Energy Use in Cities: A Roadmap for

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Stephanie Pincetl
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Energy Use
in Cities
A Roadmap for Urban
Transitions

Stephanie Pincetl · Hannah Gustafson ·

Felicia Federico · Eric Daniel Fournier ·
Robert Cudd · Erik Porse
 Energy Use in Cities

“The book provides a unique knowledge resource for researchers, practitioners and
decision-makers alike. It is based on a detailed and novel methodology to interrogate
the socio-spatial features of energy demand across regions and cities, opening the path
for ambitious measures to transform our relationship with energy and infrastructure
in response to the global climate challenge.”
—Stefan Bouzarovski, Professor, Department of Geography, University of
Manchester

“The Energy Atlas provides insightful and detailed information on localized energy
consumption for the City of Los Angeles. As LADWP builds the energy grid of the
future, the Energy Atlas remains vital in the development and incorporation of new
clean technologies into the grid.
The Energy Atlas assists LADWP to better understand building energy consump-
tion across the diverse neighborhoods of Los Angeles. Now, as LADWP begins to
incorporate distributed energy resources, energy storage, and building electrifica-
tion technologies into the grid, UCLA’s Energy Atlas has new importance in
maintaining reliability and managing customer demand.”
—Steve Baule, Director of Sustainable Projects in the Office of Sustainability at
Los Angeles Department of Water and Power

“The team at UCLA have created a wonderfully, comprehensive, knowledge base

with the Energy Atlas—an interactive data centric, map of energy consumption
that enables us as Strategic Sustainability Consultants to rapidly develop insight into
local community level energy usage and GHG emissions, to support the development
of climate action planning and energy reduction strategies that we are currently
undertaking in Southern California.”
—David Herd, Managing Partner, BuroHappold

“If global society is to overcome climate change, then it needs significant trans-
formation in urban energy systems to occur. With Californian cities leading the
way, Dr. Pincetl and her team have constructed and analyzed the most amazing,
spatially detailed data-sets. They have found solutions to formidable data access
challenges and explored thorny issues of social justice under energy transitions.
This book is essential reading for local governments, planners and academics
looking to build sustainable cities.”
—Chris Kennedy, Chair of Civil Engineering, University of Victoria, Canada
Stephanie Pincetl · Hannah Gustafson ·
Felicia Federico · Eric Daniel Fournier ·
Robert Cudd · Erik Porse

Energy Use in Cities

A Roadmap for Urban Transitions
Stephanie Pincetl Hannah Gustafson
Institute of the Environment and Institute of the Environment and
Sustainability Sustainability
University of California Los Angeles University of California Los Angeles
Los Angeles, CA, USA Los Angeles, CA, USA

Felicia Federico Eric Daniel Fournier

Institute of the Environment and Institute of the Environment and
Sustainability Sustainability
University of California Los Angeles University of California Los Angeles
Los Angeles, CA, USA Los Angeles, CA, USA

Robert Cudd Erik Porse

Institute of the Environment and Institute of the Environment and
Sustainability Sustainability
University of California Los Angeles University of California Los Angeles
Los Angeles, CA, USA Los Angeles, CA, USA

ISBN 978-3-030-55600-6 ISBN 978-3-030-55601-3 (eBook)

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-55601-3

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer
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 Acknowledgments

We would like to thank Howard Choy, Dave Freeman, Ken Alex, Steve
Baule, Michael Peevey, Eric Stokes, Mark Gold, Peter Kareiva, and Amy
Reardon as well as the staff at the Institute of the Environment and
Sustainability at UCLA for their help, support and faith in this project.
Mary Hardin, Julia Skrovan, and Lauren Strug provided invaluable edito-
rial contributions and Sean Kennedy some invaluable analysis. A special
thanks must go to Dan Cheng who spent nearly four years working on
the Atlas, developing creative solutions to gnarly problems. Her cheer,
and consistently positive attitude made an enormous difference. Alex
Ricklefs was a great addition to the team as well. Studio NAND, our
website developer based in Berlin, has been an integral partner in this
venture, providing beautiful, smooth, and sophisticated web develop-
ment, making the Atlas what it is. We are also only as far along as the
previous Atlas team enabled: special thanks goes to Zoe Elizabeth, one of
the first staff and manager of the Atlas 1.0, Jackie Murphy who created the
first beta map, Rob Graham, our first programmer, Sinnott Murphy and
Deepak Sivaraman who also participated in the initial Atlas development.
Finally, this book and our work would not have been possible without
the ongoing support of the Anthony & Jeanne Pritzker Family Foun-
dation for the California Center for Sustainable Communities at UCLA,
spearheaded by Dr. Pincetl.

v
 Contents

1 Introduction 1
About the Chapters 3
Bibliography 6

2 The Larger Context, Cities, Smart and Big Data 7

Introduction 7
Smart and Big Data 8
Building Energy Data 9
A Changing Energy Landscape 11
Data to Guide the Transformation 15
Origins of the Energy Atlas 19
Cities, Data, and Sustainability 22
Mapping 25
Intentionality and Consequence 28
A Roadmap for Transparent, Data-Driven Energy
Transitions 30
Bibliography 30

