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Examining The Bush Administration in Somalia - Rudolph
Examining The Bush Administration in Somalia - Rudolph
Examining The Bush Administration in Somalia - Rudolph
marked by political motivations, bureaucratic structure, and economic desire. The U.S.
government’s decisions surrounding the response to the mass starvation and civil war in Somalia
reflected the political timetable in Washington and the impending election of 1992. Additionally,
Pentagon officials did not have moral concerns on their mind, rather, more mundane and
pragmatic matters such as the efficacy of American withdrawal and the subsequent handoff to
the United Nations Security Council. It is important to recognize that the claim of humanitarian
motivations in American foreign policy decisions is often a facade to disguise less moral
incentives and garner public support. This burden – to appease the public when the president
makes decisions – is a critical component of American foreign policy in the modern age.
In 1991, Somalia plunged into a violent civil war after the U.S. stopped funding militia
leader Siad Barre. Funding for Barre originated from Cold War tensions in a, by now, highly
conventional story in which the U.S. propped up a militia leader to stymie the elusive spread of
Communism.1 The U.S’. negligence directly led to this conflict, because as the money dried up,
warring factions wrecked most of Somalia's agriculture, sending the country into famine. Thus,
later involvement, often cast as humanitarian work, could arguably be nothing more than
immorally cleaning up a mess, even though the U.S. did not sell it to the rest of the world as
such. The United Nations and other aid organizations responded by pouring money and resources
into Somalia in an attempt to feed the starving.2 Much of this aid, however, could not reach the
people who needed it the most, as belligerent parties stole the food to gain an upper hand over
1
Elizabeth Chamberlain, "Operation Restore Truth,"The Humanist,1994, 27.
https://www.proquest.com/magazines/operation-restore-truth/docview/235269280/se-2?accountid=36629.
2
Stefano Recchia, "Pragmatism over Principle: US Intervention and Burden Shifting in Somalia, 1992–1993."
Journal of Strategic Studies43, no. 3 (February 28,2018): 341-65. https://doi.org/10.1080/01402390.2018.1441712.
Rudolph2
their opponents. At what many consider the height of the crisis in July of 1992,3 the U.N.
pressured the Bush administration to lead a mission to provide aid for Somalia. President George
H.W. Bush resisted involvement in this tragedy, instead waiting until August when he announced
Operation Provide Relief on the eve of the 1992 Republican National Convention when the peak
of the tragedy had likely passed.4 The most plausibleexplanation as to why Bush withheld
support for so long was his political standing. In this election, Bush ran against Bill Clinton, a
tough opponent whose campaign motto was “It’s the economy, stupid,” a pejorative certainly
meant to deride the current president on what the public saw as his lack of domestic action
during an economic downturn.5 This sentiment likelycaused Bush to be more deliberate as he
carried out his foreign policy agenda, directly impacting the chronology of Somalian
involvement. A senior official inside the Bush administration admitted this, adding that
campaign aides were “fearful of accusations that all the president cared about was foreign
policy,” and “strongly urged him to take a lower public profile on all foreign issues until after the
election.”6 Looking at the behavior of the presidentthrough a historical lens, it becomes apparent
that Bush’s foreign policy regarding Somalia in the summer of 1992 was entirely distorted by the
internal political climate. Foreign policy determined by a political clock within the White House
is characteristically un-humanitarian. For a deed to be humanitarian, its effect must not only be
considered but its motivations too. In this case, whilesomestarving civilians were certainly fed
after Operation Provide Relief was executed, perhaps more could have been saved if moral, not
political, concerns had been the top priority for the Bush administration.
3
Matthew Baum A. "How Public Opinion Constrains the Use of Force: The Case of Operation Restore Hope."
residential Studies Quarterly34, no. 2 (2004): 187-226.http://www.jstor.org/stable/27552585, 210; see also,
P
Chamberlain, 27.
4
Recchia,Pragmatism over Principle,345.
5
Baum,How Public Opinion Constrains,202.
6
Michael Wines. "Mission to Somalia: Aides Say U.S.Role in Somalia Gives Bush a Way to Exit in Glory."The
New York Times, December 6, 1992, International, 14.
Rudolph3
Operation Provide Relief was largely a failure, falling prey to the problems previously
plaguing attempts at aid: the food simply could not get to the hungry because fighting parties
stole it.7 In December of 1992, after losing the election,Bush launched Operation Restore Hope,
a large-scale military operation that provided troops to get food through to the people of Somalia.
