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Simulating Prehistoric Sea Contacts between Costa

Rica and Colombia

Richard T. Callaghan & Warwick Bray

To cite this article: Richard T. Callaghan & Warwick Bray (2007) Simulating Prehistoric Sea
Contacts between Costa Rica and Colombia, The Journal of Island and Coastal Archaeology, 2:1,
4-23, DOI: 10.1080/15564890701219685

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Journal of Island & Coastal Archaeology, 2:4–23, 2007
Copyright © 2007 Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
ISSN: 1556-4894 print / 1556-1828 online
DOI:10.1080/15564890701219685

Simulating Prehistoric Sea

Contacts between Costa
Rica and Colombia
Richard T. Callaghan1 and Warwick Bray2
1
Department of Archaeology, University of Calgary, Calgary, Alberta, Canada
2
Institute of Archaeology, University College, London, Great Britain

ABSTRACT

Computer simulations of prehistoric voyaging are used to

examine direct cultural contacts and possible movements of
people between the Caribbean Coast of Colombia and Costa Rica.
Contact is recognized archaeologically in the first millennium
BC. Between about AD 200 and AD 800/900, and in the suc-
ceeding Tairona period of Colombia (ninth century to Spanish
conquest), the closest cultural similarities are seen in Costa Rica
and Colombia with less similarity occurring in the intervening
regions. Artifact assemblages suggest direct contacts between
the two regions. Direct, open-sea voyages between Costa Rica
and the Tairona region are simulated. The following questions
are asked. (1) Are such voyages feasible, and under what
condition? (2) Could they have been made in both directions?
Should we think of planned and continuous contacts or of a
one-way migration, accidental, or deliberate? If the latter, in
which direction? The simulated voyages demonstrate that it is
feasible to drift accidentally from the Tairona region to Costa
Rica. Intentional voyages from the Tairona region to Costa Rica
can be accomplished almost year round; the same is true from
Costa Rica. The simulation does not provide an explanation for
the archaeological patterning, but it is consistent with strong
contact between Costa Rica and the Tairona region, and some
contact in-between.

Keywords archaeology, Caribbean, voyaging, cultural contacts, computer simulations

Received 27 June 2006; accepted 21 November 2006.

Address correspondence to Richard T. Callaghan, Department of Archaeology, University of Calgary,
Calgary, Alberta T2N 1N4, Canada. E-mail: rcallagh@ucalgary.ca

4

INTRODUCTION
The beginnings of human seafaring can
be traced well into the Pleistocene (Er-
landson 2001:323–326). Such evidence
comes from a wide range of locations
around the world. In the Americas,
evidence comes from the Channel Is-
lands of California perhaps as early as
13,000 years ago. Simulation models
have played an important role in the
study of maritime migrations by humans
in a variety of areas around the world.
In this study, we use computer simula-
tions of prehistoric voyaging to examine
questions of cultural contacts and pos-
sible movements of people along the
Caribbean Coast of Central and South
America, from Costa Rica to eastern
Figure 1. The Caribbean Sea.
JOURNAL OF ISLAND & COASTAL ARCHAEOLOGY
Simulating Prehistoric Sea Contacts
Colombia (Figure 1). Contact of some
sort can be recognized archaeologically
in the first millennium BC (Bray 1984),
and around AD 1 there is evidence that
artifacts and ideas were moving in all
directions along the western Caribbean
coastal zones. This is not unexpected,
since most of the area was occupied by
peoples who spoke Chibchan languages
and may have shared a common history.
It is likely that communication and trade
was both overland and by canoe traffic.
There is, however, one unexplained