3 Building Energy Data Access and Aggregation Rules 33

Introduction 33
California’s 2014 Data Access Decision 35
University Privacy Aggregation Rules for Public Disclosure 38

vii
viii CONTENTS

Data Access in Practice 38

Summary 42
Bibliography 43

4 Building an Energy Atlas 45

Database Overview 46
Utility Data 47
Parcels and Buildings 49
Megaparcels 51
Administrative Boundaries 52
US Census 52
CalEnviroScreen 53
Data Preparation 54
Geocoding and Utility Data Standardization 54
Spatial Joins in PostgreSQL with PostGIS 56
Monthly Billing Dates 56
Security 57
Masked vs. Unavailable Data 57
Units 58
Limitations 59
Missing Data for Some Publicly Owned Utilities 59
Parcel Data Errors 59
Raw Utility Data Errors 60
Census Data Errors 61
Geocoding Errors 62
Compliance with Data Aggregation Rules 63
Summary 64
Bibliography 64

5 User Design and Functionality 65

Introduction 65
Stakeholder Engagement 66
Website Components 68
Map View 68
Profile View 69
Data Download 78
Visualization, Data Availability, and Privacy Aggregation 79
 CONTENTS ix

Summary 83
Bibliography 84

6 Data Analytics 85
Data-Driven Decision-Making 85
How Data Is Transforming Science 86
How Data Is Transforming Society 87
Utility Customer Data 88
Utility Company Internal Customer Data Use Cases 89
Barriers to Third-Party Access 92
Revisiting Utility Customer Data Aggregation Rules 93
Ethical Implications of Utility Customer Data Access
Decisions 95
Third-Party Utility Customer Data Request Procedures 98
Utility Customer Data Analytics 99
Working with Utility Customer Data at Scale 99
Verifying Utility Customer Data Integrity 103
Putting Consumption into Context 105
Detecting Significant Changes in Historical Consumption 106
Forecasting Future Consumption Levels 110
Utility Customer Data Models Versus Descriptions 112
Modeling Applications 113
Minimum Data Requirements 114
Future Research Questions 115
Bibliography 116

7 Case Studies 119

Introduction 119
Advanced Energy Communities Project 120
Overview 120
Background 122
Role of the Energy Atlas 124
Results and Findings 126
Solar Prioritization Tool 1.0 128
Overview 128
Background 129
Role of the Energy Atlas 132
Results and Findings 135
x CONTENTS

Solar Prioritization Tool 2.0 137

Overview 137
Background 138
Role of the Energy Atlas 138
Results and Findings 139
Energy Transitions, Natural Gas, and Indoor Air Quality 140
Overview 140
Background 141
Role of the Energy Atlas 142
Results and Findings 142
Electricity Infrastructure Vulnerabilities Due to Extreme
Heat 144
Overview 144
Background 144
Role of the Energy Atlas 145
Results and Findings 145
LA County Sustainability Plan—GHG Inventory
and Business-as-Usual Scenarios 147
Overview 147
Role of the Energy Atlas 148
Results and Findings 150
A Building Energy Consumption Database for the California
Bay Area 150
Overview 150
Background 150
Role of the Energy Atlas 151
Results and Findings 151
Annex 70 International Research Collaboration 152
Overview 152
Background 153
Role of the Energy Atlas 154
Summary 155
Bibliography 155

8 Conclusion 157
Supporting Local Government Progress on the Energy
Transition 157
Regulatory Impediments 158
Insights from Data-Driven Research 160
 CONTENTS xi

Time-of-Use Pricing 161

Interconnection of Distributed Generation 162
Building Energy Use 163
Summary 165
Bibliography 169

Glossary 171

Index 177
 List of Figures

Fig. 2.1 California’s energy system and sources of Energy 14

Fig. 4.1 UCLA Energy Atlas database overview 47
Fig. 4.2 Map of gas utility coverage in the Energy Atlas 48
Fig. 4.3 Map of electric utility coverage in the Energy Atlas 49
Fig. 5.1 Map view of the Energy Atlas website 70
Fig. 5.2 Footprint at the base of the map view contains
longitudinal data for a specific geography when a user
clicks the map 71
Fig. 5.3 Profile views compare up to three municipalities with
tabular summaries of consumption data 72
Fig. 5.4 Profile charts displaying energy consumption by building
type for Orange County in 2016 73
Fig. 5.5 Profile charts displaying energy consumption by building
size for Orange County in 2016 74
Fig. 5.6 Profile charts displaying energy consumption by building
vintage for Orange County in 2016 75
Fig. 5.7 Profile charts displaying residential electricity consumption
by CalEnviroScreen Score in Orange County in 2016 76
Fig. 5.8 Residential electricity consumption by median household
income in Orange County in 2016 77
Fig. 5.9 The data download portal of the website 78

