British Sociability in the European

Enlightenment: Cultural Practices and

Personal Encounters Sebastian
Domsch
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British Sociability in the
European Enlightenment
Cultural Practices
and Personal Encounters

Edited by Sebastian Domsch · Mascha Hansen

British Sociability in the European Enlightenment
Sebastian Domsch • Mascha Hansen
Editors

British Sociability in
the European
Enlightenment
Cultural Practices and Personal Encounters
Editors
Sebastian Domsch Mascha Hansen
Greifswald, Germany Greifswald, Germany

ISBN 978-3-030-52566-8    ISBN 978-3-030-52567-5 (eBook)

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-52567-5

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 Acknowledgements

As we finish this book, the coronavirus SARS-CoV-2 keeps us home-­

bound and in search of new sociable practices. Future historians will have
a lot to say about how this crisis changed twenty-first century sociability—
for good, or temporarily? Virtual varieties of sociability have emerged over
the last decades, social media are an established feature of many friend-
ships, and video conferencing is not entirely new, either. However, friends
sharing a pint in front of the webcam while each in fact stays in their own
kitchen is still unusual. Once this is over, will we scramble to get back to
the pub-shared pint, or will the webcam be the new normal? Time will tell.
However, right now one feels grateful to a number of people not usually
given credit in academic volumes: all those who make it possible for us to
stay safely at home and still enjoy running water and food supplies—and
books: thank you.
This particular book enjoyed the support of many colleagues in the
fields of social history and literature: the GIS Sociabilités under Annick
Cossic and Valérie Capdeville, who initiated the Digital Encyclopedia of
British Enlightenment Sociability (DIGITENS), and more recently, the
EU-funded project led by Kimberley Page-Jones, the Digital Encyclopaedia
of European Sociability, going by the same acronym (see https://www.
univ-brest.fr/digitens/). The DIGITENS project has received funding
from the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation pro-
gramme under the Marie Sklodowska-Curie grant agreement no 823862.
A first conference on “Sociable Encounters” in Greifswald in the sum-
mer of 2018, funded by the Alfried Krupp von Bohlen und Halbach
Stiftung and the GIS Sociabilités, allowed us to debate some of the issues

v
vi ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

now assembled in this volume. Particular thanks go to Dr Christian Suhm

of the Alfried Krupp Wissenschaftskolleg Greifswald, our conference’s
kind and competent host. In February 2020, Felix Schmid joined the edi-
tors of this volume as a student assistant, and a most valuable one he has
proved to be!

March 2020 Greifswald and Munich

 Contents

1 Introduction  1
Mascha Hansen

Part I Conceptualizing Sociability: Travel and Tourism  13

2 The Cham on the Seine: Dr Johnson in Paris (and Mrs

Thrale) 15
Allan Ingram

3 Enlightened Fratriotism: Boswell in Corsica, Paoli in

London 29
Sebastian Domsch

4 Communing with the Fictional Dead: Grave Tourism and

the Sentimental Novel 41
Helen Williams

5 Medicinal Sociability: British Bluestockings and the

Continental Spa 63
Mascha Hansen

vii
viii Contents

Part II Practicing Sociability: Conflict, Commerce, and

Cultural Transfer  85

6 Philip Thicknesse’s Sociable Encounters in France: The

Politics of Eccentricity 87
Annick Cossic-Péricarpin

7 Elizabeth Craven, Private Theatricals and Friedrich

Schiller’s The Robbers107
Susanne Schmid

8 “The English can’t waltz, never can, never will”: The

Politics of Waltzing in Romantic Britain127
Kimberley Page-Jones

9 Sociable Encounters in Model Commercial Letters147

Alain Kerhervé

Part III Fictionalizing Sociability: Conversation, Friendship

and Philosophy 163

10 ‘Musick in their Company’: (Per)Forming Friendship and

Early Enlightenment Sociability in Frances Brooke’s The
History of Lady Julia Mandeville165
Katrin Berndt

11 Robinson Crusoe: Speech, Conversation, Sociability187

Jakub Lipski

12 Reshaping the Leviathan: A Commonwealth Built around

Sociable Encounters in Shaftesbury’s Characteristicks203
Patrick Müller

13 Hume and de Maistre: Sociable Fundamentalism223

Michael Szczekalla

Index237
 Notes on Contributors

Katrin Berndt is Professor of English Literature and Culture at Martin-­

Luther-­University Halle-Wittenberg. She works on contemporary British
fiction, postcolonial writing, and the cultural poetics of Britain’s long
eighteenth century. Her publications include the monographs Female
Identity in Contemporary Zimbabwean Fiction (2005) and Narrating
Friendship in the British Novel, 1760–1830 (Routledge 2017).
Annick Cossic-Péricarpin holds an agrégation in English, has a doctor-
ate from the Sorbonne Nouvelle, Paris III, and is Professor Emeritus of
English at the University of Western Brittany, France. She has written on
Christopher Anstey, Georgian Bath and eighteenth-century spas. Her
research interests have recently focused on models of sociability in Britain
and in France and she is Series Editor for Transversales (Paris: Le
Manuscrit), a bilingual collection dedicated to the subject, and
General Editor for DIGITENS, a digital encyclopaedia of British
Enlightenment sociability.
Sebastian Domsch Chair of Anglophone Literatures at the University of
Greifswald, is the author of The Emergence of Literary Criticism in 18th-­
Century Britain (2014) and co-editor of British and European
Romanticisms (2007) and Romantic Ambiguities: Abodes of the
Modern (2017).
Mascha Hansen Her research focuses on women in the long eighteenth
century; especially Frances Burney, the Bluestockings, Hester Thrale and
Queen Charlotte. She has published a monograph on Frances Burney in

