographic explosion (F.
Reyntjens, P.Uvin, S. Marlysse, etc.,
Culturalist Explanation : Strong obedience to Authority as a culture of Rwandans has played a key
role in the commission of the genocide against Tutsi (Straus S.).
Contingent Genocide : resulting from popular anger caused by the death of President Juvénal
Habyarimana (denial literature).
Struggle for Power : War between RPF and Government (F.Reyntjens , Lugan Bernard, Defence
Lawyers at ICTR).
Bad governance theory (Ntaribi Kamanzi, Servillien Sebasoni): divisionism politics and
dictatorship.
Power of Ideology: Hatred Propaganda, Manipulations of History, Construction of Myths and
Beliefs (Faustin Rutembesa, Jacques Sémelin, J-P Chretien, etc).

Which of these explanations do you agree with?


Main cause

The main cause of the genocide against Tutsi in Rwanda


was the ideology of hatred taught for a long time with an
intention of isolating Tutsi from the rest of the Rwandan
community.
People were taught that Tutsi was their enemy and that
they should fight him/her and kill him/her if necessary.
Some indicators of the teaching of that
ideology of hate:
Hutu manifesto: a notorious document of 1957 emphasized the
policy of excluding tutsi.
Hutu 10 commandments of September 1959, written by Joseph
Habyalimana Gitera, were the basis of mass mobilization for
hatred against the tutsi.
Forbade Hutus from marrying, doing business with, or
employing Tutsis;
Advocated for restricting Tutsis from serving in the military
or occupying important government positions;
This resulted into acts of killing one part of Rwandans and
denying them rights to their country since 1959.
Some indicators of the teaching of that
ideology of hate:
Writing inciting hatred and speeches by politicians full of ideology
of hatred against the tutsi and calling on their killing.
For example, in launching those 10 hutu commandments in a
meeting at Ngoma on 27/09/1959, Joseph Gitera said”a
relationship between tutsi and hutu is impossible. It is like a
chronic wound on one’s leg, a leech in one’s body or pneumonia in
one’s rib”(Umubano w’umuhutu n’umututsi ni umufunzo ku kaguru,
ni umusundwe mu mubiri, ni umusonga mu rubavu ).
False propaganda and ideology of hate spread by media (RTLM,
Kangura newspaper) and political parties including CDR, MRND,
MDR power and some artistes like Simon Bikindi.
Specific features of the 1994 Genocide
Perpetrated Against the Tutsi in Rwanda
Done by Rwandans (hutu extremists) and ended by Rwandans
(RPF-inkotanyi);
Popular participation;
Mass killings in short time (rapid):over one million killed Tutsi in
less than 100 days (7April- 4 July 1994);
Extreme forms of violence (rape, torture, etc.);
Use of traditional weapons and every thing that could kill;
International involvement: the role of UNO, USA, France and the
Holy see) (National Commission for the Fight against Genocide/
CNLG, Kwibuka 23, 2017).
International involvement: The United
Nations
The United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda (UNAMIR)
was deployed in 1993 in order to oversee the implementation of
the Arusha Accords, which ended the Rwandan Civil War.
UNAMIR commander Gen. Roméo Dallaire was aware of
weapons stores gathered for the coming genocide but his
requests to raid them were denied by the UN;
Because its mandate did not allow for intervention, UNAMIR
did almost nothing to stop the killings or protect
Tutsis—although it did provide secure refuge for a few thousand
Tutsis in UN safe zones
International involvement: France
France materially supported the Habyarimana’s government before and
during the genocide;
French troops evacuated members of the Habyarimana regime
(including the deceased president’s wife) along with French nationals
once the killings began;
France refused to rescue any Tutsis, even those with French spouses,
leaving them to near-certain death;
Under a UN mandate, the French carried out Opération Turquoise, with
the supposed purpose of creating a safe zone in southwest Rwanda;
Many allege France’s true intention was to support the Hutu regime and
that killings continued within the safe zone with French approval and
participation;
International involvement: The United
States
The US, troubled by its disastrous intervention in Somalia,
chose not to intervene to stop the genocide, despite advance
warning that it would occur.
Then-President Clinton regards this lack of action as one of
his main foreign policy failings, and he came to Kigali on a
state visit to apologize in March 1998
International involvement: The Holy See

Many Catholic priests and nuns actively participated in the


Genocide, either by promoting genocide ideology or
carrying out killings themselves
Pope Francis formally apologized for the Church’s role to
President Kagame on 20 March 2017, asking forgiveness
for its “sins and failings”
Consequences of the genocide perpetrated
against the Tutsi
Social consequences: more than 1 million of men, women
and children were killed; increase in the number of
widows and widowers of any age; orphans; many
physical mutilations (casualties); disabled persons for life,
displaced, refugees and famine for all.
Increase in the prevalence of the HIV /AIDS during the post-
genocide period (the rate of prevalence of the HIV/AIDS
passed from 1, 3% in 1986 to 10, 8% in 1997 in the country)
.
There were dislocation of families or communities
(dispersion, separation, etc. ), victims of rape.
Consequences of the genocide perpetrated
against the Tutsi