xiii
xiv LIST OF FIGURES

Fig. 5.10 City-level industrial natural gas consumption is

significantly masked on the Atlas website due to privacy
rules set by the CPUC. The hashed geographies on this
map show the extent of industrial sector masking in
Southern California 80
Fig. 5.11 The spatial distribution and intensity of energy consumers
plays an important role in how much data is masked by
the 15/15 rule 82
Fig. 6.1 Results of an experiment using the Energy Atlas data to
evaluate the effective masking rates associated with a large
number of different potential alternatives to California’s
existing 15/15 Rule 97
Fig. 6.2 Graphical illustration of the use of the simulated historical
forecasting technique to evaluate the efficacy of a set of
energy efficiency measures implemented in two different
households 109
Fig. 7.1 Overview map of the six census tracts (orange) which
comprise the Disadvantaged Communities of Basset and
Avocado Heights selected as the study area for the AEC
project. Note the number of major freeways intersecting
the site as well as the adjacent large industrial facilities
(bottom right), decommissioned landfill (bottom center),
and gravel quarry (top center) (Basemap data credit:
Mapbox) 121
Fig. 7.2 Overview of analysis methodology for the Solar
Prioritization Tool 1.0 133
Fig. 7.3 Average hourly GHG emissions intensity of grid power,
based upon the changing composition of generators in
the grid portfolio mix, across the hours in the day for
each year between 2010 and 2019 141
Fig. 7.4 Map illustrating the geographic location of the two
project study area zip codes (91732 & 91746), which
largely overlap with the AEC project study area (Basemap
data credit: Mapbox) 143
Fig. 7.5 Los Angeles County DPR planning areas 148
 List of Tables

Table 2.1 Major laws, regulations, and rules governing California’s

energy system and its transformation 16
Table 4.1 Utilities included in the Energy Atlas and years of data
available 47
Table 4.2 Building use type categories and descriptions 50
Table 4.3 Data load periods in the Energy Atlas 61
Table 4.4 Parcel geocoding match rate by county 63
Table 5.1 The 15/15 rule 79
Table 6.1 Summary overview of the four paradigms of scientific
discovery as proposed by Hey et al. (2009) 86
Table 7.1 Overview of procedures and methods used in the Solar
Prioritization Tool 1.0 134

xv
 CHAPTER 1

Introduction

This book is about an experiment that we felt ethically and scientifically

obligated to conduct. It is a result of finding ourselves in a particular
moment in history—one in which humanity needs to draw upon all of
our species’ knowledge and capabilities to realize a sustainable future in
the coming decades. As academics, we feel it is incumbent upon us to
leverage the university’s unique status—legally, ethically, and intellectu-
ally—in furtherance of urban sustainability and a just energy transition
away from fossil fuels. In doing so, we have discovered an immense gap
in the practical availability of the data necessary for informing decision-
making, including the implementation of California’s ambitious goals for
climate action.
California’s efforts to decarbonize electricity generation and to reduce
energy use in buildings have resulted in the development of a multi-
tude of ambitious and well-intentioned targets, benchmarks, and policies
pursuant to the state’s overarching sustainability goals. In the course of
our research, however, we discovered that a great many of these targets
and benchmarks were “data free”—that is, there were no data available
to guide their implementation or evaluate their success. Nor were there
legislative provisions requiring that any particular kind of data be used
measure or verify progress in meaningful ways. This was not because a
record of building-level energy consumption, among other data, did not
exist—it is regularly collected by utilities for billing purposes—but rather
because utilities have claimed that such data are proprietary. As we shall

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2 S. PINCETL ET AL.

explain, these proprietary claims seriously limit the use of granular energy
consumption data for public decision-making, and are now proving to be
a significant obstacle to the achievement of the state’s sustainability goals.
In California, greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions from building stock
vary across the state, and by time of day and season, but overall, building
energy use accounts for 25% of the state’s emissions (Mahone et al. 2019).
Globally, buildings account for nearly 40% of cities’ GHG emissions and
40% of their total energy use (International Energy Agency and the
United Nations Environment Program 2018). Consequently, knowledge
of building energy usage patterns and an understanding of their under-
lying drivers are fundamental to developing policy strategies for reduction
of energy consumption and GHG emissions.
When we first began our work to document energy use in cities, we
found ourselves lacking the data needed to inform the energy transition
in a scientifically rigorous manner and help enable the implementation of
effective public policy. Not only did we university researchers not have the
information we needed to pursue our own research questions, but local
governments—charged with saving energy for their residents—could not
even obtain energy data on their own municipal operations from the util-
ities, let alone building energy consumption data for their populations.
As the lack of access had become an increasingly significant obstacle to
energy research and policy implementation efforts, we moved to partic-
ipate in public debates about the rights of different entities to access
building energy data. We pushed for, and participated in, a state level
regulatory process (described in more depth in subsequent chapters) that
eventually gave universities access to building energy consumption data,
although extensive challenges still remain to this day. What we present in
this book is the outcome of that engagement: the UCLA Energy Atlas.
The UCLA Energy Atlas is a spatial-temporal record of the energy
consumed by and within the built environment. The Atlas links energy
consumption from utility billing data to tax assessor’s parcels using
addresses; making statistical, geographic, and chronological analyses of
energy consumption possible. It consists of two parts: a back-end
database, and a public facing, interactive web map, and data visualization
platform. The back-end database, on which the Energy Atlas website is
based, contains hundreds of millions of records of historical consump-
tion at the address level; it enables a wide array of research projects
related to decarbonizing building energy use, which in turn serve to
inform state and local government policies. The public web map displays
 1 INTRODUCTION 3