ix
x NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS

2004, and co-edited volumes on Great Expectations: Futurity in the Long

Eighteenth Century (Peter Lang, 2012) and “The First Wit of the Age”:
Essays on Swift and his Contemporaries in Honour of Hermann J. Real
(Peter Lang, 2013). Her particular interests range from women’s (life)
writings to their involvement in sociability, science and education. She is
part of the GIS Sociabilités and the DIGITENS project.
Allan Ingram is Emeritus Professor of English at the University of
Northumbria at Newcastle. He has published books on James Boswell, on
Swift and Pope, and on eighteenth-century insanity and its representation,
as well as edited collections of primary material on the relations between
insanity and medicine in the period. He edited Gulliver’s Travels for
Broadview Press (2012). Between 2006 and 2009 he was Director of
the Leverhulme Trust research project, ‘Before Depression,
1660–1800’, later Co-Director of a second Leverhulme Trust research
project, ‘Fashionable Diseases: Medicine, Literature and Culture,
1660–1830’ and is now Co-Director of a third Leverhulme Trust
project, Writing Doctors: Representation and Medical Personality ca.
1660–1832. His current work, which is connected with this project, is
on relations between Swift, Pope and the medical profession. He is
one of the editors of the English Association journal, English.
Alain Kerhervé is Professor of British Studies at the University of Western
Brittany, France, and Director of the research unit HCTI (Héritages et
Constructions dans le Texte et l’Image). His research focus is on the the-
ory and practice of letter-writing, and he has published edited collections
of The Correspondence of Mary Delany (1700–1788) and Francis North,
Lord Guilford (1704–1790) (Cambridge Scholars, 2009), The Ladies
Complete Letter-Writer (Cambridge Scholars, 2009), and The Memoirs of
the Court of George III, vol. 2 (Routledge, 2015). His recent work is con-
cerned with sociability: he co-founded the GIS Sociabilités together with
Annick Cossic and edited a volume on British Sociability in the Long
Eighteenth-Century (Boydell and Brewer, 2019) together with Valérie
Capdeville.
Jakub Lipski is an associate professor and the head of Anglophone
Literatures at Kazimierz Wielki University, Bydgoszcz, Poland. He is the
author of In Quest of the Self: Masquerade and Travel in the
­Eighteenth-­Century Novel (Brill/Rodopi, 2014) and Painting the Novel:
 NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS xi

Pictorial Discourse in Eighteenth-Century English Fiction (Routledge,

2018). He is the editor of Rewriting Crusoe: The Robinsonade across
Languages, Cultures, and Media (Bucknell University Press, 2020) and is
currently preparing a new edition of Robinson Crusoe for the Polish
National Library series.
Patrick Müller took his Ph.D. at Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität
Münster with a thesis on Latitudinarianism and Didacticism in Eighteenth-­
Century Literature in 2007 (Peter Lang, 2009), and was part of the
Shaftesbury project at Friedrich Alexander-Universität, Erlangen-­
Nürnberg, for the next six years. In 2018, he edited a volume on Shaping
Enlightenment Politics: The Social and Political Impact of the First and
Third Earls of Shaftesbury (Peter Lang). He now works as a teacher of
English at the German Federal Office of Languages in Dresden.
Kimberley Page-Jones is senior lecturer at the University of Western
Brittany in France. Her research has focused on the practice of notebook
writing during the Romantic era and she has published a monograph on
the Notebooks of S.T. Coleridge: Energie et mélancolie: les entrelacs de
l’écriture dans les Notebooks de S.T. Coleridge (Grenoble: UGA, 2018). She
is part of the GIS Sociabilités and currently coordinating the H2020 proj-
ect called DIGITENS on European sociability in the long eighteenth-
century (2019–2021). Recently, she has co-edited La sociabilité en France
et en Grande-Bretagne au Siècle des Lumières: l’insociable sociabilité: résis-
tances et résilience (Paris: Editions Le Manuscrit, 2017) and Discours sur la
mer. Résistance des pratiques et des représentations (Rennes: PUR, 2020).
Her research work currently focuses on the political values attached to
sociable practices and their aesthetic representations in literature.
Susanne Schmid has taught at a range of universities in Germany, Britain,
and the US, among them Princeton, Salford, Freie Universität Berlin,
Frankfurt, Mainz, and Greifswald. Book publications include her award-­
winning Shelley’s German Afterlives: 1814–2000 and British Literary Salons
of the Late Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Centuries (both Palgrave
Macmillan). She coedited several collections: The Reception of
P. B. Shelley in Europe (Bloomsbury), Drink in the Eighteenth and
Nineteenth Centuries (Routledge), and Anglo-American Travelers and
the Hotel Experience (Routledge). Her most recent book is an edition
of Marguerite Blessington’s 1847 novel Marmaduke Herbert for the
Chawton House series (Routledge).
xii NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS

Michael Szczekalla is a headmaster and also adjunct professor for English

Literature at the University of Greifswald. He took his doctorate at the
University of Münster in 1989. He has published monographs on Bacon
and Hume, and his numerous articles and reviews cover seventeenth- and
eighteenth-century English literature, historiography, and philoso-
phy. He has also written on Oscar Wilde, Ford Madox Ford, Aldous
Huxley, Anthony Burgess, Pat Barker, Malcolm Bradbury, Jennie Erdal,
Glyn Maxwell, and on the methodology of teaching.
Helen Williams is Senior Lecturer in English Literature at Northumbria
University. She is the author of Laurence Sterne and the Eighteenth-Century
Book (Cambridge University Press, forthcoming), co-editor of John
Cleland’s Memoirs of a Woman of Pleasure (Broadview, 2018), and sits
on the editorial board of the Shandean journal. She is Principle
Investigator of the AHRC-funded ‘Sterne Digital Library’ project,
whose primary output is the open-access database Laurence Sterne and
Sterneana available through Cambridge Digital Library, a 2019 win-
ner of the British Academy Rising Star Engagement Awards, and
co-investigator of the Leverhulme-funded research project ‘Writing
Doctors’.
 List of Figures

Fig. 8.1 Thomas Wilson, An Analysis of Country Dancing, London:

W. Calvert, 1822, p. 65 (fig. 7) 132
Fig. 8.2 James Gillray, “Waltzer au Mouchoir” (1800), Hand-coloured
etching published by Hannah Humphrey, National Portrait
Gallery, London 138
Fig. 8.3 Edward Francis Burney, “The Waltz” (late eighteenth, early
nineteenth century), Watercolour drawing, Victoria and Albert
Museum, London 139
Fig. 9.1 Letter movements in Négociant universel (1799) 151
Fig. 9.2 Letter movements in Epistolae Commerciales (1779) 152
Fig. 9.3 Part of a war-time letter in Epistolae Commerciales (1779, 26) 154
Fig. 11.1 George Cruickshank, Crusoe and Poll the Parrot
in dialogue, 1831. (Photo: Phillip V. Allingham. Courtesy
of The Victorian Web) 193
Fig. 11.2 George Cruickshank, Crusoe and Friday encounter the
captain of a British ship whose crew have mutinied, 1831.
(Photo: Phillip V. Allingham. Courtesy of The Victorian Web) 199
Fig. 12.1 Detail from the emblem for The Moralists (1714/15) 209
Fig. 12.2 Detail from the Upper Border to the Frontispiece of the third
volume of Characteristicks214
Fig. 12.3 Detail from the Lower Border to the Frontispiece of the third
volume of Characteristicks215

xiii
 CHAPTER 1

Introduction

Mascha Hansen

Throughout the long eighteenth century, in Britain and all over Europe,
whether in the private, semi-public, or public sphere, through correspon-
dences or commerce, what may be termed sociable encounters took place
at an increasing rate: meetings, exchanges, negotiations, conversations or
friendships framed by the sociable practices of the day. ‘Encounter’ is a
term that has spawned its own literature, and within travel-related genres
usually refers to Europeans exploring and/or exploiting the cultural and
racial Other in remote parts of the world—remote, to be sure, only from
a European perspective (for a recent discussion, see Craciun and Terrall
2019). This book, by contrast, seeks to highlight the importance of
encounters between Britons and continental Europeans, moments when
not only people but also their different cultures and their varying sociable
practices got together. Individuals frequently felt torn between the convic-
tion of being basically of a similar kind, as Europeans whose frequent
meetings and exchanges had seemingly aligned social practices, and funda-
mentally different nevertheless, as nations who did things in quite distinct
ways, be it waltzing or writing or wrestling. Whether consciously or not,
continental sociabilities willy-nilly influenced British travellers—but in

M. Hansen (*)
Greifswald, Germany
e-mail: mascha.hansen@uni-greifswald.de

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature 1

Switzerland AG 2021
S. Domsch, M. Hansen (eds.), British Sociability in the European
Enlightenment, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-52567-5_1
2 M. HANSEN

turn, British tourists’ sociable interests also impacted on continental

spaces, generating the infrastructures to accommodate them, since—as
was frequently flagged up by critics of the practice in Britain—they brought
a lot of money into the countries they visited (see, for instance, Black
1999, 86). Money, indeed, cannot be kept out of a discussion of sociabil-
ity, as funds, high or low, facilitated or prevented private commerce and
travel, be it the purchase of a book or that of a passage to France.
Tourists, traders and even readers, with their varying social convictions
and cultural practices, met, traded, clashed and compromised, in fact as
well as in fiction, and their meetings more often than not eventually led to
cultural transfers that had in turn to be comprehended, negotiated and
finally encompassed by the individual within a larger social frame.
Encounters between private persons and professional groups served to
spread the sociable ideals of the Enlightenment, here taken in the sense
advanced by Roy Porter as based on instructive conviviality as well as prac-
tical results: “In Britain, at least, the Enlightenment was thus not just a
matter of pure epistemological breakthroughs; it was primarily the expres-
sion of new mental and moral values, new canons of taste, styles of socia-
bility and views of human nature” (2001, 14). All of these, we argue, had
an impact on the European Enlightenment, too, via the spreading of
British notions of sociability on the Continent through personal, practical,
and fictional encounters. Travellers as well as books, be they novels or
advice manuals, disseminated these new values, conveying the sense of a
modern taste for sociable encounters. Newly-found leisure contributed to
the vogue for foreign travel, as did the realization of the necessity of pro-
fessional exchanges despite, or perhaps because of, frequent political tur-
moil. Modern languages had become a matter of course in middle-class
education, and a thriving book market as well as circulation libraries made
European literature and travel advice manuals freely available to all.
A surge in tourism and private travels in the later eighteenth century,
lasting roughly until the French revolution and the subsequent wars made
travelling difficult, may have contributed to a (temporary) decline in xeno-
phobic reactions at home, possibly, as Jeremy Black has argued, because
Britain felt “politically and culturally more secure”, a security to which
economic factors certainly contributed but which also points to a new-­
found self-confidence (Black 1999, xiii). Travelling inevitably also led to a
change not only in the perceptions of those travelling but also in how they
were perceived by others, and Britons and their cultural practices were
“ridiculed, revered and emulated” in the rest of Europe, frequently at the
 1 INTRODUCTION 3