Psychological consequences: traumatisms of all kinds. There were


serious cases of psychological traumatisms resulting from bad
experiences such as sexual abuses.
For example, the rape during the genocide and the exile of the
populations towards the neighboring countries left the victims
(women and children) with permanent after-effects and extreme
feeling of deterioration of their human dignity.
Consequences of the genocide
perpetrated against the Tutsi
Cultural consequences: the sufferings, deaths,
displacements, the prolonged stays in the refugee camps
cause also damage by replacing the culture of peace by a
culture of the war accompanied by cynicism (pessimism).
Spiritual consequences: the meaning of values and life
were deeply affected with mistrust, despair, blind hatred
and revenge feelings instead of confidence, hope and a
commitment to work together to build the future.
Consequences of the genocide
perpetrated against the Tutsi
Economic consequences:
Destruction of the economy of the country: Destruction of economic
infrastructures, equipments; the loss of earnings in tourism, the
disintegration of the school system, etc.
Destruction of the environment: destruction of the vegetation,
animals but also exposure of the arable land to erosion.
The refugee camps resulting from the genocide went hand in hand
with the deforestation.
Consequences of the genocide
perpetrated against the Tutsi
Political consequences:
The image of Rwanda was tarnished (state as a killer); the loss of the
support of the world public opinion, the dismantling of the democratic
process, the disintegration of the legally constituted state of Rwanda,
the installation of a general political discontent, the rise of the
extremists from all sides.
Rwanda as an epicenter of the spread of genocide ideology and
practices in the region),
failure of international community; never again as a myth).
Severe and lasting consequences at different levels :
Individual (physical, psychological) wounds,
National :Political
’ (state as a killer, extremist political parties, etc);
Social (intergroup divisions, mistrust), Economic (destruction of
physical and economic infrastructure…), Moral (failure of all
references, questioning of traditional values),
Regional (Rwanda as an epicenter of the spread of genocide
ideology and practices in the region),
International (failure of international community; never again as a
myth).
Never again: Genocide prevention

Can “never again” become reality?


What could be the role of nation and state building?
What are the achievements?
Never again: Genocide prevention
After the genocide committed by Nazi during the WWII, the International
Community promised that the genocide crime would not happen again.
Unfortunately in 1994 the same international community played a
bystander’ role and did not intervene to stop the genocide against the T.
utsi
As Rwandans we need to contribute to the fighting against genocide
denial and ideology from any corner they may come from.
We should not rely on others; we have to engage ourselves in the fight
against the genocide, its denial and ideology. Particularly youth must
take the lead.
Never again: Genocide prevention
The Government of Rwanda has put in place mechanisms to
support Rwandans in making the “Never Again” a reality.
These include the following measures:
the establishment of a legal framework : Law Nº 59/2018 of
22/8/2018 on the Crime of Genocide ideology and related crimes;
the establishment of institutional framework: National
Commission for fighting against the genocide(CNLG), National
Unity and Reconciliation Commission, National Itorero Commision
and the Fund for assistance to the genocide survivors (FARG).
These institutions work hand in hand to fight against genocide, its
ideology and overcome its consequences.
National citizenship policies

The Government of Rwanda has established citizenship


education policies and programmes aiming at promoting
the Rwandan national identity so as to re-unite the
Rwandan nation which has suffered from distortions
brought about by colonial power and the post
independence regimes.
These include the Itorero policy and Ndi Umunyarwanda
programme among others.
Itorero

A Rwandan civic education institution which aims mainly at


teaching all Rwandans to keep their culture through its different
values such as national unity, social solidarity, patriotism, integrity,
bravery, tolerance, the dos and don’t of the society, etc.
Through this instrument, Rwandans also keep informed about
Government policies and programmes; which strengthen
ownership of these policies and promote the role of the
population in the implementation of these social-economic
development programmes (National Itorero Commission-NIC,
2019).
To support the National Itorero Commission, two policies have
been enacted by the Government of Rwanda: Itorero Strategy and
volunteerism policy.
Itorero strategy determines the framework for organizing Itorero
in its two components: voluntary training and compulsory national
service ( Urugerero) which targets the youth between 17 to 35
after completion of secondary education.
Ndi Umunyarwanda programme

Ndi Umunyarwanda means “I am Rwandan”.


It is a programme initiated to (re)build a national identity
based on trust and dignity.
It aims at strengthening unity and reconciliation among
Rwandans by providing a forum for people to talk about
the causes and consequences of the genocide as well
as what it means to be Rwandan.
Conclusion
As Rwandans we have a strong cultural heritage “the Rwandan identity
spirit” to base on for developing a socially, economically and
politically resilient nation.
Citizenship education is important for the nation and state building.
It is important for a sustainable development of the nation to develop
the strong sense of nation identity among citizens
This education has to start from the heart of every Rwandan,
particularly the youth elite.
END!

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