building energy use in a multitude of ways—including by use type, square

footage, and vintage, as well as by socio-demographics—and is aggregated
to protect customer privacy following regulatory rules. The Energy Atlas
is regularly updated with new data and spatial attributes as we obtain
additional research funding, and as local governments request in-depth
analyses.
The UCLA Energy Atlas was born from the need to fill an enormous
gap at this pivotal juncture in the climate crisis. It is a product of our
commitment as scientists to evidence-based energy policy, and a testament
to how crucial such data are for understanding building energy use. This
book is a collaborative endeavor, weaving together knowledge and contri-
butions from an interdisciplinary team of researchers who have created,
maintained, and expanded its geographical extent and content purview.
The Atlas could not have been developed without this interdisciplinary
collaboration. We are also grateful to a number of people without whom
this work would have never been possible. These include Dave Freeman,
former General Manager of the Los Angeles Department of Water and
Power, Howard Choy, former General Manager of Energy and Environ-
mental Services Internal Services Division of Los Angeles County, Mark
Gold, former Acting Director of the UCLA Institute of the Environment
and Sustainability, Amy Reardon of the state Public Utilities Commission,
Michael Peevey, former Chair of the state Public Utilities Commission,
Ken Alex, former Director of the state Office of Planning and Research,
and Eric Stokes, Program Manager at the state Energy Commission who
provided us our first round of funding. We cannot thank all the people
who have, in one way or another, supported our work, but it is a truism
that good work is a collaborative effort, and the Atlas is no different.

About the Chapters

• Chapter 2—Places our initiative in the larger context of the rise
of big data and data representation, the energy transition, and
California’s energy politics.
• Chapter 3—Addresses building energy data access issues in Cali-
fornia (found commonly across the country and beyond) and
aggregation rules. We describe the process by which address-level
building energy use data became available and the political context
of that decision. This chapter, as a result, provides a window into
the institutional context of electricity and natural gas regulation in
4 S. PINCETL ET AL.

the state, its evolution, and current challenges. Regulation of elec-

tricity and natural gas utilities is scattered across state agencies, the
state legislature and federal agencies and regulators. We shed light
on the evolving regulatory regime for the energy utilities that then
cascades down to the locality. Limitations to using and displaying
disaggregated data are discussed through examining the data aggre-
gation rules and the consequences for research and public display of
energy use in the Atlas. The chapter also introduces utility data—
what data is maintained by the utilities and how researchers have
developed processing methods to make the data usable. We also
explain our geocoding process for the data, how spatial matches are
enabled that allow correlating energy use to buildings and people
and other attributes of the region, such as solar capacity of rooftops,
environmental quality, temperature, or microclimate.
• Chapter 4—Describes how the Atlas was built: the constituent
data layers and their characteristics; the data processing steps and
methodology for linking the data layers together; the approach to
maintaining security and privacy; and the inherent limitations and
challenges of working with these data.
• Chapter 5—Discusses the mapping process itself and the making
of the interactive Atlas website. Interactive websites must be both
functional and beautiful to attract users. They must provide suffi-
cient important data, but in user-friendly, intuitive ways that engage
the user because the presentation of data is well thought through.
We discuss the selection of the covariate data—partly a function
of what is publicly available and what seemed to the researchers—
integrating stakeholder suggestions—to be revelatory about building
energy use for equity analysis and the implementation of renewable
energy resources. This approach is guided by an intent to provide
information to support a just energy transition, and to assist local
government reporting and program implementation. We also discuss
the website’s architecture—the software utilized, and the reasons for
its selection. Finally, we detail database protocols that maintain the
security and confidentiality of the data.
• Chapter 6—Delves into data analytics. “Big data” may be defined by
its size, complexity, and the speed at which additional data is gener-
ated. For big data to be useful, its potential to explain phenomena
and provide insights must be well understood. We explain our
approach to extracting information from the “big” data stored in
 1 INTRODUCTION 5