anomaly in the archaeological pattern.
Between about AD 200 and AD 800–900
(corresponding with the Nahuange Pe-
riod in Colombian terminology), and
also during the succeeding Tairona Pe-
riod (ending with the Spanish conquest),
5
 Richard T. Callaghan and Warwick Bray
the closest cultural similarities are be-
tween the two ends of this chain, the
Atlantic watershed of Costa Rica and
the Tairona homeland in eastern Colom-
bia close to the modern city of Santa
Marta. Some of these similarities (cir-
cular stone house foundations, paved
roads, cist tombs, and burial mounds)
are too general to be conclusive, perhaps
more to do with the availability of suit-
able stone than with cultural contacts.
Other shared traits (e.g., small carvings
in colored stones, winged pendants,
a liking for gold-copper alloys, and a
particular range of metal ornaments)
are widespread throughout Lower Cen-
tral America during this period and
are therefore non-diagnostic. There are,
however, certain artifacts and patterns
of behavior that are very specific and
occur only in Atlantic Costa Rica and
the Tairona region. These include an
emphasis on the carving of jade and jade-
like stone, the custom of splitting jade
figurines into two vertical halves, and
conversion of the halves into horizontal
bar-pendants (Bray 2003, Figure 14),
and the use of miniature spoon-shaped
objects made of stone or clay (Bray 2003:
Figure 16).
In general terms, the idea of Costa
Rica-Tairona contacts is widely ac-
cepted, but because the archaeological
chronology is inadequate, we cannot yet
say where any particular trait originated
or which community was the ‘giver’
and which the ‘receiver’. Some au-
thors (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1965:157–158,
1998:198) see the direction of flow as
from Costa Rica to Colombia; others
(e.g., Snarskis 1998:90) argue the re-
verse. The situation is further compli-
cated by the linguistic data and the
uncertainties about the date and man-
ner of the introduction of Chibchan
languages from their presumed Isthmian
homeland into Tairona territory (Hoopes
and Fonseca 2003).
6 VOLUME 2 • ISSUE 1 • 2007
Comparing total artifact assemblages
it is clear that the cultures of the Isthmus
and the Tairona region are very different
and, given that not a single imported
Nahuange-Tairona item has been found
in Costa Rica, or unambiguous Costa
Rican object in Colombia, we must be
looking at cultural borrowings and not
at any sort of massive immigration or
displacement of peoples.
If this scenario is correct, we should
examine the possibility that direct, open-
sea voyages took place between Costa
Rica and the Tairona region without
making landfall in-between. If this turns
out to be the case, we must also ask
why. The intervening areas of Caribbean
Colombia and Lower Central Amer-
ica were not tierra incognita by the
first millennium AD (Bray 1984), so
geographical ignorance is not a valid
explanation. If not purely accidental,
voyages by a direct route may have
been designed to save time or to avoid
hostile territory. The questions put to
the simulation program were therefore
the following. (1) Are such voyages
feasible, and under what conditions? (2)
Could they have been made in both
directions? Should we think of planned
and continuous contacts or of a one-way
migration, accidental, or deliberate? If
the latter, in which direction?
ARCHAEOLOGICAL USE OF VOYAGING
SIMULATIONS
Computer simulations have allowed us
to go beyond some rather simplistic, un-
informed, and often incorrect assump-
tions about ancient voyages of discovery
and exploration. An example of this is
Andrew Sharp’s (1956) argument that
prehistoric methods of sailing and navi-
gation throughout the world were never
sophisticated enough to enable discov-
ery of new islands, fix their location, sail