same time (Farr and Guégan 2013, 1). Some derision notwithstanding,
British travellers could generally count on the Anglophilia of at least the
Northern and Central European countries, on an “admiration for political
liberty and commercial and manufacturing progress” in Britain (Sweet
et al. 2017, 4), a fascination with the British way of life, and thus—this
volume argues—with British sociability. Conversely, while British liberty
and literature were admired or rejected, advanced or contested through-
out Europe, any actual sociable encounters would still have to cope with
national prejudices, patriotism and largely irrational feelings of superiority
on all sides. To some British travellers, however, the neighbouring
European countries hardly counted as foreign countries any more: “The
manners of nations who have so much intercourse with each other, have
very little variety”, the Bluestocking Elizabeth Carter deplored already in
1763 (Pennington 1807, 193), a claim with which Samuel Johnson would
have agreed. Nonetheless, on being abroad, both found much to puzzle
over, delight in, or disapprove of. Their letters are filled with comparisons
to England, and mostly, confidence and pride in their nation prevail.
Indeed, as critics have argued, many travellers came home “better-­
informed xenophobes” (Black 1999, 235), and it is certainly true that
British travellers by and large voiced a decided preference for their own
country. Yet this can be said of the travellers of other nations as well, and
many such statements were due to the relief of finally being back at home,
or even to homesickness while abroad. Back in Britain, once the strains of
travel had worn off, the fascination with other countries remained. This
volume, thus, is meant as another challenge to the “enduring trope” of
British travellers returning home “firmly embedded in the culture that
they had brought with them” (Sweet et al. 2017, 4), even if they them-
selves may have thought so (see also Barczewski 2013, 38).
This is not to say that British travellers, or even British readers, easily
adopted foreign ways, as contemporary critics feared: “there was relatively
little unthinking assumption of foreign customs, manners and mores”,
instead, there was a growing openness towards foreign cultural influences,
more willingness to accept other cultures on their own terms (Black 1999,
302). There were, in short, more frequent personal encounters between
the different nations, and paradoxically, while each individual encounter
may have served to foster prejudices, xenophobic reactions gradually
began to decline, and even to be replaced by curiosity. Over time, even the
favourite destinations on the Continent changed, and while going on a
Grand Tour to Italy was still a dream for some, costs and other
4 M. HANSEN

complications led many to prefer a less ardent route. This may have been
due to a more general shift in the goals of travelling, away from educa-
tional purposes towards leisure and pleasure, self-serving goals which no
longer needed defending. Journeys especially to Northern Europe, includ-
ing Britain, were undertaken in search of modernity rather than antiquity,
attracted by “contemporary power, society and culture” (Sweet et al.
2017, 5–6). Health had long been another reason for travel, and with the
amelioration of continental infrastructures, this goal seemed within reach,
or at least accessible, to British travellers in search of alleviations for their
sufferings. Last but not least, impecunious middle- and upper-class fami-
lies began to move abroad for a few months or even years to save on the
costs of living, or in some cases, avoid scandal, and these, too, would have
brought their own notions of contemporary sociability to the Continent.
Nonetheless, the concept of British sociability should not be stretched,
or contracted, into a uniform or homogeneous practice; neither should it
be taken for granted, as every British book or traveller of the time followed
their own preferences rather than a predetermined code of conduct. As
Michèle Cohen has pointed out, “sociability changed over time […] it was
a living practice” in which “apparently contradictory practices could co-­
exist without being antithetical” (2019, xv). Clearly, the spreading of a
new kind of sociability does not require everyone to follow suit, it just
needs a critical mass, or general awareness, to reach a state of widespread
acceptance and emulation to establish itself as the dominant mode of pro-
cedure in social situations. Politeness, for instance, served different pur-
poses at different times, and for different classes. Jeremy Black, for one,
has raised the interesting point of the connections between sociability and
morality: he questions the usefulness of the concept of politeness in the
context of the aristocratic Grand Tour’s frequent sexual encounters. Love
affairs, or sexual exploits, could be a dominant trope, related in rather
crude language, indeed in “a clear contrast to Addisonian restraint”, in
letters to friends rather than family back at home. Black continues:

Any stress on this politeness has to address the question as to how far it was
deliberately inculcated in order to cope with a very different culture. A self-­
image of politeness must be understood as a cultural artefact, a
socio-­
­ ideological aspiration designed to foster particular ends of moral
improvement. (Black 1999, 194)
 1 INTRODUCTION 5