the Energy Atlas. We also discuss analytics driven by requests for

information from stakeholders and/or communities, as well as those
which support specific research grants. The examples presented aim
to demonstrate the enormous potential inherent with the type, size,
and extent of data in the Atlas.
• Chapter 7—Presents a series of case studies made possible by
the Energy Atlas database, including a number of grant-funded
research projects that used the granular data for cutting-edge anal-
ysis without compromising customer privacy. We utilized a hub and
spoke approach to the work: the data is the hub, and we have built
specific analytics, many spokes, as a result of additional funding. We
hope that these projects advance a just transition in the region by
harnessing the power of empirical data to improve our understanding
of energy use in disadvantaged and low-income communities, and
to support policy recommendations. This chapter also describes the
use of the Energy Atlas as the backbone for greenhouse gas emis-
sions accounting for Los Angeles County’s first-ever Sustainability
Plan, allowing for disaggregation of the inventory for the County’s
88 cities, and providing localities with the information needed for
energy efficiency and conservation investments to upgrade building
energy use. The chapter concludes with a discussion of an interna-
tional research collaboration around building energy data in which
we participate, and which highlights the Atlas as a global best
practice.
• Chapter 8—Concludes with a discussion of policy insights and impli-
cations. Policy insights from the Energy Atlas are both multi-scalar,
and temporal. For example, the Atlas enables a prospective analysis of
the potential impacts of “Time-of-Use” pricing for different income
groups derived from energy use at different times of the day, and the
upcoming new time-of-use pricing of energy. Additionally, we have
been able to calculate the capacity of the built environment in Los
Angeles County, to electrify based on roof size and energy use. Grid
information matched to regulations about grid penetration of solar
adds yet another dimension to insights for future policy, for example,
where the grid should be modernized. An important lesson the Atlas
provides is that data access is key to cities developing policies and
programs for energy use reduction, yet some of the most critical data
remains very difficult to obtain. Knowledge of building energy use
has enormous power to inform policy and policymakers about the
6 S. PINCETL ET AL.

types of interventions that can be the most effective, as well as how

to ensure that the buildings in most need of retrofits can be targeted
first. Without good data, everybody (regulators, local governments,
utilities, researchers, and the public) are flying blind.

Bibliography
Mahone, A., Li, C., Subin, Z., Sontag, M., Mantegna, G., & Karolides,
A. (2019). Residential Building Electrification in California Consumer
Economics, Greenhouse Gases and Grid Impacts. www.ethree.com.
 CHAPTER 2

The Larger Context, Cities, Smart and Big

Data

Introduction
Cities are now the primary habitat for human beings. For the first time in
our history, most humans live in these areas across the globe, and cities
are increasingly being recognized as important venues within which to
pursue the reduction of humanity’s impacts on the environment (Evans
2019). Cities are accumulations of many of the Earth’s rarest materials.
Often mined and processed in distant places; these materials are assembled
and embedded in city systems so that their unique physical and chemical
properties can be leveraged to provide shelter, jobs, and enable the opera-
tion of many types of infrastructure. Cities rely on continuous input flows
of energy: electricity, natural gas, and other hydrocarbons, which enable
the heating and cooling of buildings, propulsion of vehicles, and func-
tioning of machinery. As humanity has become increasingly urbanized and
reliant on infrastructural systems, concomitant advances in computational
technology now promise tantalizing solutions to previously intractable
infrastructural management problems. However, to “optimize” the func-
tioning of infrastructural systems, we require data from and about those
systems. Accordingly, we now exist in an era of “smart” and “sensored”
cities (Kitchin 2014a, b; Marvin et al. 2018). Naturally, the type and avail-
ability of data affects the character and orientation of a wide range of
policy processes, including sustainability policy. Furthermore, the content
and form of relevant data; its granularity, whether it is designated as

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8 S. PINCETL ET AL.

public or private information, the frequency of its collection, and how

it is curated, also influence policy processes—especially the evaluation of
policy impacts.

Smart and Big Data

Smart data typically refers to digital data that are collected from
distributed devices (sensors), which monitor activities and provide real-
time data and feedback. Examples include traffic counts, mobility tech-
nologies, waste collection, dynamic street lighting, or energy data from
smart meters. While sensors and control-based devices have existed for
many years as part of municipal and utility infrastructure, the emergence
of the Internet of Things (IOT), coupled with Smart City applications,
has led to an exponential growth in opportunities for data connectivity
and collection. This raises important issues about privacy and secu-
rity. Protocols must be developed to ensure consistent, standards-based
approaches, as well as to ensure that only data that creates added insights
are collected. Data collection and storage are not free, and more data does
not always create additional utility.
Typically, a city’s data goes into an open-source portal that is made
available to planners, decision-makers, and/or the public. It is gener-
ally intended to improve government transparency, accountability, public
participation, and interdepartmental collaboration. Smart sensor networks
are also becoming increasingly marketed to consumers. Domestic sensor
and software packages that provide residents with information about
electricity consumption, air temperature, the status of groceries in a
refrigerator, etc., and allow for remote control devices are now available.
Boyd and Crawford (2012) define “big data” as resting on an interplay
of (1) technology that maximizes computation power and algorithmic
accuracy to gather, analyze, link, and compare large data sets; (2) analysis
drawing on large data sets to identify patterns in order to make economic,
social, technical, and legal claims, and; (3) mythology that large data
sets offer a higher form of intelligence and knowledge that can generate
insights that were previously impossible, with the aura of truth, objec-
tivity, and accuracy (p. 663). It is important to recognize that big data are
not neutral and not all big data are the same. What is collected is a choice
about what is important, and inquiry is always driven by points of view, or
methods that implicitly reflect points of view or goals of the investigators.
Big data and systems that display the data are therefore a result of a social
 2 THE LARGER CONTEXT, CITIES, SMART AND BIG DATA 9

process of choice reflecting priorities and ideas about what is important.