The timing of this was no accident on Bush’s part. Without any electoral encumberments after
losing the election to Clinton in the fall of 1992, Bush turned his attention more keenly to
Somalia, but not for any moral or altruistic reasons. This is true because had Bush’s personal
convictions been the true motivator, he would have gotten involved earlier. As Mathew Baum
points out, “If intervening in Somalia was ‘the right thing to do’ in November 1992, then it was
certainly also the right thing to do the previous January, or even in the latter part of 1991.”8 Thus,
despite what some believed at the time, even if Bush was “personally affected by the
prior inaction. Instead, a possible motivation of Bush’s was his legacy and maintaining his
reputation as a president who mastered foreign policy. Aides and friends of Bush added that it
was “no coincidence” that “Bush [left] office with a show of American might.”10 After all, if
short-term political motivations did not matter anymore, the likely next goal was long-term
political motivations.
The decision to get involved militarily in December of 1992 did not fall solely on
President Bush’s shoulders, however. Between August, when Operation Provide Relief was
initiated, and December, when Operation Restore Hope was launched, Bush remained opposed to
military involvement. While military decisions such as these outwardly belonged solely to the
7
ecchia,Pragmatism Over Principle,348.
R
8
Baum,How Public Opinion Constrains,210.
9
Recchia,Pragmatism Over Principle, 341.
10
Wines,Aids Say U.S. Role, 14.
Rudolph4
president, aides and members of the National Security Council logically had sway. Professor
Stefano Recchia asserts that Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff General Colin Powell and
other military leaders were the predominant force pushing Bush towards his ultimate decision to
intervene militarily.11 Recchia goes on to argue thatmilitary leaders were therefore able to push
some of their preferences into the operation, one of those being the use of an overwhelming
“decisive force” tactic.12 Previously used in the GulfWar in 1991, this tactic entails large troop
deployment to intimidate and overwhelm adversaries.13 Additionally, leaders put stipulations in
place to force a handoff to U.N. peacekeeping forces following a brief period of American
military presence.14 Arguably, the main motive behindthese stipulations was the limitation of
U.S. accountability. Politicians and military leaders feared that if the situation escalated or if
American troops got too entangled in Somalia, the U.S. would be further drawn into an unwanted
foreign conflict.15 Overwhelming force, Powell argued,would “intimidate the Somali militias,”
peacekeeping forces would prevent long-term military entanglement in Somalia. Leaders also
sought to prevent dangerous confrontations with the Somali militias and demanded that engaging
or neutralizing any Somali parties was not a part of the official mission.17 Whatever the
motivations, it is evident that the military’s responsibility lay in either protecting troops or
preventing escalation of conflict. Regardless of these tactics’ efficacy, the motivations behind
them remained logically and morally sound, as the military pursued the most feasible and
11
ecchia,Pragmatism Over Principle,352-254.
R
12
Recchia,Pragmatism Over Principle,353.
13
Francis G. Hoffman.Decisive Force – The New AmericanWay of War?Newport, RI: Government Publishing
Office, 1994. Accessed May 17, 2023. https://apps.dtic.mil/sti/citations/ADA283762.
14
Recchia,Pragmatism Over Principle,356.
15
Recchia,Pragmatism Over Principle,352-356.
16
Recchia,Pragmatism Over Principle,354.
17
Joint History Office.The Effort to Save Somalia.By Walter S. Poole. Washington DC: Office of the Chairman of
the Joint Chiefs of Staff, 2005, 23.
Rudolph5
efficient tactic that limited casualties. Nevertheless, to call this forceful type of involvement
humanitarian would be incorrect, and a dangerous exaggeration. Even though the military’s
intentions were arguably morally purer than Bush’s political motivations, neither party was
motivated to help starving people in Somalia, the necessary stipulation for a humanitarian
demarcation. With a view of the response to this humanitarian crisis, patterns begin to emerge.
At the heart of the decision-making process lay two parties: Bush and his staff and the military.
Both were highly interconnected but military officials’ pursuits varied markedly from the
presidential incentive to appeal to the public during campaign season. These overlapping motives
produced an interesting result: an intervention on Bush’s timeline, but with the details and
execution influenced by the military. Overall, the amalgamation of agendas created an
Interests in Somalian intervention stretched further than Bush and military leaders,
however. As is common throughout modern American history, oil additionally complicated this
geopolitical crisis. U.S. interest in Somalia had been almost completely dictated by oil before the
1990s, as Mogadishu and coastal towns served as vital ports close to Red Sea shipping lanes and
the Bab-el-Mandeb strait, a geographic feature seen as “the lifeline of Western Europe,” during
the Cold War.18 This interest was heightened duringthe 1970s following the OPEC oil embargo
during that decade.19 After Barre, the Somali leadersupplied with American money to preserve
oil interests during the Cold War, was deposed, longtime political dissident Mohammed Farah
Aideed rose to power.20 Aideed welcomed U.S. connections,likely due to his ties to the
American-based Continental Oil Company (Conoco), and thus embraced American participation
18
David N. Gibbs. "Realpolitik and Humanitarian Intervention:The Case of Somalia." International Politics 37
( March 2000): 43-44. Accessed May 17, 2023.
https://dgibbs.faculty.arizona.edu/sites/dgibbs.faculty.arizona.edu/files/somalia.pdf.