home, and then either lead a deliberate
voyage of colonization back to their dis-
covery or reiterate to others how to get
there. Although the variables associated
with developing a simulation scenario
are often challenging, useable results
depend on the questions asked. More
general questions that assess whether
chance or intentional exploration was
involved in discovery, or what level of
navigational difficulty might be involved
in a particular passage, are more likely
to be answered than are very specific
questions, such as on which small island
would landfall be made upon initial
discovery.
This latter type of question was
asked by National Geographic’s team
of computer and other specialists in
1986 concerning which of the Bahamas
Islands was likely the first on which
Columbus landed. While the effort was
generally considered successful, it was
probably unnecessary to amass such a
team since the outcome was the same
as that proposed by Gustavus V. Fox in
AD 1882 (Fuson 1987). Sometimes, if
data such as ship logs exist, answers to
very specific questions may not require
computer simulations at all.
To illustrate the potential of simu-
lated voyaging models and the kinds of
questions that have been addressed, six
examples are provided. The cases deal
with: (1) Polynesian dispersal (Irwin
1989; Levison et al. 1973); (2) the peo-
pling of Australia (Thorne and Raymond
1989); (3) Japanese contact with the
Northwest Coast of North America dur-
ing the Edo Period (Callaghan 2003a);
(4) prehistoric trade between Ecuador
and West Mexico (Callaghan 2003b);
(5) the peopling of the Greater Antilles
(Callaghan 2003c, 1999); and, (6) in-
teraction between the islands of the
eastern Caribbean during the Ceramic
Age (Callaghan 2001). The simulation
JOURNAL OF ISLAND & COASTAL ARCHAEOLOGY
Simulating Prehistoric Sea Contacts
models applied in the Caribbean are
discussed briefly below.
Initially, the Caribbean program was
set up to investigate Pre-Columbian
maritime dispersal (Callaghan 1999). It
was flexibly designed to enable the
investigation of a number of problems
concerning maritime trade, contact, and
migration. In order to determine the
most likely staging area and route for
the Archaic Age colonization of the
Greater Antilles (see Callaghan 2003c),
both accidental and intentional voyages
from selected points on the coasts of
South America, Central America, and the
eastern Gulf of Mexico were simulated.
These simulations demonstrated
that chance discovery of the Greater
Antilles by crews lost at sea was greatest
from a staging area along the eastern
Colombia and western Venezuela coasts.
From points off Key West Florida and
Isla Mujeres, the rate of success was
significantly reduced. No discovery was
possible from other areas. Directed voy-
ages from the three staging areas were
successful in reaching the Greater An-
tilles with very minimal risk to crews,
although superior navigational knowl-
edge would be required for voyages
beginning in northern Central America
or Florida.
A second application of the program
investigated the issue of inter-island sea-
faring and the potential for interaction
during the Ceramic Age in the Antilles
(Callaghan 2001). The results showed
that there were no environmental or
technological barriers to any inter-island
navigation or to direct contact with the
South American mainland from which
the Ceramic Age cultures came. Any
patterns of interaction emerging from
archaeological investigations, such as
the analysis of lapidary and other trade
items, would have to be due to social,
political, or economic factors.
7
 Richard T. Callaghan and Warwick Bray
The third application of a voyag-
ing simulation model in the Caribbean
(Callaghan 2003c) addressed the same
question as in the first (Callaghan 1999)
regarding the origin of the first people
in the Greater Antilles. In this case, a
second generation program was used
that enabled increased accuracy. The
results indicated that eastern Colombia
and western Venezuela were the most
likely points of origin. They also indi-
cated that while contact with northern
Central America and Florida was likely,
the contact was probably initiated from
the Greater Antilles. The mainland point
of origin has been corroborated by DNA
testing of skeletal material (Lalueza-Fox
et al. 2003) and a review of 14 C dates
showing that the oldest sites are in the
northern Antilles and get progressively
younger as one moves south (Fitzpatrick
2006).
THE SIMULATION PROGRAM
The simulation program used here is
based on the United States Navy Marine
Climatic Atlas (US Navy 1995) and in-
cludes all of the world’s seas and oceans
with the exception of Arctic waters. The
data is organized at a resolution of one
degree Marsden squares (one degree of
longitude by one degree of latitude).
In particular, this allows the effects of
smaller and more variable currents to
be more accurately reflected in the out-
comes. Simulations can be started on any
day of the year and automatically shifts
to the database for the following month,
after the month originally selected for
has expired. This feature reflects the re-
ality of changing wind and current con-
ditions over long voyages. A conversion
to spherical coordinates increases posi-
tional accuracy outside of the tropics.
Finally, the program allows the op-
erator to change the heading of a vessel
8 VOLUME 2 • ISSUE 1 • 2007
during a voyage to reflect decisions
made by the crew. This last feature is
important when assessing the level of
skill required to reach a selected tar-
get. In its basic operation, the program
makes a weighted random selection
of direction and speed for wind and
current from the Marine Climatic Atlas
(US Navy 1995) database. The weighting
reflects the percentage of observations
reporting specific conditions for each
month. These data have been compiled
from ship reports and other sources
since the early nineteenth century. A
course is chosen for the vessel unless
undirected drift voyages are being in-
vestigated. Performance data, calculated
using either naval architecture programs
or field tests, are then used to determine
the ratio of vessel velocity to true wind
velocity. Wind and current forces are
allowed to affect the vessel for a 24-
hour period and a new position for
the vessel is then calculated. A new
heading is chosen every 24 hours to
move the vessel in the desired direction.
Success can be defined as sighting an
area of interest, either a coastline of the
mainland or of an island. It can also be
defined as actually making landfall.
WATERCRAFT
The first issue in this type of analysis is
to make a reasonable assumption about
the watercraft that may have been used
in the region at relevant time periods.
Human occupations on the islands of
the Caribbean indicate the use of some
form of watercraft. The earliest human
occupation known in the Caribbean
Islands dates to approximately 3000
BC for Cuba (Kozlowski 1974) and
4000 BC for Hispaniola (Moore 1991).
The only circum-Caribbean region with
archaeological data that can be used to
make assumptions about watercraft at
that time is Florida.