How data are identified, collected, processed and displayed is not neutral.
For our work, we make sure that the collection and analysis of building
energy data also provides knowledge about how the existing system and
regulatory shifts may impact the most disadvantaged populations.

Building Energy Data

It is both interesting and revealing to assess what city data are collected
but not made publicly accessible. Privacy protection has been invoked,
most frequently by utilities, to prevent the sharing or release of building
energy and water use. In the United States, flows of energy and water
are considered necessary for human well-being in cities—considerable
investment is made in ensuring reliability and quality of these essential
resources. Despite the vital nature of these services, and the extensive
public oversight of both public and private utilities, granular data about
energy consumption (or water for that matter) in the built environment
are not publicly available in California, nor most of the world.1 This situ-
ation persists despite building energy use comprising a large portion of
urban energy consumption.
While data are usually available at a macro scale (e.g., citywide, or
by sector), little is known about energy consumption inside most cities
at a granular level—by neighborhood, by building type, or as a func-
tion of other salient building characteristics. For example, people use
energy to heat, cook, run appliances and equipment, and for illumina-
tion. But knowledge of the energy use of each of these activities, the
spatial differences in energy use that exist between different homes and
neighborhoods, industries and commercial establishments, as well as how
patterns of energy use change over time have, historically, been gleaned
from either modelling studies or small empirical data samples. Those
approaches, we have discovered, are insufficient to determine differences
in patterns of energy consumption across building and socioeconomic
attributes, between heterogeneous geographies, and over time.

1 There are a few exceptions such as Gainesville Florida and Cambridge MA where
property-level energy consumption data are publicly available. The International Energy
Agency is working to develop a building energy “epidemiology” knowledge base through
its Annex 70 research effort with the goal of characterizing building energy use, but even
in Europe, building energy use reporting is not available at the building scale.
10 S. PINCETL ET AL.

The lack of data is not the result of its absence—utilities must collect it
in order to bill customers. Rather, utilities consider these data proprietary;
key to internal operations and decisions. Generally speaking, utilities
prefer not to have outside entities—the public, researchers, regulatory
bodies—meddle in their internal decision-making processes, which rely
on information extracted from millions of customer bills. Utilities, by and
large, have been very successful in providing essential services—electricity
and natural gas—at affordable prices, with few major breakdowns, black-
outs or service interruptions—though this track record is likely to come
under increasing stress as climate events accelerate. At the same time,
electricity generation and natural gas impose considerable externalities
on society, including pollution and greenhouse gas emissions. Moreover,
there is a strong correlation between affluence and consumption, which
also has societal impacts due to infrastructure requirements. Carefully and
parsimoniously shifting to a decarbonized energy system is very much in
the public’s interest, but the scale and extraordinary complexity of the
infrastructural systems involved requires that robust, disaggregated energy
consumption data be readily available.
That energy consumption data has been by and large proprietary has
negatively affected the ability of regulators to deeply understand patterns
of energy use by socioeconomic groups, and the relationship of that use to
income for electricity and natural gas. Further there are important issues
regulators should better understand for themselves, related to grid infras-
tructure and capacity, local renewable energy generation potential in any
given urban morphology, and the possibilities of storage. Each of these
has important implications for the future of energy generation and use,
and opaque to most PUCs, other regulators and researchers due to the
lack of data. Further there are enormous possibilities to better understand
commercial and industrial energy use as well, and to target efficiency
programs as more is known about the different sectors and how they
might compare among themselves. None of this possible without granular
data about building energy use.
Therefore, to plan for equitable and “smart” energy transitions,
knowing exactly how and how much energy is utilized in buildings, by
whom and where, is critical for precise policy interventions, i.e., targeting
programs, incentives, initiatives and investments according to the driver
(building age, appliances, or other). Distinctions between building types
and residents’ sociodemographic characteristics are also important for
evaluating the performance of energy efficiency programs, which are
 2 THE LARGER CONTEXT, CITIES, SMART AND BIG DATA 11

key components of California’s broader strategy of decarbonization and

electrification. While there is a general belief in the efficacy of energy effi-
ciency investments, what works where, and under what circumstances,
remains largely unknown. State agencies and utilities cannot continue to
rely almost exclusively on ex ante methods to evaluate the performance
energy efficiency policies if they are serious about achieving significant
reductions in the demand for energy. Costly repercussions may occur
when programs are poorly designed or implemented, or when they fail
to reach the intended groups of consumers.
Access to granular energy consumption data makes it far more likely
that California will meet its energy targets in an optimal manner, as gran-
ular spatial analysis provides invaluable insights into patterns of energy
use across the landscape and over time, and the extent to which equity
objectives are being achieved. It does no good for the state to set targets
if policies and programs aimed to implement them cannot be accurately
evaluated and course changes can’t be made if some seem to work and
others not.