19
Gibbs, “Realpolitik and Humanitarian Intervention,”44.
20
Chamberlain, "Operation Restore Truth," 27.
Rudolph6
in Operation Restore Hope, expecting he could still reap the benefits from a relationship with
American oil corporations.21 Oddly enough, Aideed stillclashed with U.N. peacekeeping troops,
those who were participating in Operation Restore Hope alongside the U.S.22 Therefore, the U.S.
cooperated with a separatist leader who was part of the problem in the first place, attacking the
food supplies intended for hungry people. Moreover, a nearby Conoco compound served as the
headquarters for the Somali ambassador to America, Robert Oakley, and the “de factoU.S.
embassy,”23 making it hard to distinguish between BigOil24 and the American government,
setting a dangerous precedent.25 Blurring the linesbetween private industry and government is
risky, especially when the lives of American troops are involved. Without a distinction between
government and industry, it is unclear for which party the military fights. With this, the classic
American quandary once again emerges: does the government have the duty to protect the
American people or private industry? Ostensibly, democracies exist to serve the people, however,
this is often not the case. In the case of Somalia, America once again diverges from the
democratic high road, protecting private enterprise over the people and putting troops’ lives at
risk. Big Oil had much to gain from a peaceful resolution, as Conoco, Amoco, Chevron, and
Phillips were granted nearly two-thirds of Somali oil allocation prior to the fall of Barre.26 Thus,
any notion of humanitarianism on the U.S’. part was likely a pretext for the protection of
American business interests. Peace sought for economic motivations can never truly be
humanitarian, as someone profits from the lack of conflict. While the evidence is not clear if
21
ibbs, “Realpolitik and Humanitarian Intervention,”45
G
22
Gibbs, “Realpolitik and Humanitarian Intervention,”45.
23
Gibbs, “Realpolitik and Humanitarian Intervention,”48.
24
Largest oil companies in the United States at thetime, Conoco being one of them.
25
Worth noting, additionally, that President Bush wasa former Texas oilman, perhaps very sympathetic to Big Oil.
26
Chamberlain, "Operation Restore Truth," 27; see also,Fineman, Mark. "The Oil Factor in Somalia: Four
American petroleum giants had agreements with the African nation before its civil war began. They could reap big
rewards if peace is restored."The Los Angeles Times,January 18, 1993, World & Nation. Accessed May 18, 2023.
https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1993-01-18-mn-1337-story.html.
Rudolph7
Conoco and other large oil companies encouraged Bush to get involved militarily, once
American troops were on the ground, Conoco and other companies were certainlyinvolved.
Ultimately, American taxpayer dollars funded a warlord and helped massive oil companies
expand their domain, both of which are immoral, un-democratic, and un-humanitarian pursuits.
Looking at American foreign policy in Somalia during the early 1990s, several patterns
emerge. First and foremost, parties with their own agendas each wanted to manipulate American
involvement in their way. From political incentive to economic desire, these motivations were
similar in that none of these parties focused on the needs of the Somali people. Humanitarian aid
from a government can perhaps never truly be humanitarian, as the decision-makers will always
have responsibilities to parties other than the one truly in need of aid. Historically, tragedy can
open the door to greed, because when a country or people are at their lowest, exploiting them is
easier. The case of Somalia is no different, considering that although people were fed as a result
of the intervention, the focus was never to do so. Thus, any benefits were likely a mere
byproduct of selfishness. Even if any selfish motivations were forgotten, aid in Somalia could
not have been humanitarian simply for the fact that the U.S. effectively ignored the genocide in
Rwanda a year later. To be truly humanitarian, to seek the improvement of people’s lives, one
can not pick and choose which battles will be most advantageous to themselves. This raises the
question as to whether the U.S. has a responsibility to provide aid across the world. Perhaps the
answer is yes, particularly in places where politicians have previously meddled, as any country
carries a moral burden to right previous wrongs. To ethically provide aid, however, it must be
isolated from any other political or economic agendas, reverting aid to its true form, rather than
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