Politeness is certainly a means of coping with a very different culture: to

facilitate encounters of whatever kind is the mandate of politeness, and
social usefulness the indicator any practical concept of politeness has to be
measured by. This is not to say that British sociability relied on politeness
alone, or that “moral improvement” of the limited sense implied here was
its main goal. On the contrary, morality and politeness were and often still
are at cross-purposes, especially in the area of the polite lie. Black is look-
ing at the kind of wealthy young men, those on the Grand Tour, for whose
moral example Richardson invented Sir Charles Grandison. For other
tourists, male or female, sexual exploitations would not have constituted
the basic excitement of travelling; instead, they actively employed and
adjusted their own standards of politeness in order to socialize successfully
with their European neighbours. Nonetheless, even a sexual liaison of the
kind described by Black counts as a cross-cultural encounter, outlining the
conditions of polite sociability each party relied on. One of the letters
detailing such a sexual encounter between a young aristocrat and a penni-
less Italian—possibly a servant as she is called “Ancilla” in the letters—
highlights the theatricality that is also part of sociability: the young man,
having left never to return but still keeping up the semblance of a corre-
spondence with his ‘beloved’, knows that she needs to move on to another
lover for financial reasons, and reflects on this to his friend: “I wrote her
however most violent letters for doing what I had tacitly consented to”
(quoted in Black 1999, 194), a stance no doubt taken in order to maintain
the fiction of a loving encounter between them, rather than admitting to
a heartless exchange of money for sexual favours. Indeed, Brian Cowan
raises the spectre of a “paradoxical juxtaposition” of politeness and liber-
tinage in the eighteenth century only to conclude that the progress of
both “went hand in hand” (2019, 19). Love and sex in any case were mat-
ters of sociability, too, relying on the same means of polite negotiation, or
cover-up, as other encounters: the young man is saving face here, his own
most prominently, but arguably also that of the woman, by politely pre-
tending that she has chosen to desert him rather than being compelled by
necessity to move on. Judged by any moral standards, this is inacceptable
behaviour, but from the point of view of social politeness, the young man
at least would not have considered himself wanting, whatever ‘Ancilla’
may have thought about the matter (if she was in love, she might have
preferred those insincere letters to a blunt cheque). Polite sociability relies
on a certain amount of adroitness, or even theatrical know-how, rather
than on sound moral principles. However, even the young nobleman’s
6 M. HANSEN

traditional Grand Tour was changing: Sarah Goldsmith speaks of the

“staggering effort devoted to socializing” (Goldsmith 2017, 67) by young
aristocrats in the later eighteenth century. These young men not only rep-
resented the British elite on tour, they also served to promote British ideas
of sociability abroad, and brought back their own accounts of social prac-
tices in other countries. This “social itinerary”, Goldsmith argues, should
not be confined to an educational frame but be linked to larger socio-­
political concerns of the time, though it did teach “vital skills in social
versatility” (70). Social customs and reactions to the political situation in
Europe were closely interrelated, then as now.
This volume, then, is meant to address a broad range of private and
public, touristic, commercial and even fictional meetings that led to a
meaningful exchange of opinions, and of practices of sociability, in Europe.
Drawing on recent publications such as Capdeville and Kerhervé’s innova-
tive British Sociability in the Long Eighteenth Century (2019), this book
takes the existence of a specific British variety of sociability as its vantage
point. Going beyond the English-French connections, we are interested in
debating how those sociable encounters played out in a European rather
than national frame. Even apart from clubs and coffee-houses, face-to-face
encounters took place—quite literally taking up some space somewhere—
in specific locations that also require further attention: whereas the polite
society of salons and debating rooms has received quite some consider-
ation by now (for recent work see e.g. Schmid 2013; Prendergast 2015;
Lilti 2007/2015), other places and other forms of spreading sociability
still need to be investigated. Most kinds of encounters require specific
spaces at least in the sense of material or physical requirements that have
to be met before an encounter can take place. Letters rely on ink and paper
as well as postal services, and may be read by others than those they are
addressed to, while European travel even then was largely based on a
newly emerging reliable infrastructure of coaches and ships, roads and
inns, all of which offered numerous opportunities for chance encounters.
Martin Farr and Xavier Guégan point out that the long-standing tradition
of British travelling abroad itself entailed the “export of British tourism
practices to Europe and beyond” (2013, 1). The notion of travel, and
especially that of tourism, in turn depends on its being defined as a “cul-
tural and political experience, generating images, dreams and promises of
alternatives to life at home” (2), and, we might add, of alternatives to local
modes of sociability.
 1 INTRODUCTION 7

The essays in these volumes try to capture a broad variety of situations:

the everyday moment, the shifting attitude and explanation, the cultural
practice in the process of changing. They show that defining Britishness
against the social practices of other cultures is only one way of accepting
that those have inevitably already impacted on, and probably significantly
changed, individual British perceptions and practices, and that this process
can rarely be pinned down to particular events (or encounters).
Reciprocally, of course, the British left their own stamp on the places they
visited and people they met abroad, no matter whether these were local
servants they hired to interpret for them or urban spaces redesigned to suit
their conversational habits and tourist requirements. Given the demand
for British fiction abroad, the imaginary encounter may well have had a
comparable impact not only among British readers, but also among conti-
nental European markets keen on immediate translations of British novels,
plays, poems, histories, and philosophical treatises. The personal and fic-
tional experiences of the people and places mentioned in this volume thus
exemplify larger topics, such as the influence of specifically British practices
of sociability on sociable practices in the rest of Europe (or vice versa); the
reception, appropriation, or transfer of local and regional customs; the
expectations travellers brought to other countries concerning conversa-
tion and/or conviviality; the emergence of tourism as a practice of socia-
bility closely tied to the spreading of (fictionalized) travel accounts, and
travel writing as a means of literary production and consumption in Europe
throughout the long eighteenth century.
On a more practical level, this raises various questions: how did sociable
meetings between individuals of different cultures actually proceed, and
which meetings proved to be meaningful or influential in the long run (for
instance by being described in letters preserved for publication)? What was
the importance of gender in areas of sociability that go beyond those
notions of politeness in which women held sway, at least nominally? What
happened if sociability turned sour? Not all initially sociable encounters
ended in mutual understanding, let alone an advancement of politeness or
civilization. Failures in the expectation of finding sociability and explora-
tions of unsociable outcomes need to be explored as well: not for nothing
is the term “encounter”, which has no entry of its own in Samuel Johnson’s
Dictionary of the English Language (1755), made use of to explain the
sense of “affront” (s.v. ‘affront’, 95:3). Encounters can be hostile indeed,
and it is interesting to note the cultural rather than personal reasons why:
8 M. HANSEN