Florida has a substantial number of
prehistoric canoes due to the excellent
preservation in its wet sites (Hartmann
1996; Newsom and Purdy 1990; Purdy
1991), the earliest of which dates to
ca. 4000 BC. This canoe, from DeLeon
Springs, has an upward curving bow, is
relatively thin, and shows charring on
the interior. The next oldest radiocarbon
date for a Florida canoe is ca. 3000 BC
from the same site. This second canoe
is fire hollowed with no attempt to
modify the bow and stern. This style may
represent an unfinished or expediently
crafted canoe. Given the evidence for
early canoes, it is reasonable to assume
that dugout canoes of at least this level
of technology had a wider distribution in
the circum-Caribbean region and were
not necessarily limited to Florida.
For this study, a Mayan canoe from
southern Belize was used. This general
style is fairly common in Central Amer-
ica (Roberts and Shackleton 1983) and
closely resembles some of the vessels
described in early historic documents
from the Caribbean (1983:13–26). Be-
cause of the widespread distribution of
these canoes we suspect that they have a
great antiquity. They are very stable and
capable of carrying large quantities of
goods or people. Canoes of this style are
likely to have been the kind encountered
by Columbus (Las Casas 1875:108–111)
along the coast of Central America and
appear well designed for long-distance
travel. The performance characteristics
were determined by direct experimen-
tation in the field and the use of naval
architecture programs.
PROPULSION
The question of the aboriginal use of
sails in the study area is rather prob-
lematic. Historical documents from the
contact period are ambiguous at best
JOURNAL OF ISLAND & COASTAL ARCHAEOLOGY
Simulating Prehistoric Sea Contacts
on the subject. Some of this ambiguity
might be resolved if a good analysis of
fifteenth-century Spanish nautical terms
were available. For instance, in Span-
ish, the verb “navegar” can mean “to
sail,” but it can also mean “to navigate”
or simply “to move about”; the noun
“vela”—“sail,”—can also mean “awning”
(Williams Spanish and English Dictio-
nary 1978). Such dual meanings, or
meanings that differ between nautical
usage and common usage, are not un-
common (Morrison 1949).
Oviedo y Valdes (1851:170–171)
gives the earliest seemingly clear state-
ment on canoes equipped with sails
that we have been able to locate in the
literature. Thompson (1949:71) takes
the statement as incontrovertible evi-
dence that sails were used before con-
tact. Though the phrase “navegan con
velas de algodon” (Oviedo y Valdes
1851:171) is in context most likely
translated as “they sail (or navigate)
with sails of cotton,” there is another
possibility. The phrase could mean “they
move about with awnings of cotton.”
On Columbus’ fourth voyage (Las Casas
1875:108–111), he encountered canoes
with awnings or shelters—“toldos.” A
better appreciation of late fifteenth- and
early sixteenth-century Spanish usage of
both “toldos” and “velas” is necessary
before the passage is taken as definitive
proof of sails.
Still, we do not feel that the passage
can be used to support an argument
for the precontact use of sails. Oviedo
y Valdes (1851:171) begins the relevant
paragraph with “Estas he visto”—“These
(canoes) I have seen.” He is clearly
speaking from personal experience.
Oviedo y Valdes arrived at Darien in
AD 1514 and spent most of the period
from AD 1532 to 1546 at Santo Domingo,
Hispanola. It was during his stay at Santo
Domingo that he began writing Historia
Natural y General de las Indias (1851)
9
 Richard T. Callaghan and Warwick Bray
from which the above quotes are taken.
Much of the work is based on second
hand accounts but, as noted, the relevant
passage is a personal observation. It
also pertains specifically to Hispanola
(1851:170). Therefore he cannot have
made the observation before AD 1514
and more likely not before 1532. Either
source dates to the period after contact.
In reference to Oviedo y Valdes, Sauer
(1966:38) points out “Espanola he knew
briefly at a time of advanced decline and
later reconstructed its early condition
from what he was told by early settlers.”
For these reasons we do not believe
that Oviedo y Valdes’ statements can be
taken as evidence for the precontact use
of sails.
Thompson (1949:72) gives a brief
discussion of Mayan words “sail,” “to
hoist sail,” and “to navigate with sail.”
This does however need some clarifica-
tion, as it seems strange that the words
were replaced in colonial times with
the Mayan word for “standard.” Epstein
(1990) gives an analysis of this and other
evidence for the use of sails in the
Caribbean and clearly rejects the idea.
In light of Oviedo y Valdes’ state-
ments that sails were used on canoes
in the early sixteenth century, the story
of Friar Blasius is curious. The story
is recounted by John Stoneman, the
pilot of the ship Richard of Plimouth
which rescued Friar Blasius from the
Island Caribs on Dominica in 1606. The
relevant part of the story is as follows:
And that hee [Friar Blasius] had
beene there sixteene moneths
a Slave unto those Savages; and
that other two Friars which were
of his company they had mur-
thered and throwne into the
Sea. We demanded of him then,
how he got so much favour to
preserve his life, his Brethern be-
ing murthered: Hee answered,
10 VOLUME 2 • ISSUE 1 • 2007
because hee did shew the Sav-
ages how to fit them Sayles for
their Cannoas, and so to ease
them of much labour often in
rowing, which greatly pleased
the Savages as appeared, for
wee saw them to use sayles in
their Cannoas, which hath not
beene seene before (Stoneman
1965:285—286).
Even though the Island Caribs were
less affected by Europeans than the
Taino of the Greater Antilles in the early
historic period, they would have had a
great deal of opportunity to observe sails
in use over the century between initial
contact and 1606. The story is, however,
hard to interpret in any other way than
that they did not use sails until Friar
Blasius introduced them.
The story of Mendez de Segura,
who sailed a canoe from Jamaica to
Hispanola after Columbus and his men
were shipwrecked there on the fourth
voyage, has some bearing on indigenous
hull shapes and sailing. In preparing the
canoe for the voyage, Mendez de Segura
(1932:130) states:
On the following day I drew
my canoe on shore, and fixed
a false keel to it, and pitched
and greased it, and I nailed some
boards on the stern and bow
as a defence against the sea
that it might not come in as it
might come owing to the low
freeboard. And I put up a mast
and sail, and laid in the supplies
necessary for me and for one
Christian and for six Indians, for
we were eight persons, and the
canoe would not carry more.
This account of Mendez de Segura
suggests that hull shapes of native ca-
noes were not suitable for use with sails.