A Changing Energy Landscape

The energy sector worldwide is struggling with how to generate and
distribute energy while simultaneously reducing greenhouse gas emis-
sions. The emergence of increasingly inexpensive renewable energy gener-
ation, changing building technologies, transportation electrification, and
increasing demand have disrupted the twentieth-century model, putting
incumbent energy companies on the defensive. The highly successful
approach of the modernist era, now challenged by the aforementioned
developments, was to build centralized electricity generating plants, fueled
by hydrocarbons, or sometimes hydropower, and to distribute that energy
through an extensive transmission and distribution grid.
Today, there are other alternatives. Traditional utilities are struggling
to keep up with a dynamic new energy world. As the cost of renewable
energy supply and storage systems begins to rival traditional generation
options, and the operations of conventional generation and distribution
assets are increasingly disrupted by the impacts of climate change, utilities
must alter their business models and infrastructure to adapt. Regulatory
agencies in the United States, such as state Public Utilities Commissions
(PUCs) must update the way they regulate the utilities to confront rapid
12 S. PINCETL ET AL.

market and policy changes pertaining to the energy supply and utility
operations.2
In California today, the state has developed greenhouse gas emissions
reduction mandates for electricity generation, requiring the utilities to
purchase increasing increments of power generated by renewable sources
of energy, as well as to fund energy efficiency programs to reduce demand.
These energy efficiency programs (EE) form an important part of the
state’s approach to reducing building energy use. EE incentives are
funded by revenue collected from ratepayers, designated by the California
PUC (CPUC) for the purpose, and implemented through an array of
different programs and partners. The CPUC has constructed a complex
set of requirements and regulations to govern each of the interacting
aspects of the mandatory regulations from the state, such as the renewable
energy portfolio, and program implementation such as the EE incentives.
Much attention has been focused on electricity generation where alter-
natives are available, but natural gas use (also under the umbrella of the
PUC) in homes and industrial processes remains endemic and difficult to
supplant. It is an inexpensive energy source and extensive infrastructure
exists to distribute it. Most homes, at least in California, have natural gas
appliances that rely on that infrastructure. Natural gas still serves a crit-
ical need for generation of electricity, making up for the intermittency in
renewable energy (solar and wind), and night time generation due to the
state’s lack of renewable energy storage. Shifts toward greater electrifica-
tion will result in stranded assets for natural gas utilities, and expenses for
households that must replace their appliances, as well as potentially higher
utility bills. Transportation electrification will lead to yet more changes
and impacts. These are among the complex tradeoffs that PUCs are grap-
pling with, but without the tools and information that would otherwise
enable them to truly understand the distribution of building energy use
and important explanatory variables.
One might ask why, given the importance of consumption data for
policy implementation, it has not been made more widely available? In
California access came only due to pressure from local governments, the

2 PUCs were created in the early twentieth century to regulate private monopolies and
ensure that those dependent on their services were charged affordable and fair rates. They
were to further ensure that the monopoly shareholders received a fair rate of return, and
that utility rates could provide the utilities with enough revenue to upgrade and maintain
their infrastructure.
 2 THE LARGER CONTEXT, CITIES, SMART AND BIG DATA 13

Governor’s Office under Governor Brown, and academia. Public Utili-

ties Commissions have historically had the role of ensuring that utilities
provide services equitably (everyone can have electricity and natural gas),
that rates charged to customers were fair and affordable, and that the
utilities invested sufficiently in their infrastructure to ensure service was
reliable. The California PUC, like its counterparts, is also involved in
regulating utility infrastructure, to make sure it is safe from catastrophe.
The oversight role of the CPUC has shifted and grown in response to
additional policy goals, for example, the statutory requirement for utilities
to develop renewable resources portfolios to reduce greenhouse gas emis-
sions from electricity generation, and additional regulations encouraging
energy conservation. Some of the approaches have included requiring
the utilities to fund energy efficiency programs (out of ratepayer funds).
But access to billing data itself, for program implementation by local
governments, energy planning by the state’s Energy Commission, or
deeper analyses conducted by academics, is a novel development in the
realm of energy management and oversight. Further, the CPUC and the
utilities, it must be remembered, have long-standing institutional relation-
ships, going back over a century. The utilities’ contention that they have
been the sole keepers of the data and have effectively protected customer
privacy and provided services, has been well taken by the CPUC, and only
a concerted lobbying effort at a particular time, convinced the Commis-
sion the sharing of utility data with other public sector entities should
be considered. In fact, Governor Brown’s Office effectively convinced his
appointees to the Commission of the need for greater data transparency
and availability. This window of interest and opportunity seems to have
closed currently under the new Governor and his appointments. This
points to how change results from conjuncture, in a sense to all the stars
aligning at a point in time.
The organizations that provide energy supply services are also evolving
rapidly. In California, there are complex new developments in the realm
of energy delivery. Long dominated by just Investor-Owned Utilities
(IOUs), such as Southern California Edison, or Publicly Owned Util-
ities (POUs) such as Burbank Water and Power, the energy provision
business now has a new type of utility: Community Choice Aggrega-
tors (CCAs). Formed by one or more local governments in cooperation,
CCAs procure their own electricity and are legally authorized to utilize
IOU distribution networks (poles and wires) to deliver it to customers,
thereby directly competing with IOUs. CCAs provide an option for local
14 S. PINCETL ET AL.