which convictions in the field of sociability contributed to confrontational

encounters?
Johnson himself makes an appearance in the first part of this volume,
concerned with examples of actual, personal encounters between British
and continental travellers and tourists, and the ways and means—for
instance using literary texts as guidelines—by which these travellers dealt
with, and puzzled over, cultural differences in the field of sociability. The
descriptions of such encounters, frequently revealed by means of private
correspondences, offer a rich field for contemporary scholars in which to
conceptualize sociability. In the second chapter, Allan Ingram outlines the
travel impressions of Samuel Johnson and Hester Thrale on their first, and
for Johnson only, tour to France, the prejudices they brought and shed on
this trip, the difficulties they faced, and the languages they used to get
by—in Johnson’s case, Latin rather than French determined his personal
encounters, since he was more at ease conversing with French priests who
spoke Latin than with literary people who did not. In the third chapter,
Sebastian Domsch focuses on the significance of various encounters, in
Corsica as well as Britain, between James Boswell, Pascal Paoli, and Samuel
Johnson, and the ways in which the sociable aspects of their (anticipated)
meetings were framed to fit in somewhere between expectations of Roman
simplicity, the noble savage, and actual urbanity. The impact of British
travellers’ sociable interests on continental European spaces—such as spa
cities, and even, somewhat paradoxically given the nature of sociability,
graveyards, which began to attract tourists, is outlined in the next two
chapters: Helen Williams sketches the crossover from fact to fiction, and
fiction to fact, in the wave of literary pilgrimages following the publica-
tions of Sterne’s Tristram Shandy (1759–67) and A Sentimental Journey
Through France and Italy (1768): readers hoped to see the graves of the
fictional Maria, and were lured by entrepreneurial hosts to places where
they experienced an intensely social form of shared grief, feeling spiritually,
if not actually, connected to a community of readers. The last chapter of
this part, by Mascha Hansen, outlines in detail how the Belgian, or as it
was then known, the German Spa attracted tourists such as Elizabeth
Montagu and Elizabeth Carter, who went abroad in search of health and
society in 1763, visiting nunneries and monasteries rather than graveyards
on the road, and braving the war-torn roads to cross into Germany.
Travelling, at that time, was not so prevalent that their friends could dis-
pense with frequent letters giving a blow-by-blow account of things done
 1 INTRODUCTION 9

and people visited, and the topics raised in these letters shed a light on the
polite sociability of European travels.
The second section deals primarily with sociable cross-overs in the vari-
ous fields of cultural practices such as dancing and private theatricals, mov-
ing on to encounters in the larger sphere of commerce. Cultural differences
attracted and repelled, and occasionally turned out to be decisive for (eco-
nomic) success or failure, so that the precautions taken to avoid cultural
conflicts, especially in times of war, for instance by studying manuals, in
turn spurred further commercial enterprises, not only in the literary mar-
ketplace. Travel writing itself was one such marketable activity, and as
Annick Cossic outlines in Chap. 6, the eccentric and rather quarrelsome
Philip Thicknesse’s attempts to rival the publications of Tobias Smollett
led to further (actual and imaginary) cross-cultural encounters as both
vied to be the foremost authority on travel in France. Susanne Schmid in
turn considers the theatrical imports from Germany that the traveller,
writer and socialite Elizabeth Craven, by then Margravine of Anspach,
brought onto the semi-private London stage at Brandenburgh House
with the help of semi-professionals. Craven felt obliged to tone down the
political implications of Schiller’s Robbers (1781) in her stage-production
in order not to attract further criticism, but at the same time she was able
to present a play that would not have been stageable at all in one of the
public theatres, despite the sentimental appeal of its characters. In Chap.
8, Kimberley Page-Jones discusses the shifting attitudes towards the waltz,
another import from Germany, as it slowly made its way from the
Continent to Britain, and the political assumptions that crept in with it:
like the Robbers, the waltz seemed a dangerous imposition not only on
British moral codes due to its display of women’s bodies but also in politi-
cal terms, being closely associated with the Revolution in France. The
question how to avoid conflict is prominent in Alain Kerhervé’s contribu-
tion on model commercial letters, which brought the various polite
phrases to be used by anyone corresponding in European languages such
as French, Spanish and Portuguese to the attention of aspiring British
merchants. Politics, here, too, were considered a taboo topic, whereas the
degree of familiarity and friendship to be displayed in such letters remained
a controversial issue: which would further trade most?
In the third part, fictional encounters are given prominence, including
imaginary conversations in the form of philosophical dialogues. How did
literary or philosophical encounters highlight notions of sociability, which
images of cultural transfer were used, and how were these read and
10 M. HANSEN