Despite a lack of clear evidence for
sails in Precolumbian times, we do not
doubt that small square sails were on
occasion used before European contact.
However, the lack of modification to the
dugout hulls which would make sailing
efficient and safe, leads us to believe
that sails had neither a long history of
use in the area, nor that they were
relied upon for long-distance travel. We
agree with Clinton Edwards (1965) that
the evidence for the use of sail in the
Caribbean region is inconclusive.
SURVIVAL
Survival as defined in the simulations
refers to the crew rather than the vessel.
The three main factors affecting survival
at sea are sea surface temperature, wa-
ter, and food. These factors are all de-
pendent on the duration of the voyage.
McCance et al. (1956:6,13) used
the records of approximately 27,000
individuals forced to abandon ship dur-
ing World War II to produce survival
tables based on sea surface temper-
ature (1956:13–19). Sea temperatures
between 10◦ C and 19.9◦ C resulted in a
52% death rate on voyages of 15 days
length or greater. When sea temperature
was between 20◦ C and 31◦ C the death
rate was 13% on voyages of 15 days or
more. Within the Caribbean and Gulf
area, sea surface temperatures reach
lows of 16◦ C to 19.9◦ C from December
to February, but only in the coastal
waters off the north shore of the Gulf
of Mexico. Hence, temperature has very
little effect on the potential for survival
in this problem.
It is also clear that risk is determined
by length of time at sea. Long drift
voyages in open boats due to shipwreck
or other misfortune are well known for
the Pacific Ocean (Howay 1944; Levison
et al. 1973:20–21) under conditions sim-
JOURNAL OF ISLAND & COASTAL ARCHAEOLOGY
Simulating Prehistoric Sea Contacts
ilar to the Caribbean. The maximum
recorded drift seems to be on the order
of seven to eight months. There are
several voyages recorded that covered
distances of around 3,000 miles over a
period of six to ten weeks, and a great
number that went shorter distances.
Once accidental contact between the
two areas of interest is made, we can
assume that voyages of intent had ade-
quate provisions.
Lee (1965:96, 99) states that
the maximum length of time an
individual can be deprived of
water under survival conditions
is 10 days. The availability of
water, however, is very difficult
to work into a model of this
nature. As stated by Levison et
al. (1973:20), “between the ex-
tremes of no water and ample
water the whole range of unpre-
dictable situations makes it im-
practical to construct a separate
risk table for this factor.”
Information regarding precipitation
for the study area is given in
the Appendix Atlas of Defense Map-
ping Hydrographic/Topographic Cen-
ter (DMAH/TC) Pub. 140 (1983:12–13,
34–35, 56–58, 78–79). Unfortunately,
these data consist only of the number
of observations in which precipitation
was recorded and the associated wind
direction. No actual quantities are given;
this is understandable given that the
information is obtained from the records
of moving vessels. In the Caribbean,
precipitation is usually associated with
winds from the eastern half of the com-
pass except in the eastern Caribbean
during October when winds come from
the southwest quadrant.
There are several other sources
of drinking water besides precipitation
when at sea. Bombard (1986:61) was,
11
 Richard T. Callaghan and Warwick Bray
at times, able to collect nearly a pint of
water from dew during survival experi-
ments in the Mediterranean. Conditions
for condensation are at least as good
and usually better in the study area
than in the Mediterranean (Appendix
Atlas of DMAH/TC Pub.140 1983:10–11,
32–33, 54–55, 76–77). While displace-
ment vessels have an advantage over
rafts in that the hull will collect dew,
almost any material (including cloth,
matting, and leather) can be used to
collect water particles. Lee and Lee
(1980:139–160) cite instances where
water has been obtained by shipwreck
survivors, from fish and barnacles, or
where blood was a viable substitute.
Bombard (1986:212–213) states:
I had no rainwater for the first
twenty-three days [in the North
Atlantic]. During the whole of
that period I proved conclu-
sively that I could quench my
thirst from fish and that the sea
itself provides the liquid nec-
essary to health. After leaving
Monaco, I drank seawater for
fourteen days in all and fish
juice for forty-three days. I had
conquered the menace of thirst
at sea.
I had been told that drink-
ing seawater was laxative, but
during the long period of
our Mediterranean fast neither
Palmer nor I had a single mo-
tion for eleven days. There was
no sign of the predicted self-
intoxication, and my mucous
membranes never became dry.
It must be pointed out that in order
to survive by drinking sea water, one
must begin to drink small amounts be-
fore dehydration sets in.
Given a temperate climate, sufficient
water, and minimal activity, at least 30
12 VOLUME 2 • ISSUE 1 • 2007
days can be tolerated without food (Lee
1965:96, 99). Since in the drift voyages
modeled here it is assumed that one of
the main reasons for people to be at
sea in the first place is to exploit ma-
rine resources, the technological means
for obtaining food would likely be
available. Lee and Lee (1980:139–160)
describe instances of survivors eating
everything from non-vegetable plank-
ton to toredo borers. One report from
the Caribbean (1980:110–111) describes
barracuda leaping onto a life-raft, though
they were perceived more a threat than
a food source. Sharks, often of sizes
too small to be a threat, are commonly
reported following small vessels. Turtles
and sea birds are additional food sources
often reported available to survivors.
The richness of the marine resources
in the Caribbean are well attested to
in the early Spanish records (Sauer
1966:58–59). While canoes may be more
advantageous for obtaining water, rafts
seem to attract marine life in greater
numbers.
THE MARINE ENVIRONMENT
According to Clarke’s (1989:44) sum-
mary of weather patterns in the area to-
day, the Caribbean lies within the wind
belt known as the Northeast Trades.
With the exception of disturbances from
tropical cyclones, the weather is quite
stable. The prevailing winds are easterly
and usually steadiest in the south of
the region during the period between
December and May. Summer and fall are
warmer and more humid than winter
and spring. Cloud cover and rainfall
increase, as does thunderstorm activity,
and winds are often lighter and more
variable.
Tropical cyclones are most likely in
summer and fall. The northern limit of
the Northeast Trades is 28◦ N latitude
 Simulating Prehistoric Sea Contacts