governments that want more control over their electricity sources, more
renewable power than is offered by the default utility, and/or lower elec-
tricity prices. These new entrants add an additional layer of complexity to
the state’s energy system (Fig. 2.1).
The conventional large-scale grid systems that move energy across long
distances are owned and operated by the regulated utilities. They cover
huge geographic distances and are increasingly vulnerable to the impacts
of climate change, such as wildfires. A predicted increase in the number
of extreme heat days will strain existing capacity and reduce transmission
efficiency (Burillo et al. 2019). Distributed, time-dependent renewable
energy production also makes balancing supply and demand more chal-
lenging, exemplified by the so-called “duck curve.” Periodic oversupply of
electricity has led California to pay other states to take it. Growing defec-
tions from the grid made possible by microgrids and localized storage are
also impacting the system.

Fig. 2.1 California’s energy system and sources of Energy

 2 THE LARGER CONTEXT, CITIES, SMART AND BIG DATA 15

The world of energy generation, transmission and supply is at an

important inflection point. Greater insight into how energy is used, where
it is used, at what time, and by whom, is vital to a successful transition.
However, given the traditional function of utilities (to provide energy
regardless of the amount) contextual analysis of building energy use has
simply not been part of their business models. Utilities have had a narrow
mission—to provide the electricity and natural gas necessary for cities
to function within the prevailing paradigm. Now that the paradigm is
shifting toward decarbonization, it is time to revisit not only the mission
of utilities, but also their practices. Changing mandates and policies, and
the urgent need to curtail greenhouse gas emissions and energy use are
undermining the utilities’ justifications for keeping energy consumption
data private.
As valuable as our work on the Energy Atlas has been, it is still limited
in significant ways by the state’s IOUs, who use concerns about customer
privacy and their power over the data request process itself to limit any
further scrutiny of their operations—scrutiny which could result in addi-
tional regulation or reveal structural inequalities in service and/or rates.
In subsequent chapters, we will discuss at length how current privacy
aggregation rules and the IOUs’ control over the data request process
limits the Energy Atlas’s capabilities and power.

Data to Guide the Transformation

California has established important and precedent-setting policies
relating to buildings and energy use (Table 2.1). These include: energy
efficiency standards and renewable energy technologies for electricity,
setting a goal for a 50% reduction of building energy use by 2030,
requiring building energy use disclosure for large office buildings, and
mandates for new buildings to be zero-net energy and to include solar
panels. But the implementation of these rules, regulations, and guide-
lines require accurate and detailed information about energy supply and
demand, as well as the state of existing infrastructure. Furthermore, these
significant changes to the state’s regulatory regime will have far-reaching
impacts on California’s economy.
Coupling building energy use data with other information can provide
much more insight into relative building energy use, vulnerability, and
potential for transformation. Variables such as energy efficiency program
participation, sociodemographic characteristics, industrial classification
16 S. PINCETL ET AL.

Table 2.1 Major laws, regulations, and rules governing California’s energy
system and its transformation

California State Legislation

State legislation Major provisions

AB 32—Global Warming Solutions Act • Created a comprehensive program to
of 2006 reduce GHG emissions in California.
(Nunez, 2006) Strategies include a reduction mandate
to achieve 1990 emission levels by
2020 and a cap-and-trade program
• Required ARB to develop a Scoping
Plan that describes the approach
California will take to reduce GHGs;
the plan must be updated every five
years
AB 758—Existing Building Efficiency • Required the CEC to collaborate with
(Skinner, 2009) the CPUC and stakeholders to develop
a comprehensive program to achieve
greater energy and water savings in
existing residential and non-residential
buildings
• The CEC developed an Existing
Buildings Energy Action Plan in
August 2015
AB 2514—Energy Storage Systems • Required electric utilities to install
(Skinner, 2010) minimum levels of grid-scale energy
storage infrastructure
SB 535—Disadvantaged Community • Required at least 25% of state
Benefits cap-and-trade revenues to go to
(De Leon, 2012) projects that benefit disadvantaged
communities
SB 350—Clean Energy and Pollution • Expanded California’s Renewable
Reduction Act of 2015 Portfolio Standard (RPS) goals and
(De Leon, 2015) requires retail sellers of electricity and
local publicly owned electricity to
increase their procurement of eligible
renewable energy resources to 40% by
the end of 2024, 45% by the end of
2027, and 50% by the end of 2030
• Required the CEC to establish annual
targets for statewide energy efficiency
savings in electricity and natural gas
final end uses of retail customers by
January 1, 2030; and 3) provide for
transformation of the Independent
System Operator into a regional
organization

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