received by an increasingly heterogeneous readership? Katrin Berndt

focuses on aspects of friendship, a central concern in Frances Brooke’s The
History of Lady Julia Mandeville (1763). Berndt argues that the capacity
to sustain friendship is used not only to illustrate character but as a central
plot-driving device, proving the versatility of the concept of sociability.
The absence of friendship for most of Robinson Crusoe (1719), by con-
trast, serves to highlight the sociable nature of human beings, Jakub Lipski
claims: drawing on other writings by Daniel Defoe, he proves the impor-
tance of conversation to both Crusoe and Defoe himself, as well as the
novel’s early promotion of the advantages of natural sociability in simple
surroundings before the onset of colonialism. Chapter 12 shifts the discus-
sion to the realm of philosophical encounters: Patrick Müller returns to
the roots of the enlightened concept of sociability as outlined in the works
of Anton Ashley Cooper, third Earl of Shaftesbury. An ardent Whig,
Shaftesbury considered the fundamental wellbeing of the nation to be
based on its global relations, and battled adversarial opinions in less socia-
ble encounters of the kind that Johnson might have called affronts.
Michael Szczekalla picks up the notion of fundamentalism in the last chap-
ter, which serves to tie up the volume’s various expeditions into the
Enlightenment by a detailed discussion of the argumentative encounter
between David Hume and Joseph de Maistre.
Taken together, the essays in this volume contribute to the claim that
there is a perceptible shift towards a more tolerant stance on all things
foreign in the late eighteenth century (Black 1999, 213; 230), but with
regard to political controversy, the picture is more complex: while the
polite letter deemed politics a taboo subject, and actual personal encoun-
ters between women may have excluded such discussions, politics were a
frequent topic in mixed meetings, and any transfer of cultural practices or
mores sparked political debate and social critique in the newspapers of the
time. Travel and literature generally served to facilitate women’s participa-
tion in British sociability but female forays into the world of travel writing
or that of theatrical productions were usually accompanied by controversy
and criticism. Nevertheless, cultural sociable exchange was a vibrant area
of eighteenth-century life, via consumption, commerce, and practical
experience: Britishness, then as now, relied on a mode of successful adap-
tation to, and adaptation of, foreign impulses, and the Enlightenment
must be seen as a truly European, and truly sociable, enterprise.
 1 INTRODUCTION 11

Bibliography
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Identity of the British Elite in the Eighteenth Century. In The British Abroad
Since the Eighteenth Century, ed. Martin Farr and Xavier Guégan, 2 vols, vol. 1,
38–55. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.
Black, Jeremy. 1999. The British Abroad: The Grand Tour in the Eighteenth
Century. London: Sandpiper Books.
Capdeville, Valérie, and Alain Kerhervé, eds. 2019. British Sociability in the Long
Eighteenth Century: Challenging the Anglo-French Connection. Woodbridge:
The Boydell Press.
Cohen, Michèle. 2019. Foreword. In British Sociability in the Long Eighteenth
Century: Challenging the Anglo-French Connection, ed. Valérie Capdeville and
Alain Kerhervé, xiii–xv. Woodbridge: The Boydell Press.
Cowan, Brian. 2019. ‘Restoration’ England and the History of Sociability. In
British Sociability in the Long Eighteenth Century: Challenging the Anglo-French
Connection, ed. Valérie Capdeville and Alain Kerhervé, 7–24. Woodbridge: The
Boydell Press.
Craciun, Adriana, and Mary Terrall, eds. 2019. Curious Encounters: Voyaging,
Collecting, and Making Knowledge in the Long Eighteenth Century. Toronto:
University of Toronto Press.
Farr, Martin, and Xavier Guégan. 2013. Introduction. In The British Abroad Since
the Eighteenth Century, ed. Martin Farr and Xavier Guégan, 2 vols, vol. 1,
1–15. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.
Goldsmith, Sarah. 2017. The Social Challenge: Northern and Central European
Societies on the Eighteenth-century Aristocratic Grand Tour. In Beyond the
Grand Tour: Northern Metropolises and Early Modern Travel Behaviour, ed.
Rosemary Sweet et al., 65–82. London and New York: Routledge.
Johnson, Samuel. 1755. A Dictionary of the English Language. Accessed March 6,
2020. https://johnsonsdictionaryonline.com/affront-­noun/.
Lilti, Antoine. 2007. Le monde des salons: sociabilité et mondanité à Paris au XVIIIe
siècle. Paris: Fayard.
———. 2015. The World of the Salons: Sociability and Worldliness in Eighteenth-­
Century Paris. Translated by Lydia G. Cochrane. Oxford: Oxford
University Press.
Pennington, Montagu, ed. 1807. Memoirs of the Life of Mrs. Carter; with a New
Edition of Her Poems, to Which are Added Some Miscellaneous Essays in Prose,
Together with her Notes on the Bible, and Answers to Objections Concerning the
Christian Religion. London, printed for F.C. and J. Rivington.
Porter, Roy. 2001. Enlightenment: Britain and the Creation of the Modern World.
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12 M. HANSEN

Prendergast, Amy. 2015. Literary Salons Across Britain and Ireland in the Long
Eighteenth Century. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.
Schmid, Susanne. 2013. British Literary Salons of the Late Eighteenth and Early
Nineteenth Centuries. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
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London and New York: Routledge.
 PART I

Conceptualizing Sociability: Travel

and Tourism
 CHAPTER 2

The Cham on the Seine: Dr Johnson in Paris

(and Mrs Thrale)