Figure 2. Wind and current patterns for the study area in January. Wind roses show percentages
for clam (figure in circle) and the Cardinal and Intercardinal compass points. The arrows
fly with the wind. The length of the shaft, measured from outside the circle to the end of
the visible shaft using the scale, gives the percentage of total observations.

and is reached between July and Septem-
ber. At this time, the strongest and stead-
iest winds pass through the middle of
the region; near the northern limit they
tend to be more variable. The limit shifts
south to about 24◦ N between February
and April. On average, the winds blow
11–15 knots from the east-northeast.
On the coast of South America, winds
are steadiest in winter because of the
southern shift of the central portion of
the trade wind belt. The wind shifts east
to southeast in the summer with the
return of the trades.
Specific conditions encountered
along the routes between the Tairona
region and Costa Rica can be found
in the National Imagery and Mapping
Agency’s Sailing Directions (Enroute):
Caribbean Sea Volume II (2001:67–68,
85). The region from Santa Marta to the
Panama Canal is outside of normal hurri-
cane paths. In November or December
the dry season sets in and lasts until April
or May. The wet season then develops
for the rest of the year and brings
torrential rains. Hurricanes, though, are
very rare in this region. Figures 2–5 are
adapted from Pilot Charts of Central
American Waters (DMAH/TC Pub. 106
1982) and show the wind and current
patterns for the months of January, April,
July, and October.
Climate change must also be con-
sidered. Hodell et al. (1991) present
a high-resolution reconstruction of the
Caribbean climate for the past 10,500
years based on 18 O/16 O ratios in ostracod

JOURNAL OF ISLAND & COASTAL ARCHAEOLOGY 13

 Richard T. Callaghan and Warwick Bray

Figure 3. Wind and current patterns for the study area in April. Wind roses show percentages for
clam (figure in circle) and the Cardinal and Intercardinal compass points. The arrows
fly with the wind. The length of the shaft, measured from outside the circle to the end of
the visible shaft using the scale, gives the percentage of total observations.

shells, from Lake Miragoane in Haiti.
Variation in the ratios reflects changes in
precipitation for the period. From about
2400 BP to 1500 BP the 18 O/‘16 O values
and variation are very similar to those for
the past 900 years (1991: Figure 2). The
values indicate a drying trend for both
periods (1991:792). For the intervening
years from 1500 to 900 BP, the values
indicate a brief wetter period, but not as
wet as the early to mid-Holocene. While
there is variation in rainfall for the period
of interest here, it does not approach
the overall variation for the past 10,500
years. Hodell et al. (1991:792) note
the correlation between precipitation
anomalies and variation in the annual
climatic cycle in the Caribbean region
discussed above: “Enhancement of the
annual cycle led to years of anoma-
lously high precipitation, whereas a
reduction led to a deficient rainy sea-
son” (1991:792). Thus, reconstruction
of variation in precipitation should be
an accurate indicator of variation in the
annual cycle, although we should be
cautious in generating regional climatic
conditions based on one or two studies.
Climatologists and archaeologists work-
ing in the Pacific are showing that there
are many local changes (Allen 2006) and
using worldwide or regional data might
not be accurate. Some recent studies in
the Caribbean suggest similar anomalies
(Callaghan 2003c).
The annual cycle is controlled by the
summer displacement of the North At-
lantic subtropical high by the northward

14 VOLUME 2 • ISSUE 1 • 2007

 Simulating Prehistoric Sea Contacts

Figure 4. Wind and current patterns for the study area in July. Wind roses show percentages for
clam (figure in circle) and the Cardinal and Intercardinal compass points. The arrows
fly with the wind. The length of the shaft, measured from outside the circle to the end of
the visible shaft using the scale, gives the percentage of total observations.

movement of the Inter Tropical Con-
vergence Zone and the reverse move-
ment in winter, which in turn con-
trol wind and current patterns in the
Caribbean. Hodell et al. (1991:792) com-
pared their data with the changes in
annual cycle intensity estimated from
the seasonal insolation difference at the
top of the atmosphere at 10◦ N be-
tween August and February and found
the changes in the two records for
their 10,500-year period to be simi-
lar. This reinforces the conclusion that
while variations from present climatic
conditions, including surface wind pat-
terns, existed in the Caribbean during
the period of interest, they were not
substantial.
Finally as part of the marine environ-
ment, sighting distances are important.
Along the entire coastline from Santa
Marta to Costa Rica there are some
prominent landmarks. Two of these are
particularly notable for this study. The
first is the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta
near the Caribbean Coast of Colombia.
Rising about 5,775 meters, it has a con-
siderable theoretical sighting distance
from the coast. From the north it can
be sighted 125 nautical miles (231.5
km) off the coast, from the northwest
118 nautical miles (218.5), and from the
west 60 nautical miles (111.1 km). The
second landmark is Cerro Matama in
Costa Rica with a height of 2,250 meters.
Its theoretical sighting distance from the