Allan Ingram

It was in the autumn of 1775, when he was turning sixty-six years old, that
Samuel Johnson was taken on an extended visit to Paris—his first and only
trip away from the British Isles—by Mr and Mrs Thrale, along with the
Thrales’ eldest child, Queeney, then coming up to her eleventh birthday,
and Queeney’s tutor in Italian, Joseph (or Guiseppe) Baretti. They left
London on 15th September and were away for almost two months, finally
arriving back in Dover on 11th November. The whole trip was financed,
of course, by Thrale—a cost, according to Baretti, of eight hundred and
twenty-two louis d’or, or around £700 in English money at the time
(Journals 57, 57n3).1 They crossed from Dover and travelled on by car-
riage from Calais to Paris (celebrating Queeney’s birthday on 17th
September, hotly followed by Johnson’s on 18th) by way of St Omer,
Arras, Amiens, Neufchatel, Rouen, Vernon and St Germain before taking
up their Paris lodgings, which Mrs Thrale found “not only” convenient
but elegant (Journals 90), on 28th. These had been arranged, as had so
much else on this trip, by Baretti. They stayed until the end of October,

A. Ingram (*)
Newcastle, UK
e-mail: allan.ingram@northumbria.ac.uk

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature 15

Switzerland AG 2021
S. Domsch, M. Hansen (eds.), British Sociability in the European
Enlightenment, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-52567-5_2
16 A. INGRAM

leaving Paris, where, as Mrs Thrale put it, “we have spent a Month of
extreme Expence, some Pleasure & some Profit” (Journals 149), on 1st
November and travelling back to Calais by way of St Denys, Chantilly,
Noyon, Cambrai, Douay, Lisle and Dunkirk. Johnson’s assessment of the
experience, sadly, as expressed in a letter to Edmund Hector, written on
16th November, was somewhat blunt: “I have seen nothing that much
delighted or surprised me” (Letters II, 274). He expanded on this a little,
writing the same day to Lucy Porter:

Paris is not so fine a place as you would expect. The palaces and Churches
however are very splendid and magnificent, and what would please you,
there are many very fine pictures, but I do not think their way of life com-
modious or pleasant. (Letters II, 276)

It had been exactly two years since Johnson’s famous and successful tour
to Scotland and the Hebrides with James Boswell—indeed, Johnson’s
account of it, A Journey to the Western Islands of Scotland, had been pub-
lished in January, eight months prior to the Paris trip. The Hebrides had
been followed by a visit to North Wales between early July and the end of
September 1774, with Mr and Mrs Thrale, which had gone much less
well. Johnson was distinctly unimpressed by Wales or the Welsh, finding
their country, as he wrote to Boswell on his return, “so little different
from England, that it offers nothing to the speculation of the traveller”
(Letters II, 149), and their clergy in particular marked mainly by their
ignorance (Diary 111). He did, however, concede some points of minor
interest, including that “Denbigh is not a mean town” (Letters II, 149),
and that “the sound of the Welsh, in a continued discourse, is not unpleas-
ant” (Diary 90). More positively, he found some of the Welsh castles very
striking: “I did not think there had been such buildings”, he wrote of
Caernarvon Castle in his unpublished diary of the excursion, “it surpassed
my ideas” (Diary 106). To John Taylor, on 20th October, though, he
wrote as bluntly as he would a year later about France:

But Wales has nothing that can much excite or gratify curiosity. The mode
of life is entirely English. I am glad that I have seen it, though I have seen
nothing, because I now know that there is nothing to be seen. (Letters II, 151)

Apart from Scotland, then, Johnson would seem to have been an unprom-
ising traveller or travelling companion, and his capacity, when abroad, for
meaningful sociable encounters therefore extremely limited. Boswell, no
 2 THE CHAM ON THE SEINE: DR JOHNSON IN PARIS (AND MRS THRALE) 17

doubt with the Scottish trip in mind, had written to Bennet Langton on
24th October, while Johnson was still in France, that “this journey to Paris
is an excellent incident in his life. I am exceedingly curious to have some
account of it from him” (Years 170n5) and the very same day he wrote to
Johnson asking “Shall we have A Journey to Paris from you in the winter?”
(Life 643). He adds:

You will, I hope, at any rate be kind enough to give me some account of
your French travels very soon, for I am very impatient. What a different
scene you have viewed this autumn, from that which you viewed in autumn
1773! (Life 643)

Johnson in his reply of 16th November wrote, deflatingly:

Paris is, indeed, a place very different from the Hebrides, but it is to a hasty
traveller not so fertile of novelty, nor affords so many opportunities of
remark. I cannot pretend to tell the publick any thing of a place better
known to many of my readers than to myself. We can talk of it when we
meet. (Letters II, 274)

Boswell himself, who as a young man on the Grand Tour had spent time
in many of the great cities of Europe, and had hangovers and sex in most
of them (though not necessarily at the same time), was clearly disap-
pointed: “It is to be regretted that he did not write an account of his
travels in France”, he adds in the Life, because “his very accurate observa-
tion, and peculiar vigour of thought and illustration, would have pro-
duced a valuable work” (Life 645). Boswell, of course, would not have
known of the misgivings with which Johnson had approached even the
Hebrides excursion. He had written from Newcastle to Mrs Thrale, on
12th August 1773:

You have often heard me complain of finding myself disappointed by books

of travels, I am afraid travel itself will end likewise in disappointment. One
town, one country is very like another. Civilized nations have the same cus-
toms, and barbarous nations have the same nature. There are indeed minute
discriminations both of places and of manners, which perhaps are not
unworthy of curiosity, but which a traveller seldom stays long enough to
investigate and compare. The dull utterly neglect them, the acute see a little,
and supply the rest by fancy and conjecture. (Letters II, 50)
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