JOURNAL OF ISLAND & COASTAL ARCHAEOLOGY 15

 Richard T. Callaghan and Warwick Bray

Figure 5. Wind and current patterns for the study area in October. Wind roses show percentages for
clam (figure in circle) and the Cardinal and Intercardinal compass points. The arrows
fly with the wind. The length of the shaft, measured from outside the circle to the end of
the visible shaft using the scale, gives the percentage of total observations.

east is about 75 nautical miles (139 km) no particular attempt to navigate in a

off the coast.
THE EXPERIMENTS
One hundred drift voyages were simu-
lated for each month of the year from
within the Tairona region of Colom-
bia. Voyages were undirected with oc-
cupants of the vessels making no at-
tempt to steer to a particular bearing.
Dening (1963:138–153) notes that the
limited empirical evidence of known
drift voyages in Polynesia suggests a
common pattern of behavior in which
sailors conclude they are lost early in
the voyage and respond by allowing
the vessel to drift before the wind with
particular direction. This strategy allows
close to the maximum distance to be
covered in a given time when there is
no clear indication of relative location.
Success was defined as coming within
10 nautical miles (18.52 km) of the Costa
Rican Coast. This is a very reasonable
distance for sighting land even under
adverse conditions. One hundred drift
voyages were also simulated for each
month of the year from off the coast of
Costa Rica. The parameters of sighting
distance and crew strategy were the
same as for the east-to-west drift from
the Tairona region.
Once the feasibility of accidental
discovery from either the east or west
was determined, directed voyages were

16 VOLUME 2 • ISSUE 1 • 2007


investigated. Here the same sighting
distances were used, but occupants of
the vessels paddled towards their target,
either the Tairona region or Costa Rica.
One hundred voyages were simulated
for each month from each direction.
Now, rather than being allowed to drift,
the canoes were paddled by their occu-
pants (eight per canoe) in shifts of four,
eight hours at a time. The speeds used
were calculated from tests in the field,
naval architecture programs (Callaghan
1999), and the human-endurance data
provided by Horvath and Finney (1976).
With regard to navigation skill, the only
assumption was that the occupants di-
rected the canoe either east or west. A
range of paddled speeds of 2.0 knots
and 3.4 knots was employed. The pad-
dled speed of 3.4 knots is the maxi-
mum that field tests (Callaghan 1999;
Horvath and Finney 1976) suggested as
feasible.
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
In our simulation models, undirected
drift voyages from the Tairona region
(Table 1) have a success rate ranging
from 5% to 35%. The months when
this is possible are from June to Jan-
uary, except for November. This is the
wet season when precipitation would
provide some drinking water. There is
considerable variation in the duration of
Table 1. Successful drift voyages from Tairona to Costa Rica per month with
duration in days.
Month January February March
Percent 5% 0% 0%
Days 17–18 (17) N/A N/A
Month July August September
Percent 14% 10% 34%
Days 15–29 (20) 11–21 (14) 28–160 (62)
Days in brackets are averages.
JOURNAL OF ISLAND & COASTAL ARCHAEOLOGY
Simulating Prehistoric Sea Contacts
voyages, ranging from 15 to 182 days.
The longest voyages are close to the
maximum recorded for open boat drift
voyages in the tropical Pacific. However,
the extremes are infrequent and the
averages range from 17 to 54 days. If
the extreme outliers were discarded, the
upper figure for average days would be
reduced. Figure 6 shows the simulated
drift voyages from east to west for
October beginning within the Tairona
region nine nautical miles off the coast
at 11◦ 47 30 N, 74◦ 15 22 W.
From off the coast of Costa Rica,
undirected drift voyages have no chance
of making landfall in the Tairona region.
However, in June, August, September,
and October, a significant number of
landfalls were made to the south of the
region and more approached it closely
before being diverted west by the winds
and currents. Figure 7 shows the drift
patterns for September 30 km off the
coast starting at 10◦ 20 14 N, 82◦ 30
46 W.
For intentional voyages with a pad-
dled speed of 2.0 knots (Table 2) from
the Tairona region, successful landfalls
in Costa Rica range from 40% to 84%
depending on the month of the year.
High success rates include the rainy
season, indicating that drinking water
would not likely have been a problem.
The shortest duration for such a voyage
is 6 days and the longest 12. Given the
short duration of the voyages, and the
April May June
0% 0% 21%
N/A N/A 21–139 (38)
October November December
35% 0% 4%
33–182 (55) N/A 17–26 (21)
17
 Richard T. Callaghan and Warwick Bray

Figure 6. Drift voyages from within the Tairona region for October (source 11◦ 47 30 N, 74◦ 15
22 W).

fact that the crew would be prepared
for the trip, survival is expected to be
very high. Figure 8 shows the pattern
for January, the month with the highest
success rate with voyages beginning 15
km off the coast at 11◦ 39 57 , 74◦ 25
45 W.
Traveling from 25 km off the Coast
Rican coast (10◦ 15 29 N, 82◦ 46 26
W) to the Tairona region with a paddled
speed of 2.0 knots, there is a much lower
success rate. Success ranges from 1% to
8% in the months from June to October.
Although success is low, it is possible
during the rainy season. Furthermore,
in some months, notably September
and October (Figure 9), the majority
of voyages make landfall just south of
the Tairona region. In the simulation
no attempts were made by the crew to
navigate other than to keep a heading
due east. If the crew were knowledge-
able of landmarks, it would be a simple
matter to change course north reaching
the Tairona region within and additional
one or two days. Duration of the voyages
without a course correction ranged from
seven to ten days making crew survival
high.
An interesting point is that in all
months, most of the voyages that were
unsuccessful in reaching the Tairona
region made landfall in the area around
Colón. Voyagers could simply have ad-
justed course and continued on to their
destination. It is difficult to imagine

18 VOLUME 2 • ISSUE 1 • 2007

 Simulating Prehistoric Sea Contacts

Table 2. Successful intentional voyages with a paddling speed of 2 knots.

Tairona to Costa Rica

Month January February March April May June
Percent 84% 70% 69% 80% 79% 59%
Days 6–9 (7) 7–9 (8) 7–9 (8) 7–9 (8) 7–10 (9) 8–11 (9)
Month July August September October November December
Percent 83% 75% 40% 43% 77% 69%
Days 7–11 (10) 8–12 (10) 10–12 (11) 10–12 (11) 8–10 (9) 7–10 (9)

Costa Rica to Tairona

Month January February March April May June
Percent 0% 0% 0% 0% 0% 1%
Days N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A 7 (7)
Month July August September October November December
Percent 1% 7% 9% 8% 0% 0%
Days 7 (7) 5–10 (7) 6–8 (7) 7–10 (9) N/A N/A

Days in brackets are averages.

Figure 7. Drift voyages from off the Costa Rican coast for September (source 10◦ 20 14 N, 82◦ 30
46 W).

JOURNAL OF ISLAND & COASTAL ARCHAEOLOGY 19

 Richard T. Callaghan and Warwick Bray

Figure 8. Intentional voyages form within the Tairona region with a West heading and a paddled
speed of 2.0 knots (source 11◦ 39 57 , 74◦ 25 45 W).

voyagers not taking the opportunity
to rest and resupply unless the local
inhabitants were hostile. An absence of
Costa Rican or Tairona materials may
suggest the first scenario.
Karl Polanyi (1963) discusses various
forms of “Ports of Trade” in the ancient
world. In one form, “dumb barter,”
direct contact is not made between the
two parties. Along the North African
Coast, gold was exchanged for various
goods by placing an amount of gold
and goods in a spot with no face-to-face
contact. Amounts were increased until
either the gold or the goods were taken
by one or the other parties signifying
an agreed price. If raw materials and
perishable goods were exchanged in this
manner, identifying such contact would
be extremely difficult archaeologically.
Even with direct contact, exchange of
such materials would make detecting it
very unlikely.
Finally, if paddled speeds of 3.0
knots were used in the simulation, still
under the maximum of 3.4 knots, voy-
ages would have lasted five to seven
days. This is true for both east-to-west
and west-to-east voyages. At the higher
speed, far fewer voyages make land-
fall near Colon, but a great many do
pass within sighting distance. This again
raises the possibility of contact at that
location.

20 VOLUME 2 • ISSUE 1 • 2007

 Simulating Prehistoric Sea Contacts

Figure 9. Intentional voyages from off the coast of Costa Rica with an East heading and a paddled
speed of 2.0 knots (10◦ 15 29 N, 82◦ 46 26 W).

In summary, the simulation program
does not give unambiguous answers to
the archaeological questions. It can be
said, on the basis of simulated voyages,
that it is feasible to drift accidentally
from the Tairona region to Costa Rica. In
addition, this can easily happen within
time for the occupants of the vessel to
survive. Such direct voyages are more
likely to happen during the wet season,
to satisfy the requirements for water dur-
ing a lengthy voyage. It is very unlikely
for the same to have happened from
west to east. Intentional voyages from
the Tairona region to Costa Rica can be
accomplished almost year round. These
voyages can be done in reasonable time
even if the voyagers are not padding
at top speeds. The same can be said
for trips in the other direction from
Costa Rica. Coming directly from Costa
Rica to Tairona, it would have been
difficult to avoid making landfall along
the way, and any round-trip voyages,
whatever their starting point, probably
touched land at one or more points
in the Isthmus. The most likely place
for them to stop would be in the
coastal area of Panama near Colón, an
area not well known archaeologically.
Although archaeological investigations
may eventually reveal better evidence
for contact between the two regions, we
must remember that situations may exist
where the relationship between locals
and voyagers preclude the discovery of

JOURNAL OF ISLAND & COASTAL ARCHAEOLOGY 21

 Richard T. Callaghan and Warwick Bray
evidence indicating contact. Although
the simulation does not in itself provide
an explanation for the archaeological
patterning, it is consistent with the
possibility that there could have been
strong contact between Costa Rica and
the Tairona region, and some contact
with areas in between.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
We would like to thank Cristóbal
Gnecco and Alvaro Montenegro for
their comments on the manuscript. We
would also like to thank the editors,
Jon Erlandson and Scott M. Fitzpatrick,
for their suggestions and comments.
We are grateful to Michael Turney and
Rick Lalonde for the drafting of maps
and charts.
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